[Inhaltsverzeichnis von Engels]

1) Lewis H. Morgan, Ancient Society p. 1
2) J. W. B. Money, Java, or How to Manage a Colony " 99.
3) Sir J. Phear: The Aryan Village in India & Ceylon " 128
4) Dr. Rud. Sohm, Fränkisches Recht & Römisches Recht " 155.
5) Sir H. S. Maine, Lectures on the Early History of Institutions " 160
6)  Marx besaß das Buch. Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 578). Seine im vorliegenden Heft, S. 198–201, angefertigten Exzerpte aus dem Buch sind publiziert in: MEGA IV/31. S. 467–473.
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E. Hospitalier, Les principales applications de l’électricité
" 198.|

[Bibliographische Notizen]

Aus:
Henry Sumner Maine: Lectures on the early history of institutions. London 1875.
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 Marx hat schon im Heft 1877 diesen Titel sowie einige Auzüge daraus notiert nach Henry Adams: The Anglo-Saxon Courts of Law. In: Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law. Boston 1876. S. 1–54. Im vorliegenden Heft exzerpiert er eine andere Arbeit von Sohm (Fränkisches Recht und römisches Recht. Prolegomena zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte. Weimar 1880).
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Sohm: „Fränkische Reichs- u. Rechtsgeschichte Gerichtsverfassung.

W. F. Skene: „The Highlanders of Scotland“, 1837.

Idem: see his edit. of the Scotch chronicler Fordun (1872).   Bei Maine, S. 6: the same eminent antiquarian [Skene], in an appendix to his edition of the Scottish chronicler, Fordun, published in 1872 […] – S. 101/102: Mr. Skene’s valuable note on “Tribe Communities in Scotland” (appended to the second volume of his edition of Fordun’s Chronicle)
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Hier, in Second volume note on „Tribe Communities in Scotland“ . nämlich his appendix dazu

  Bei Maine, S. 6: Quite recently, also, M. Le Play and others have come upon plain traces of such communities in several parts of France.
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Das Zeug des Le Play .

 Bei Maine, S. 9: the Ancient Laws of Ireland, the so-called Brehon laws – S. 8: The first volume […] was published in 1865; the second in 1869; the third […] has only just appeared.

Engels hatte 1870 die bis dahin erschienenen zwei Bände erworben und darin „herumgestöbert“ (siehe seinen Brief an Marx vom 29. April 1870; siehe auch die Briefe vom 29. November 1869, 9. Februar, 22. Februar, 7. März, 8. Mai und 15. Mai 1870). Das Exemplar des zweiten Bandes aus seinem Besitz ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 18).
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Ancient Law Laws of Ireland Brehon laws. (translation published at the expence of Gvt, first vol. pub. 1865, 2nd vol. 1869 , 3d 1875 1873 )

Aus:
E[dward] B[urnett] Tylor: Forschungen über die Urgeschichte der Menschheit und die Entwickelung der Civilisation. Aus dem Englischen von H. Müller. Leipzig [1866].
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 Marx besaß das Buch von Tylor in der deutschen Übersetzung (E[dward] B[urnett] Tylor: Forschungen über die Urgeschichte der Menschheit und die Entwickelung der Civilisation. Aus dem Englischen von H. Müller. Leipzig [1866]). Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1339). Marx erwähnte Tylors „Forschungen“ in den Manuskripten zum zweiten Buch des „Kapital“ (siehe MEGA II/11). Auch bei Morgan wird Goguet genannt, aber nur der Name, ohne Titel des Werks, und mit falscher Schreibweise (Goquet). Siehe Morgan: Ancient Society. London 1877. S. 13, Fn. 1, sowie Marx’ Notizen unten.
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Goguet: „De l’origine des lois“.

Aus:
Henry Sumner Maine: Lectures on the early history of institutions. London 1875.
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 Bei Maine, S. 18: Edmund Spenser, in his “View of the State of Ireland,” […] – Die 1596 verfasste Schrift von Spencer war erstmals 1633 und danach in mehreren Ausgaben erschienen. Maine benutzte anscheinend die Ausgabe von 1633 (Edmund Spenser: A view of the state of Ireland, written dialogue-wise betweene Eudoxus and Irenæus, in the yeare 1596 … Dublin 1633. In: The historie of Ireland, collected by three learned authors, viz. Meredith Hanmer, Edmund Campion, and Edmund Spenser. Dublin 1633). Engels besaß eine spätere Ausgabe, die vermutlich Marx bekannter war (Edmund Spencer: A view of the state of Ireland … reprinted in: Ancient Irish histories. The works of Spencer, Campion, Hanmer, and Marleburrough. In 2 vol. Vol. 1. Dublin 1809). Sein Exemplar ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 17). Um 1870 hatte Engels es in seinem „Heft VI“ auch exzerpiert (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. J 20, S. 1–6).
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Spencer
.│ Engels exzerpierte 1869/1870 Sir John Davies, Historical Tracts, 1786 in seinem „Heft V“ (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. J 16, S. 2–9). In seinen Briefen an Marx zu dieser Zeit erwähnte er ihn häufig als Quelle für die alten irischen Gesetze (siehe Engels an Marx, 29. November, 13. Dezember 1869, 15. April, 29. April, 11. Mai 1870). Marx erwähnte ihn in seinem Brief an Engels vom 10. Dezember 1869: „Den Davies habe ich extractweis viel gelesen. Das Buch selbst hatte ich nur oberflächlich durchblättert im Museum. Du verpflichtest mich also, wenn Du mir die auf common property bezüglichen Stellen ausschreibst.“
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Sir John Davis
 Zusatz von Marx. Vermutlich bezieht sich Marx auf John P[atrick] Prendergast: The Cromwellian settlement of Ireland. London 1865. Engels exzerpierte dieses Buch um 1870 (kurze Auszüge innerhalb seiner Exzerpten aus Matthew O’Conor: The history of the Irish catholics from the settlement in 1691 … Pt. 1. Dublin 1813, IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. J 18; J 20, S. 12–21; J 21, S. 1/2). Er erwähnte es in seinen Briefen an Marx vom 17. November, 29. November, 13. Dezember 1869 (zusammen mit Davies), 19. Januar und 25. Januar 1870 sowie in seinem Brief an Jenny Longuet vom 24. Februar 1881 (RGASPI, Sign. f. 1, op. 1, d. 5661). Marx erwähnte es in seinem Brief an Engels vom 17. Dezember 1869. Das Buch war, so Engels in seinem Brief an Marx vom 25. Januar 1870, „wichtig wegen der vielen Auszüge aus ungedruckten Acten“. Die zweite Ausgabe (London 1870) erwähnte Engels in einem Brief an Sigismund Ludwig Borkheim von Anfang März 1872 (siehe Borkheim an Friedrich Adolph Sorge, 15. März 1872, RGASPI, Sign. f. 1, op. 1, d. 5787 (Kopie)).
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Prendergast.

Published by the Government of Madras: „Papers on Mirasi Right“ (Madras 1862).

 Bei Maine, S. 77: M. Rénan has discovered them [i.e. village-communities] among the obscurer Semitic tribes in Northern Africa. – Vermutlich bezog sich Maine auf Ernest Renan: La société Berbère. In: Revue des deux mondes. 43. année – seconde période. T. 107. Paris 1873. S. 138–157. Allerdings handelte es sich bei diesem Artikel um die Besprechung eines kurz zuvor erschienenen einschlägigen Werks (A[dolphe] Hanoteau, A[ristide] Letourneux: La Kabylie et les coutumes kabyles. Vol. 1–3. Paris 1872/1873), und Renan erklärte einleitend, dass die Berber weder zur „groupe indo-européen“ noch zur „groupe sémitique“ gehörten, sondern eine eigene Gruppe bildeten.
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Renan (Semitic tribes in Northern Africa).

Patterson (Fortnightly Review. N. XCIV XLIV ) (House Community in Croatia, Dalmatia, Illyria).

Dupin ( Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 80: It is a remarkable fact that assemblages of kinsmen, almost precisely the counterpart of the House-Communities surviving among the Slavonians, were observed bei M. Dupin, in 1840, in the French Department of the Nièvre

Maine bezieht sich offensichtlich auf [André Marie Jean Jacques Dupin:] Excursion dans la Nièvre. Visite à la communauté de Jault. Lettre de M. Dupin à M. Étienne. Rassigny en Morvan, le 22 septembre 1840. Paris [1840].
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nicht wo!
1840 über House Communities in Departement of Nièvre.)

Freeman: „Comparative Politics“.

Tocqueville: „Ancien régime“ (see I. 18)│ Coote: „Neglected Fact in English History“.

Rev. H. Dugmore: „Compendium of Kaffir Laws and Customs“. Thorpe: „Ancient Laws“.

 Der Titel wird auch im „Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1880–1881“ (S. 8) notiert.
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Hunter . „Orissa“.

Sullivan : edition of O’Curry’s Lectures , at the end of wich translated the Crith Gablach, a Brehon tract.

Dasent: „Story of Burnt Njal“. Coote: „Neglected Fact in English History“.
 Die 1596 verfasste Schrift war erstmals 1633 und danach in mehreren Ausgaben erschienen. Maine benutzte anscheinend die Ausgabe von 1633 (Edmund Spenser: A view of the state of Ireland, written dialogue-wise betweene Eudoxus and Irenæus, in the yeare 1596. … Dublin 1633. In: The historie of Ireland, collected by three learned authors, viz. Meredith Hanmer, Edmund Campion, and Edmund Spenser. Dublin 1633). Engels besaß eine spätere Ausgabe, die vermutlich Marx bekannter war (Edmund Spencer: A view of the state of Ireland …; reprinted in: Ancient Irish histories. The works of Spencer, Campion, Hanmer, and Marleburrough. In 2 vol. Vol. 1. Dublin 1809). Sein Exemplar ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 17). Um 1870 hatte Engels es in seinem „Heft VI“ auch exzerpiert (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. J 20, S. 1–6).
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Spencer: „View of the State of Ireland“.
 Engels exzerpierte 1869/1870 Sir John Davies, Historical Tracts, 1786 in seinem „Heft V“ (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. J 16, S. 2–9). In seinen Briefen an Marx aus dieser Zeit erwähnt er ihn häufig als Quelle für die alten irischen Gesetze (siehe Engels an Marx, 29. November, 13. Dezember 1869, 15. April, 29. April und 11. Mai 1870). Marx erwähnte ihn in seinem Brief an Engels vom 10. Dezember 1869: „Den Davies habe ich extractweis viel gelesen. Das Buch selbst hatte ich nur oberflächlich durchblättert im Museum. Du verpflichtest mich also, wenn Du mir die auf common property bezüglichen Stellen ausschreibst.“
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Sir John Davis: „Historical relations“.

Aus:
Thomas Strange: Hindu law; Principally with Reference to Such Portions of it as Concern the Administration of Justice, in the King’s Courts, in India, London 1830.
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 Vermutlich bezieht sich Strange auf R[obert] Rickards: India; or, facts submitted to illustrate the character and condition of the native inhabitants, with suggestions for reforming the present system of government. Pt. 1.4. London 1828–1832. Siehe bes. Pt. 1. S. 5–43 (Section 1: Casts of the Natives of India). Stranges Werk „Hindu Law“ erwähnt bzw. exzerpiert Marx im vorliegenden Heft in seinen Notizen aus Maine auf S. 186–189.
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See Rickards on subject of »Castes«
;   Hebers Bericht wird auch von H. C. Irwin erwähnt, aus dessen Buch Marx die folgenden bibliographischen Notizen übernimmt. Siehe bei Irwin, S. 112/113: We get an interesting glimpse of Oudh as it was in 1824 from Bishop Heber’s journal.

sd. edit. (vor \ in Year 1830): Zusatz von Marx.
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also Bishop Heber’s „Narrative“ v. II, p. 327, sd. edit. (vor \ in Year 1830)

Aus:
H[enry] C[rossley] Irwin: The garden of India; or chapters on Oudh history and affairs. London 1880.
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Col. Sleeman (Reise durch Oude).  Zusatz von Marx.

Die Angaben zu den Publikationen von Sleeman, Shore, Butter und Bell entnahm Marx dem Buch H[enry] C[rossley] Irwin: The garden of India; or chapters on Oudh history and affairs. London 1880. Das Buch befand sich in seinem Besitz, er hatte es von Irwin selbst erhalten. Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 610 und Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft 1880/1881). Marx hat das Buch in seinen Exzerpten aus Maine im vorliegenden Heft erwähnt. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Noch heut zu Tag …“.
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(sehr wichtig)

Dr Butter’s Report on the Southern District of Oudh. (1837)

Shore: „Notes on Indian Affairs“ u. Id. „Present State and Prospects of Oude“ (written 1835).

Dr. Butter: „Outlines of the Topography and Statistics of the Southern Districts of Oudh“. (1837)

Sleeman: „Tour in Oude“ (3 months’ march through Oude (1st of December 1849 bis 28 Febr. 1850;  Bei Irwin S. 140: a work which bears much the same relation, to compare small things with great, to the subsequent annexation of the province and the course of the mutiny, that Arthur Young’s “Travels in France” bears to the first French Revolution
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ist Analogon of Arthur Young’s „Travels in France“ vor d. French Revolution
).

Major Evans Bell: „Retrospects and Prospects of Indian Policy“.

Aus:
Lewis H[enry] Morgan: Ancient society or researches in the lines of human progress from savagery, through barbarism to civilization. London 1877.
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Quoted by Morgan.

  Letters on the Iroquois, by Skenandoah: addressed to Albert Gallatin, President New York Historical Society. In: The American Review: a Whig journal. New York. Vol. 5. 1847. Nr. 2, February. S. 177–190; Nr. 3, March. S. 242–257; Nr. 5, May. S. 447–461; Vol. 6. 1847. Nr. 5, November. S. 477–490; Nr. 6, December. S. 626–633. (Morgan, S. 65.) Marx hat diesen Titel nachträglich hinzugefügt (siehe Faksimile von S. [1a] ).
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L. H. Morgan : in American Review, 1847: „Letters on the Iroquois by Skenandoah“.

 Marx hat dieses Buch auch in seinem Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1880/1881 zweimal vermerkt.
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Lubbock: Prehistoric times.

 Marx besaß das Buch in der deutschen Übersetzung von H. Müller: Forschungen über die Urgeschichte der Menschheit und die Entwickelung der Civilisation. Leipzig 1866. Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1339). Der Titel ist in den Manuskripten zum zweiten Buch des „Kapital“ erwähnt (siehe MEGA II/11).
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Edwin Edward B. Tylor: „Early History of Mankind“.
 Bei Morgan, S. 14: In Lubbock’s Pre-Historic Times, in Tylor’s Early History of Mankind, and in Peschel’s Races of Man, the particulars respecting this art, and the extent of its distribution, have been collected with remarkable breadth of research.
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geben alle 3 viel über pottery
Peschel: „Races of Men“

  Anscheinend hat Marx diesen Titel hier zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt hinzugefügt (siehe Faksimile von S. [1a]).
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Bachofen: Das Mutterrecht, Stuttgart 1861.

 Marx hatte diesen Titel bereits notiert bei der Lektüre des Buchs von M. Kovalevskij: Общинное землевладѣніе, причины, ходъ и послѣдствія его разложенія. Ч. 1. Москва 1879.
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L. H. Morgan „Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family“ (1871).

id. „The League of the Iroquois“ ditto: „The American Beaver and his Works“.

Rev. Hiram Bingham: „Sandwich Islands“. Hartford. 1847.

Dr. Bartlett: „Historical Sketch of the Missions etc in the Sandwich Islands“.

Ueber die Australian classes, organized upon sex, see: Rev. Lorimer Fison (English missionary in Australia): „Proceedings of the Amer. Ac. of Arts and Sciences“, for 1872, vol. VIII, p. 412; ditto McLennan: Primitive marriage (p. 118) u. Tylor: Early Hist. of Mankind.

 Bei Morgan, S. 153, Fn. 4: Mr. Francis Parkman, author of the brilliant series of works on the colonization of America
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Francis Parkman several works on the colonization of America.

Carver „Travels in North-America“. Phil. ed. 1796 , p. 164 (über die „Dakotas“).

Schoolcraft : History of Indian Tribes.

Dall: „Alaska and its resources“ .

Brett „Indian Tribes of Guiana“.

Aus:
E[dward] B[urnett] Tylor: Forschungen über die Urgeschichte der Menschheit und die Entwickelung der Civilisation. Leipzig [1866]. Aus dem Englischen von H. Müller. S. 117.
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 Vermutlich hat Marx den Titel entnommen aus dem Buch E. B. Tylor: Forschungen über die Urgeschichte der Menschheit und die Entwickelung der Civilisation. Leipzig 1866. Aus dem Englischen von H. Müller. S. 117, das er besaß. Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1339). Marx erwähnte Tylors „Forschungen“ in den Manuskripten zum zweiten Buch des „Kapital“ (siehe MEGA II/11). Aus der gleichen Ausgabe entnahm Marx auch den obengenannten Titel des Buches von Goguet. (Sie Erl. dazu)
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Tylor „Mexico“
 Genauer: S. 156–161.
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(Ueber deren Irrigation p. 157–161).

Aus:
John B[udd] Phear: The Aryan village in India and Ceylon. London 1880.
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Grenier’s „Reports“ (Ceylon) for 1874 : p. Note of Mr. Nell , Appendix to Part I II.

Ribeyro , Knox ,  Korrigiert mit Rotstift von Engels.
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Valentyne Valentyn
(über Ceylon).

Growse: „Mathura“ (wegen der nonexistence der Kshatria caste).

Mr. La Touche “ recent: „Settlement Report of Ajmere and Mhairwarra“.

Aus:
H[enry] C[rossley] Irwin: The garden of India; or chapters on Oudh history and affairs. London 1880.
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 Dieses Memorandum ließ sich nicht ermitteln. Bei Irwin, S. 270: The local authorities having thus said their say, the running was taken up by Mr. (soon to become Sir William) Muir, who was then Secretary to the Government of India, in a very able “Memorandum on the Investigation into Tenant Rights in Oudh,” dated the 20th of October 1865. To this memorandum were added three appendices, on (1) the existing law and practice of Oudh courts in regard to cultivating tenures; (2) the result of the local inquiry into rights of non-proprietary cultivators; and (3) tenant-right in the N. W. Provinces and other parts of India.

Der zitierte Verweis auf das Memorandum von Muir ist in Marx’ Exemplar von Irwins Buch mit Blaustift unterstrichen (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 610 und Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft 1880/1881).
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Mr. Muir: (später Sir William Muir , damals Secretary to the Gvt of India): „Memorandum on the Investigation into tenant rights of Oudh“ (20 October 1865).

  Die Worte „Mr. Gubbins’ account of the Mutinies in Oudh …“ in Marx’ Exemplar von Irwins Buch sind mit Blaustift unterstrichen und am rechten Rand angekreuzt (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 610 und Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft 1880/1881).
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Gubbins: „Account of the Mutinies in Oudh“.

Aus:
Henry Sumner Maine: Lectures on the early history of institutions. London 1875.
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Forbes „Oriental Memoirs.“ (Darin II. 25 Lord Teignmouth’s description of „sitting dharna.“)

Aus:
Thomas Strange: Hindu law; Principally with Reference to Such Portions of it as Concern the Administration of Justice, in the King’s Courts, in India, London 1830.
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 Wahrscheinlich übernommen von S. 188 des vorliegenden Hefts, wo Marx seine Auszüge aus Maines „Lectures“ mit Exzerpten aus „Hindu law“ von Thomas Strange ergänzte, in denen auf „Post, p. 245“ verwiesen wird. Marx bezog sich offensichtlich nicht auf die Studien von Albert Hermann Post über „Die Geschlechtsgenossenschaft der Urzeit und die Entstehung der Ehe“ und über „Die Anfänge des Staats- und Rechtslebens“, die er schon notiert hatte (siehe oben).
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See Post for Hindu Law
.

 Diese Angaben hat Marx wahrscheinlich aus der Erinnerung hinzugefügt. Siehe Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft 1880/1881.

Mit dem ersten Titel meinte Marx offenbar [Gustav] Hugo: Lehrbuch des Naturrechts, als einer Philosophie des positiven Rechts. ([Gustav] Hugo: Lehrbuch eines civilistischen Cursus. Bd. 2.) Berlin 1799.
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See Hugo’s Naturrecht od. ähnlicher Titel (hab ihn vergessen)│ Sybel: Dtsches Königthum.
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Aus:
Lewis H[enry] Morgan: Ancient society or researches in the lines of human progress from savagery, through barbarism to civilization. London 1877.
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Lewis H. Morgan: „Ancient Society“. London 1877.

 Bezeichnung von Marx; nicht fortgesetzt.
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A)
Growth of intelligence through inventions and discoveries.

Part I. Ch. I.

I) Period of savagery.

1) Lower Status. Infancy of human race: lives in its original restricted habitat; subsists upon fruits and nuts; in this period commencement of articulate speech; ends with acquisition of fish subsistence and knowledge of use of fire. No tribes in this condition to be found in historical period of mankind.

2) Middle Status: commences mit fish subsistence and use of fire. Mankind spreads from original habitat over greater portion of earth’s surface. Such tribes existing still, f.i. the Australians and greater part of the Polynesians, when discovered.

3) Upper Status: Commences with invention of bow and arrow, ends with invention of art of pottery. In this state the Athapascan tribes of the Hudson’s Bay Territory, the tribes of the valley of Columbia u. certain coasts coast tribes of North and South America; with relation to the time of their discovery. [9, 10]

II) Period of Barbarism.

1) Lower Status begins with art of Pottery. Für den folgenden Status (middle) comes in Betracht the unequal endowment of the 2 hemispheres,  Zusatz von Marx.
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western and eastern
; aber to adopt equivalents. In Eastern hemisphere the domestication of animals, in the Western the cultivation of Maize and plants by irrigation, zugleich mit use of adobe-brick and stone in house building. Im lower status z. B. the Indian Tribes of the U. St. east of the Missouri river, and such tribes of Europe and Asia practising pottery, but were without domesticated animals.

2) Middle Status. Commences in Eastern sphere with domestication of animals, in the Western with cultivation by irrigation and the use of adobe-brick and stone in architecture; ends with the process of smelting iron ore. In this state f.i. the village Indians of New Mexico, Mexico, Central America, Peru u. tribes in the Eastern hemisphere possessing domestic animals, but without knowledge of iron. Ancient Britons belong hierhin; they knew the use of iron and other arts of life – far beyond the state of development of their domestic institutions – thanks to the vicinity of more advanced continental tribes.

3) Upper Status. Commences with the smelting of Iron Ore, use of iron tools etc, ends with the invention of a phonetic alphabet, and the use of writing in literary composition. In the upper Status of Barbarism the Grecian tribes of homeric ages, Italian tribes  Bei Morgan, S. 11: shortly before
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before
the founding of Rome
 Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
, the  Bei Morgan, S. 11: Germanic
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German
tribes of Caesar’s time
. [10–12]

III. Period of Civilization.

Begins with phonetic alphabet and production of literary records; as equivalenthiperoglyphical writing upon stone. [12]

 Überschrift von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 13: Since the use of pottery is less significant than that of domestic animals, of iron, or of a phonetic alphabet, employed to mark the commencement of subsequent ethnical periods, the reasons for its adoption should be stated. The manufacture of pottery presupposes village life, and considerable progress in the simple arts.
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Ueber Pottery specially to II Period. (1)

Flint and stone implements älter als pottery, found frequently in ancient repositories ohne pottery. Eh diese erfunden, commencement of village life, with some degree of control over subsistence, wooden vessels u. ustensils, finger weaving with filaments of bark, basket making u. bow u. arrow vor appearance of pottery. Diese nicht z. B. bei den Athapascans, the tribes of California u. of the village valley of Columbia. It was unknown in Polynesia (except the islands of the Tongans u. Fijians), in Australia, California u. the Hudsons’s Bay Territory. Tylor bemerkt, dass dieart of weaving unknown in most of the islands away from Asia“ u. „in most of the South Sea islands there was no knowledge of pottery.“ Flint and stone implements gave the canoe, wooden vessels and ustensils, and ultimately timber and plank in house architecture. Boiling of food – vor pottery – rudely accomplished in baskets coated with clay, and in ground cavities lined with skin, the boiling being effected with heated stones.

The village Indians – wie die Zuñians, the Azteks u. die Cholulans (in Period II, (2) state) manufactured pottery in large quantities, and in many forms of great excellence; the partially Village Indians of the U. St. in Period II (1) wie die Iroquois, Choctas, Cherokees made it in smaller quantities u. limited number of forms.

 Morgan (S. 13) zitiert den Namen Goguet, nach Tylor: Researches into the early history of mankind and the development of civilization. 2. ed. S. 273, aber mit falscher Schreibweise. Marx hatte Goguet und sein Werk „De l’origine des loix“ in seinen bibliographischen Notizen am Anfang des vorliegenden Hefts korrekt zitiert, offensichtlich direkt nach Tylor. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Goguet: ‚De l’origine des lois‘“.
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Goquet Goguet – in last century – relates of Capt. Gonneville visiting the Southeast coast of South America in 1503, that he found „their household ustensils of wood, even their boiling pots, but plastered with |2 a kind of clay, a good finger thick, which prevented the fire from burning them“ u. nach Goquet Goguet daubed die wooden combustible vessels mit clay to protect them with from fire, till they found that clay alone would answer the purpose, and „thus the art of pottery came into the world.“

  E. T. Cox: Fifth annual report of the Geological Survey of Indiana, made during the year 1873. Indianapolis 1874.
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Nach Prof. E. T. Cox
of Indianapolis, the analyses of „ancient pottery“ „belonging to the mound-builders age, are composed of alluvial clay and sand, or a mixture of the former with pulverized fresh[-]water- shells.“[13–15]



 Überschrift von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 16.
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Development in different tribes u. families
.

Einige so geographisch isolirt, dass sie selbstständig die verschiednen Phasen durchlaufen; andre adulterated durch external influence. So Africa was u. is and an ethnical chaos of savagery u. barbarism; Australia u. Polynesia were in savagery, pure and simple.

The Indian family of America – unterscheidet sich dadurch v. jeder andern existirenden – stellten condition of mankind in three successive ethnical periods dar. When discovered, stellten sie jede der 3 conditions dar u. namentlich lower u. middle status of barbarism more elaborate u. complete als irgend andre portion of mankind. Die far Northern Indians u. some of the coast tribes of North and Southamerica were in the Upper Status of Savagery;

the partially Village Indians east of the Mississippi were in the Lower Status of Barbarism,

the village Indians of North and South America were in the Middle Status. [16]



Part I. Ch. II. Arts of subsistence.

Upon their (men’s) skill in this direction – arts of subsistence – the whole question of human supremacy on the earth depended. Mankind are the only beings who may be said to have gained an absolute control  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?!)
over the production of food. (19) the great epochs of human progress – identified, more or less directly, with the enlargement of the sources of subsistence. (l.c.)

1) natural subsistence upon fruits or roots on a restricted habitat. Primitive period; invention of language. Such kind of subsistence unterstellt a tropical or subtropical climate. Fruit and nutbearing forests under a tropical sun. (20) Were at least partially tree-livers  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(auf Bäumen lebend)
. ( Lucret. de rerum natura lib. V) [l.c.]

2) fish subsistence; first artificial food, not fully available without cooking; fire first utilized for this purpose. – ⦗hunt for game too precarious ever to have formed an exclusive means of human support.⦘ Upon this species of food mankind became independent of climate and locality; by following the shores of the seas and lakes, and the courses of rivers could, while in the savage state, spread over the greater portion of the earth’s surface. Of the fact of these migrations … abundant evidence in the remains of flint and stone implements found upon all the continents. In Interval bis zur nächsten period important increase in the variety and amount of food; bread roots z. B. cooked in ground ovens; permanent addition of game through improved weapons, especially the bow and arrow; dies kam nach spear u. war club; gab the first deadly weapon for the hunt, appeared late in savagery; Bezeichnet (Bogen u. Pfeil) the upper status of savagery, was iron sword to barbarism, firearms to the period of civilization. bow u. arrow were unknown to the Polynesians in general, and to the Australians. (21) (22)

In Folge der precarious nature of all these sources of food, outside of the great fish areas, cannibalism became the resort of mankind. The ancient universality of this practice is being gradually demonstrated. (22)

3) Farinaceous food through cultivation.

Die cultivation of cereals scheint unbekannt gewesen zu sein im lower u. bis nah zum Ende des middle status of barbarism … in der Oestlichen Hemisphäre den tribes of Asia u. Europe. Dagegen im Lower Status of barbarism in der Westlichen Hemisphäre bekannt den American aborigines; sie hatten horticulture.

Beide Hemisphären ungleich endowed by nature: die Oestliche besass alle Thiere, save one, adapted to domestication u. a majority of cereals; the Western had one cereal (Maize) fit for cultivation, but that the best. Gave the advantage of condition in this period den American aborigines. Aber als die most advanced Eastern tribes, at the commencement of the middle period of barbarism, had domesticated animals giving meat and milk, without a knowledge of the cereals, ihre condition much superior to that of the American aborigines mit maize u. plants, aber ohne domesticated animals. Mit der domestication of animals scheint differentiation der Semitic u. Aryan families heraus aus der Masse der Barbaren begonnen zu haben.|

3

Dass die discovery u. cultivation of cereals durch die Aryan family später als domestication von animals beweisen common terms for these animals in the several dialects der Aryan language, and no common terms for cereals or cultivated plants. Ζέα (einziges dieser Worte), philologisch = Sanskrit yavas (bedeutet in Indian barley, in Greek „spelt“).

Horticulture preceded field culture, as the garden (hortos hortus) das field (ager); the latter implies boundaries, the former signifies directly an „inclosed field“.  Zusatz von Marx nach William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 508 (hortus) und S. 194 (cŏhors). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
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hortus an inclosed place for plants, hence a garden; from the same root cohors (auch cors, in einigen Mscpt. chors) a yard, a place walled round, a court, (auch cattle-yard); cf. gr. χόρτος, χορός; lat. hortus; german. garten, engl. garden, yard (ital. corte, french court cour, engl. court) (ital. giardino, sp. u. french jardin)[⦘]

Tillage muss aber älter sein als der inclosed garden; erst: tillage of patches of open alluvial land, 2) enclosed space of gardens, 3) field by means of the plow drawn by animal power. Ob die Cultur solcher plants wie pea, bean, turnip, parsnip, beet, squash  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Kürbisartige Frucht bei Massachusetts Indians)
u. melon, one or more of them, preceded the cultivation of the cereals, wissen wir nicht. Einige v. diesen haben common terms in Latin u. Greek, aber keines davon common term mit Sanskrit.

Horticulture im in  Zusatz von Marx.
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Östlicher Hemisphere
seems to have originated more in the necessities of the domestic animals than of in those of mankind. Commences in the Western hemisphere mit Maize; led in America to localization and village life; tended bes. under the village Indians to take the place of fish and game. Von cereals u. cultivated plants mankind obtained their first impression of the possibility of an abundance of food. – Mit farinaceous food verschwindet cannibalism; it survived in war, practised by war parties, unter den American aborigines in the Middle Status of barbarism, z. B. unter Iroquois u. Azteks; but the general practice had disappeared. (Wurde in savagery practicirt upon captured enemies u. in times of famine upon friends and kindred) [22–24]

4) Meat and Milk Subsistence. Absence of animals, adapted to domestication in Westlicher Hemisphäre ausser Llama. Die early Span. writers speak of a „dumb dog“ found domesticated in the West Indian Islands, ditto in Mexico u. Central America; sprechen auch von poultry u. turkeys on the American continent; the aborigines had domesticated the turkey u. die Nahuatlac tribes some species of wild fowl.

Diese Differenz u. die specific differences in the cereals beider Hemisphären producirten essential difference with that portion ihrer inhabitants who had attained to the Middle Status of Barbarism.

The domestication of animals provided a permanent meat and milk subsistence; tribes, die sie besassen, differentiated v. der mass of other barbarians. Den Village Indians ungünstig the limitation upon an essential species of food; haben inferior size of the brain verglichen mit den Indians in the Lower Status of Barbarism.

Vorzüge der Aryan u. Semitic families durch maintenance in numbers of domestic animals. Die Greeks milked their sheep as well as their cows u. goats. ( Ilias IV, 433) Aryans to noch greater extent als Semites.

Domestication of animals – in östl. Hemisphäre – gradually introduced pastoral life, upon the plains of the Euphrates and of India u. den steppes of Asia; on the confines of one or the other of which the domestication of animals first accomplished.  Bei Morgan, S. 25: They were thus drawn to regions
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Sie kamen so von regions
, die, so weit entfernt die cradle lands der human race zu sein, were areas they would not have occupied as savages or barbarians in the Lower Status of barbarism, to whom forest areas were natural homes. Nachdem sie sich gewöhnt an pastoral life, unmöglich for either of these families to reenter the forest areas of Western Asia and of Europe with their flocks u. herds, without first learning to cultivate some of the cereals with which to subsist the latter at a distance from the grass plains. Sehr probable that the cultivation of the cereals originated in the necessities of the domestic animals, and in connection with these western migrations; and that the use of farinaceous food by these tribes was a consequence.

In der Western Hemisphere die aborigines advanced generally into the Lower Status of Barbarism, u. ein Theil davon in Middle Status ohne domestic animals, ausser Llama in Peru u. upon a single cereal, maize, mit den adjuncts of bean, squash u. tobacco u. in some areas cacao, cotton u. Pepper. „Maize“ from its growth in the hill – which favoured direct cultivation – from its useableness both green and ripe, from its abundant yield u. nutritive properties, was a richer endowment in aid of early human progress als all other cereals together; hence remarkable progress der American aborigines ohne domestic animals; the Peruvians produced bronze, which stands next to the process of smelting iron ore. [24–26] |

4

5) Unlimited subsistence through field agriculture.

The domestic animals supplemented human muscle with animal power, new factor of the highest value. Später production of iron gab Pflug mit an iron point u. a better spade u. axe. Mit diesen u. aus der früheren horticulture, came field agriculture u. damit zuerst unlimited subsistence. Der plow drawn by animal power; damit entsprang thoughts of reducing the forest and bringing wide fields into cultivation. (Lucret. v. 1369). Dense population in limited areas became possible. Vor field agriculture schwerlich dass ½ Million Menschen held together u. developed under one government in any part of the earth. Wo exceptions, they must have resulted from pastoral life on the plains od. von horticulture improved by irrigation, under peculiar u. exceptional condition. [26, 27]

 Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten.
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Morgan theilt die Familienformationen (p. 27, 28) ein in:

1) Consanguine family: intermarriage of brothers and sisters in a group; darauf founded (u. dient jetzt als evidence davon) das Malayan system [of] consanguinity.

2) Punaluan family: name derived von der Hawaiian relationship of Punalua. Founded upon the intermarriage of several brothers to each other’s wives in a group; and of several sisters to each other’s husbands in a group. „Brother“ includes here the first, second, third, and even more remote cousins, all considered as brothers; u. „sister“ includes first, 2nd, 3d and even more remote female cousins, all sisters to each others other. Auf this form of family gegründet the Turanian u. Ganowánian systems of consanguinity. Beide Familienformen gehören zu period of savagery.

3) The Syndyasmian family:  Bei Morgan: The term is from συνδυάζω, to pair, συνδυασμός, a joining two together.

Die Zusätze von Marx sind übernommen von Val[entin] Christ[ian] Friedr[ich] Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 474. Dort: συν-δυάζω, 1) paaren; Pass., sich paaren od. begatten, Plat., Plut. […] συνδυάς, […] gepaart Eur. συνδυασμός, […] Paarung, Verbindung Zweier, Plut. – Verweise auf Autoren, bei denen ein Wort in der betreffenden Bedeutung vorkommt, sind erst in die 4. Aufl. aufgenommen). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31). Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt. Engels benutzt im „Ursprung“ für „Syndyasmian family“ durchgängig den Ausdruck „Paarungsfamilie“.
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von συνδυάζω ⦗(paaren (συνδυάς gepaart. Eur. ) Passiv: sich paaren od. begatten. Plato, Plutarch ⦘ ⦗συνδυασμός Paarung, Verbindung Zweier. Plutarch.
Founded upon the pairing of a male and a female under the form of marriage, aber ohne an exclusive cohabitation; ist germ der Monogamian family. Divorce or separation at the option of both husband u. wife. Diese Familienform gründet kein besondres Verwandtschaftssystem.

4) The Patriarchal family: founded upon the marriage of one man to several women. In Hebrew pastoral tribes the chiefs and principal men practised polygamy. Little influence on mankind for want of universality.

5) Monogamian family: marriage of one man with one woman, with an exclusive cohabitation; preeminently the family of civilized society, essentially modern. Auf diese Familienform gegründet an independent system of consanguinity.



Part III.

Ch. I. The ancient family.

 Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗Allerältestes: Hordenwesen mit promiscuity; no family; hier kann nur Mutterrecht irgendwelche Rolle spielen.⦘

 Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 384: these forms [types of family] […] create three distinct systems of consanguinity, all of which still exist in living forms. Conversely, these systems are sufficient of themselves to prove the antecedent existence of the forms of the family and of marriage, with which they severally stand connected
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Die Verwandtschaftssysteme gebaut auf different types of family; ihrerseits wieder evidence für Existenz der letzteren, die sie überleben.
[384]

Das älteste system of consanguinity, bis jetzt entdeckt, found unter den Polynesians, wovon die Hawaiian als typical genommen; Morgan nennts das Malayan system. Hier alle consanguinei fallen unter die relationship: parent, child, grandparent, grandchild, brother u. sister; keine andre Blutverwandtschaft; ausserdem die marriage relationships. Dies system came in with the »consanguine« family form u. beweist deren alte Existenz; das System prevailed sehr allgemein unter den Polynesians, obgleich die family unter ihnen übergegangen aus consanguine form in punaluan. Letztere von ersterer nicht genug verschieden, um eine Modification des auf erstere gegründeten Verwandtschaftssystems zu produciren. Intermarriage zwischen brothers u. sisters noch nicht ganz verschwunden aus den Sandwichinseln, als amerik. Missionäre sich vor 50 Jahren dort etablirten. Muss auch in Asien geherrscht haben, weil es die Basis des dort noch existirenden Turanian system. [385, 386]

Turanian system war allgemein unter den nordamerik. aborigines u. hinreichend auch in Südamerika nachgewiesen, found in parts of Africa, wo jedoch unter dessen tribes Verwandtschaftssystem sich mehr dem Malayan nähert. Turanisches System noch prevailing in Südindien unter den Hindus der Dravidian language u., in modificirter Form in Nordindien unter den Hindus sprechend dialects der Gaura language; ebenso in Australien in partially developed form. In den principal tribes der Turanian u. Ganowánian families producirt durch punaluan marriage in the group u. die organization into gentes, tending to repress consanguine marriages, by |5 prohibition of intermarriage in the gens, wodurch [es] own brothers u. sisters von marriage relation ausschloss. [386]

The Turanian system recognizes all the relationships known under the Aryan system, aber auch diesem unbekannte. In familiar u. formal salutation the people address each other by the term of relationship, nie by the personal name; wo keine relationship exists, durch „my friend“. [387]

Bei Entdeckung der American aborigines war die family aus der punaluan in ihre syndasmian syndyasmian form übergegangen; so dass die relationships recognized by the system of consanguinity in zahlreichen Fällen nicht die waren die wirklich in der syndasmian syndyasmian family existirten; aber ebenso hatte Malayan system of consanguinity überdauert den Uebergang der consanguine family in die Punaluan. Gradeso überdauerte Turanian system of consang. den Uebergang der punaluan family in die syndasmian syndyasmian . Die Familienform  Bei Morgan, S. 388: advances faster of necessity
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variirt schneller
als systems of consanguinity which follow to record the family relationships.  Bei Morgan, S. 388: It required an institution as great as the gentile organization
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Die organization in gentes war nöthig
to change the Malayan system in das Turanian; property in the concrete, with its rights of ownership u. inheritance, war nöthig, zusammen mit der monogamian family which it created, to overthrow the Turanian system of consanguinity and substitute the Aryan. [387, 388]

The Semitic, Aryan, od. Uralian system of consanguinity – defining the relationships in the monogamian family – was nicht based upon the Turanian system, wie dies war upon the Malayan, sondern superseded it among civilized nations.

Von den 5 family forms haben 4 existed in der historic period; nur die consanguine disappeared; can aber be deduced v. dem Malayan system of consanguinity. [388]

Marriage between single pairs had existed from the older period of barbarism, under the form of pairing during the pleasure of the parties; wurde stabiler mit advance of society, mit  Bei Morgan, S. 389: progress of inventions and discoveries
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progress durch inventions and discoveries
into higher successive conditions. Man began to exact fidelity from the wife, under savage penalties, but he claimed exemption for himself. So unter den Homeric Greeks. Fortschritt v. Homerisch. Zeitalter bis dem von Pericles , with its gradual settlement into a defined institution.  Bei Morgan, S. 390: The modern family is an unquestionable improvement upon that of the Greeks and Romans; because woman has gained immensely in social position.
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So moderne Familie höher als griech. u. röm.
;  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 388: We have a record of the monogamian family, running back nearly three thousand years, during which, it may be claimed there has been a gradual but continuous improvement in its character. […] the stupendous conjugal system […] fastened itself upon mankind in the infancy of their existence, and followed them down to civilization; although steadily losing ground with the progressive improvement of society. The ratio of human progress may be measured to some extent by the degree of the reduction of this system through the moral elements of society arrayed against it. Each successive form of the family and of marriage is a significant registration of this reduction. After it was reduced to zero, and not until then, was the monogamian family possible. […] the creation of five successive forms of the family, each differing from the other, and belonging to conditions of society entirely dissimilar
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Geschichte durchgemacht in histor. Zeit von 3000 Jahren durch die monogamische Familie u. Ehe. Der Fortschritt des alten complicirten »conjugal« system besteht in seiner successive reduction, bis reduced to zero in der monogamian family. Jeder der 5 family types belongs to conditions of society entirely dissimilar
. Das Turanian system of consanguinity, which records the relationships in punaluan family, blieb wesentlich unverändert bis zur Etablirung der monogamian family, when it became almost totally untrue to the nature of descents, and even a scandal upon monogamy. z. B. unter dem Malayan system nennt ein Mann seines Bruders Sohn seinen Sohn, weil seines Bruders Frau auch seine Frau ist; u. seiner Schwester Sohn ist auch sein Sohn, weil seine Schwester auch seine Frau ist. Unter dem Turanian system ist seines Bruder’s Sohn immer noch sein Sohn, aus demselben Grund, aber seiner Schwester Sohn ist jetzt sein Neffe, weil under der gentile organization seine Schwester aufgehört hat, seine Frau zu sein. Unter den Iroquois, wo die family syndasmian syndyasmian ist, nennt ein Mann seines Bruder’s Sohn seinen Sohn, obgleich seines Bruder’s Frau aufgehört hat, seine Frau zu sein u. so selbe Incongruenz mit grosser Anzahl andrer relationships, die der existing form of marriage aufgehört haben zu entsprechen. Das System hat die Gebräuche überlebt, worin es entsprang u. erhält sich fort unter ihnen, obgleich in the main untrue, für descents as they now exist. Monogamy kam auf to assure the paternity of children and the legitimacy of heirs. Turanian system konnte durch keine Reform ihm adaptirt werden; stand in schreiendem Gegensatz zur Monogamie; das System ward dropped; aber die descriptive method, stets employed durch die Turanian tribes when they wished to make a given relationship specific, wurde substituted. They fell back upon the bare facts of consanguinity u. described the relationship of each person by a combination of the primary terms; sagten so: Bruder’s Sohn, Bruder’s grandson; father’s brother; father’s brother’s son; each phrase described a person, leaving the relationship a matter of implication; so bei den arischen Nationen, in der ältesten Form bei den Griechischen, latein., sanskritischen, celtischen,  Bei Morgan, S. 392: and also in the Semitic, as witness the Hebrew Scripture genealogies
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semitischen tribes. (Old testament, Genealogies)
Traces des Turanian system unter den arischen u. semit. nations down to the historical period, aber essentially uprooted, Descriptive |6 substituted in its place. [389–392]

Jedes der systems of consanguinity expresses the actual relationships existing in the family at the time of its establishment. Die relations v. Mutter u. Kind, Bruder u. Schwester, Grossmutter u. grandchild were stets versicherbar (seit Etablirung irgend einer Form von family), aber nicht die von Vater u. Kind, Grossvater u. grandchild; letzteres nur  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(mindestens officiell?)
versicherbar in Monogamie. [392, 393]

Die systems of consanguinity sind classificatory oder aber descriptive. Unter dem ersten System consanguinei »classified« into categories unabhängig von ihrer Nähe od. Entfernung in degree von Ego; der selbe term of relationship applied to all the persons in the same category. z. B. meine eignen Brüder u. die Söhne von den Brüdern meines Vaters sind alle gleichmässig meine Brüder; meine eignen Schwestern u. die Töchter der Schwestern meiner Mutter sind alle gleichmässig meine Schwestern; such is the classification in Malayan u. Turanian systems. Im descriptiven System dagegen die consanguinei bezeichnet durch die primary terms of relationship od. combination dieser terms, wodurch die relationship jeder Person specific gemacht. So im Aryan, Semitic; od. Uralian system, which came in with monogamy; später introducirt a small amount of classification durch inventions of common terms, aber die earliest form of the system – the Erse u. Scandinavian typical, purely descriptive. Der radicale Unterschied der Systeme resulted von plural marriages in the group in one case, from single marriages between single pairs in the other. [394]

Relationships zweifach: 1) by consanguinity or blood; diese selbst zweifach, a) lineal u. b) collateral; a) lineal ist die connection unter Persons wovon eine von der andern abstammt; b) collateral ist sie, wo persons descend von common ancestors, aber nicht von einander. 2) by affinity or marriage; marriage relationships exist by custom. Wo marriage between single pairs, each person the Ego from whom the degree of relationship of each person is reckoned u. to whom it returns. His position in the lineal line, which line is vertical. Upon it, above and below him, ancestors and descendants in direct series from father to son; these persons together constitute the right lineal male line. Out of this trunk line emerge the several collateral lines, male and female, numbered outwardly;  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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in einfachster Form with one brother and one sister etc
:

1st collateral line: male, my brother and his descendants; female: my sister and her descendants.
2nd coll. line: male, my father’s brother and his descendants; female: my father’s sister u. her descendants.
male, my mother’s brother and his descendants;

female:

my mother’s sister und her descendants.
3d coll. line: on the father’s side: male: my grandfather’s brother and his descendants; female: my grand father’s sister and her descendants.
on the mother’s side: my grandmother’s brother and his descendants; female: my grandmother’s sister and her descendants.
4th coll. line: great grandfather’s brother and sister  and their respective descendants.
great grandmother’s brother and sister  and … ditto … ditto.
5th coll. line: great-great grandfather’s brother and sister and their respective descendants.
great-great-grandmothers brother and sister  and … ditto … ditto.

Habe ich several brothers u. sisters, so constituiren sie mit ihren descendants so many independent lines, aber zusammen bilden sie my first collateral line in 2 branches, a male and a female etc etc. [394–396]

 Bei Morgan, S. 396/397: it will be seen at once that a method of arrangement and of description which […] rendered the whole intelligible would be no ordinary achievement. This task was perfectly accomplished by the Roman civilians […] and is so entirely simple as to elicit admiration.
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Dies Zeug einfach summirt durch die Roman civilians
Pandects lib. XXXVIII, title X. De gradibus, et adfinibus et nominibus eorum; u. Institutes of Justinian lib. III, title V VI: De gradibus cognationis⦘; adoptirt durch principal European nations.

 Bei Morgan, S. 397: These terms finally appeared among the Romans in
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Römer geben bes. Namen:

patruus (for uncle on father’s side) u. amita (for aunt on father’s side);

avunculus (uncle on mothers mother’s side) u. matertera (for aunt on mother’s side)

avus, grandfather, giebt avunculus (a little grandfather); Matertera soll herkommen v. mater u. altera = another mother. – Die Erse, Scandinavian u. Slavonic haben nicht diese röm. method of description angenommen.

The 2 radical forms – the classificatory u. the descriptive [–] yield nearly the exact line of demarcation between the barbarous u. civilized nations. [396, 397]

Powerful influences existed to perpetuate the systems of consanguinity after the conditions under which each originated had been modified or had altogether disappeared. [398] |

7

In so complicated system wie das Turanian entwickelte sich natürlich divergence in minor particulars. Das system of consanguinity des Tamil people of South India u. das der Seneca-Iroquois, of New York, sind noch identisch through 200 relationships; a modified form of the system – standing alone – that of the Hindi, Bengali, Marâthi u. other people of North India, ist combination der Aryan u. Turanian systems. A civilized people, the Brahmins, coalesced with a barbarous stock, lost their language in the new vernaculars named, which retain the grammatical structure of the aboriginal speech, wozu das Sanskrit 90% of its vocables gab. Ihre 2 systems of consanguinity came into collision, the one founded on monogamy or syndyasmy u. the other upon plural marriages in the group. [398, 399]

Unter den Indian tribes von North America the family syndyasmian; aber lebten generally in joint-tenement houses u. practised communism within the household. Je mehr wir niedersteigen in der direction der punaluan u. consanguine families, the household group becomes larger, with more persons crowded together in the same apartment. The coast tribes in Venezuela, wo die family punaluan gewesen zu sein scheint, are represented by the Spanish discoverers (Herrera’s : History of America) as living in bell-shaped houses, each containing 160 persons. Husbands u. wives lived together in a group in the same house. [399]

Part III. Ch. II. The Consanguine Family.

 Bei Morgan, S. 401: As first and most ancient form of the institution, it has ceased to exist even among the lowest tribes of savages. […] There are tribes of savages […] seemingly not far removed from the primitive state; but they have advanced beyond the condition the consanguine family implies.
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Existirt in primitivster Form nicht mehr selbst unter lowest savages
. Sie ist aber bewiesen durch a system of consanguinity and affinity welches für zahllose Jahrhunderte überlebt hat the marriage customs in which it originated: das Malayan system; it defines the relationships wie sie nur in einer consanguine family existiren konnten; es besitzt an antiquity of unknown duration; die inhabitants of Polynesia included in this system, obgleich die eigentlichen Malays es in einigen Punkten modificirt haben. Hawaiian u. Rotuman forms typical; te the simplest, therefore the oldest. Alle consanguinei, near u. remote, classified under 5 categories:

1st category: Ego, my brothers u. sisters, my first, second and more remote male and female cousins, are all without distinction my brothers and sisters. (word cousin here used in our sense, the relationship being unknown in Polynesia.[)]
2t category: My father and mother, together with their brothers and sisters, and their first, second, and more remote cousins are all my parents.
3t category: My grandfathers and grandmothers, on father’s side and mother’s side, with their brothers and sisters, and their several cousins, are my grandparents.
4t category: my sons and daughters, with their several cousins, are all my children.
5t category: my grandsons and granddaughters, with their several cousins, are all my grandchildren.
Ferner: all the individuals of the same grade or category are brothers and sisters to each other.

The 5 categories or grades in the Malayan system appears appear auch in den „Nine Grades of relations“ of the Chinese mit 2 additional ancestors u. 2 additional descendants. [401–404]

The wives of my several brothers, own and collateral, are my wives as well as theirs; für die female, the husbands of her several sisters, own and collateral, are also her husbands. [406]

The several collateral lines are brought into and merged in the lineal line, ascending as well as descending; so that the ancestors and descendants of my collateral brothers and sisters become mine as well as theirs.

All the members of each grade are reduced to the same level in their relationships, without regard to nearness or remoteness in numerical degrees. Auch bei andren Polynesian tribes – ausser Hawaians u. Rotumans – dies System; so unter den Marquesas Islanders u. den Maoris of New Zealand; den Samoans, Kusaiens, King’s Mill Islanders of Micronesia; zweifellos in every inhabitant inhabited island of Pacific except where it verges upon the Turanian. [407–408]

System based auf: intermarriage zwischen own brothers and sisters, and gradually enfolding the collateral brothers and sisters as the range of the conjugal system widened. In dieser consanguine family the husbands lived in polygyny u. die wives in polyandry. It would be difficult to show any other possible beginning of the family in the primitive period. All traces of it had not disappeared among the Hawaiians at the epoch of their discovery –

The system also founded upon the intermarriage of own and collateral brothers and sisters in a group. [408, 409] |

8

 Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 410/411: All the children of my several brothers, myself a male, are my sons and daughters. Reason: Speaking as a Hawaiian, all the wives of my several brothers are my wives as well as theirs. As it would be impossible for me to distinguish my own children from those of my brothers, if I call any one my child, I must call them all my children. One is as likely to be mine as another. […] All the children of my several sisters, myself a female, are my sons and daughters. Reason: The husbands of my sisters are my husbands as well as theirs. This difference, however, exists: I can distinguish my own children from those of my sisters, to the latter of whom I am a step-mother. But since this relationship is not discriminated, they fall into the category of my sons and daughters. Otherwise they would fall without the system. […] The children can distinguish their own mothers, but not their fathers […] The children of these brothers and sisters are also brothers and sisters to each other; the children of the latter are brothers and sisters again, and this relationship continues downward among their descendants indefinitely.
Schließen
The husband in diesem Sinn weiss nicht ob dies od. jenes Kind sein eignes Fabrikat; es ist sein Kind, weil das Kind einer seiner Frauen, die er mit seinen brothers, own od. collateral gemein hat. Die Frau kann dagegen ihre Kinder von denen ihrer sisters unterscheiden; sie wäre ihre step-mother; diese »Categorie« existirt aber nicht im System; ihrer Schwestern Kinder also ihre Kinder. Die Kinder dieser gemeinsamen Eltern könnten sich zwar von mütterlicher Seite unterscheiden, aber nicht von väterlicher: sind daher alle Geschwister.
[410, 411]

The marriage relationship extended wherever the relationship of brother and sister was recognized to exist; each brother having as many wives as he had sisters, own or collateral, and each sister as many husbands as she had brothers, own or collateral. [411]

Wherever the relationship of wife is found in the collateral line, that of husband must be recognized in the lineal, and vice versa.

Unter den Kaffern v. Südafrika die wives meiner  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
Cousins
father’s brother[’s] son, father’s sister’s son, mother’s brother[’s] son, mother’s sisters sister’s son – are alike my wifes wives. [412]

The larger the group recognizing the marriage relation, the less the evil of close interbreeding. [413]

1820 the American missions established in the Sandwich islands, were chocked shocked at the sexual relations; they fanden dort die punaluan family, with own sisters and brothers not entirely excluded, the males living in polygyny, the females in polyandry; the people had not attained the organization in gentes. Unwahrscheinlich dass die actual family among the Hawaiians was as large as the group united in the marriage relation. Necessity would compel its subdivision into smaller groups for the procurement of subsistence, and for mutual protection; individuals passed wahrscheinlich at pleasure from one of these subdivisions into another in the punaluan as well as consanguine families, giving rise to that apparent desertion by husbands and wives of each other and by parents of their children, mentioned by Rev. Hiram Bingham. (Missionair, amerik., in Sandwich islands) Communism in living must have prevailed both in the consanguine and in the punaluan family als requirement of their condition. It still prevails generally among savage and barbarous tribes. ⦗each smaller family would be a miniature of the group.⦘ [414–416]

Ueber Chinese System of 9 Grades see »Systems of consanguinity« etc p. 415, p. 432. [416, 417]

In Plato’s Timaeus (Ch. II) all consanguinei in the Ideal Republic to fall into 5 categories, in which the women were to be in common as wives and the children in common as to parents.   Zusatz von Marx. Gemeint ist hier Plato: Opera quae feruntur omnia. Recognoverunt Io. Georgius Baiterus, Io. Caspar Orellius, Aug. Guilielmus Winckelmannus. Accedunt integra varietas lectionis Stephanianae, Bekkerianae, Stallbaumianae, scholia et nominum index. Turici 1839. S. 705 l. Sp. (Timaeus, 18c–d). In seinem Ökonomischen Manuskript 1861–1863 hatte Marx Platos zweites Buch der „Republik“ nach der Ausgabe von Baiter, Orelli etc (Zürich 1839) zitiert (MEGA II/3.1. S. 256–258). Siehe auch den ersten Band des „Kapital“ (MEGA II/5. S. 299). Schon im Verzeichnis seiner Bücher aus dem Jahr 1844 in seinem Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1844 bis 1847 wird „Plato opera omnia 2 t.“ erwähnt (MEGA IV/3. S. 6.9). Es könnte sich entweder um diese Ausgabe oder um eine andere im Verlag Meyer & Zeller in Zürich erschienene Ausgabe, die die einzelnen Werke in gesonderten (auch gesondert paginierten) Bänden brachte (Plato: Opera omnia. Recognoverunt Io. Georgius Baiterus, Io. Caspar Orellius, Aug. Guil. Winckelmannus. Editio altera. Vol. 1–21. Turici 1839–1841). Marx’ Exemplare sind nicht überliefert. Sie gehörten wahrscheinlich zu den gestohlenen Werken, über die Marx Engels am 27. Februar 1861 schrieb: „Die Kölner haben schön mit meiner Bibliothek gewirthschaftet. Den ganzen Fourrier gestohlen, dtto Göthe, dtto Herder, dtto Voltaire u. was mir das Scheußlichste, die ‚Economistes du 18e siècle‘ (ganz neu, kosteten mir an 500 fcs) u. viele Bände der griechischen Klassiker, viele einzelne Bände v. andren Werken.“ (MEGA III/11. S. 380.)
Schließen
(sieh meine Ausgabe p. 705, erste Columne)
Hier dieselben 5 primary grades of relations, Plato bekannt mit hellenischen u. pelasgischen traditions, reaching back in the region of barbarism etc. Seine grades exact die der Hawaiians. [417]

Der state of society indicated by the consanguine family points to an anterior condition of promiscuous intercourse  Klammern und Ausrufezeichen von Marx.
Schließen
(in der Horde!)
), trotz Darwin. (See Descent of Man II, 360) Sobald die Horde would break up into smaller groups for subsistence, it would fall von promiscuity into consanguine families, welches die first »organized form of society«. [417, 418]

Part III. Ch. III. The Punaluan family.

Existed in Europe, Asia, America within the historical period, in Polynesia within the present century; widely prevailing in the Status of Savagery, remained in some instances among tribes advanced into the Lower Status of barbarism, u. im case der Britons, among tribes im Middle Status of Barbarism.

Geht hervor aus consanguine family durch gradual exclusion of own brothers and sisters from the marriage relation … Commencing in isolated cases, introduced partially at first, then becoming general, and finally universal among the advancing tribes, still in savagery … illustrates the operation of the principle of natural selection. [424, 425]

In dem Australian class system  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(sieh später)
evident, that their primary object the exclusion of own brothers and sisters from the marriage relation, während  Verweis von Marx auf S. 425, Fn. 1 des Buchs von Morgan.
Schließen
(see the descents of these classes p. 425)
the collateral brothers and sisters were retained in that relation. In der Australian punaluan group wie in der Hawaiian the brotherhood of the husbands formed the basis of the marriage relation of one group, and the sisterhood of the wives of the other … the Australian organization into classes upon sex – which gave birth to the punaluan group, which contained the germ of the gens – prevailed wahrscheinlich unter allen tribes of mankind who afterwards fell under the gentile organization. Vor der organization into gentes, which permanently excluded brothers and sisters from the marriage relation by an organic law, letztere noch frequently involved in Punaluan family, wie bei den Hawaiians, die keine organization in gentes noch das Turanian system of consanguinity hatten. [425, 426]

1) Punaluan family:

1860 said Judge Lorin Andrews , of Honolulu, in a letter accompanying a schedule of the Hawaiian system of consanguinity: „the relationship of pŭnalŭa is rather amphibious. It |9 arose from the fact that 2 or more brothers with their wives, or two or more sisters with their husbands, were inclined to possess each other in common; but the modern use of the word is that of dear friend, or intimate companion.“ What Judge Andrews says they were inclined to do, and which may then have been a declining practice, their system of consanguinity proves to have been once universal among them.  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
Weiter bezeugt durch die Missionäre. (see p. 427, 428)
So schrieb Rev. Artemus Bishop , lately deceased, one of the oldest missionaries in these islands, der dem Morgan ebenfalls 1860 a similar schedule schickte: „This confusion of relationships is the result of the ancient custom among relatives of the living together of husbands and wives in common.“ Then punaluan family group consists of: one group: several brothers and their wives; other group: several sisters with their husbands; jede group including the children of the marriages. [427, 428]

Bei den Hawaiians a man calls his wife’s sister his wife; all the sisters of his wife, own as well as collateral, are also his wives. But the husband of his wife’s sister he calls pŭnalŭa, i.e. his intimate companion; and all the husbands of the several sisters of his wife the same. They were jointly intermarried in the group. Diese husbands waren probably keine Brüder, sonst would the blood relationship have prevailed über die affineal; but their wives were sisters, own and collateral; in such case the sisterhood of the wives the basis upon which the group was formed, and the husbands stood to each other in the relation of pŭnalŭa.

Die andre group rests upon the brotherhood of the husbands, and a woman calls her husband’s brother her husband; alle Brüder ihres Mannes, own and collateral, waren auch ihre husbands; but the wife of her husbands husband’s brother stands to her in the relationship of pŭnalŭa. Diese wives  Bei Morgan: probably
Schließen
generally
nicht sisters, obgleich zweifellos exceptions in beiden Gruppen  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
⦗so dass auch Brüder Schwestern u. Schwestern Brüder in common hatten⦘
. Alle diese wives zu einander in relationship of pŭnalŭa. [428]

Brothers ceased to marry their own sisters, and after the gentile organization had worked upon society its complete results, their collateral sisters as well. But in the interval they shared their remaining wives in common. In like manner, sisters ceased marrying their own brothers, and after a long period of time, their collateral brothers; but they shared their remaining husbands in common.

Marriages in pŭnalŭan groups explain the relationships of the Turanian system of consanguinity. Giebt nun verschiedne Beispiele vom Ueberleben über savagery hinaus of punaluan custom;  Zehn Männer, in anderen Fällen zwölf, haben gemeinsam Frauen, und zwar zumeist Brüder mit Brüdern und Väter mit ihren Söhnen. (Übers. Otto Schönberger.)
Schließen
Caesar De bell. gall. über Britons in the Middle Period of Barbarism; Caesar sagt: »Uxores habent deni duodenique inter se communes, et maxime fratres cum fratribus parentesque cum liberis.«
Barbarian mothers have not 10–12 sons, die als Brüder sich gemeinschaftliche Weiber halten könnten; aber das Turanian system of consanguinity liefert viele Brüder, weil male cousins, near and remote, fall in this category with Ego.  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 430: The correlative group which this presupposes, where several sisters shared their husbands in common, is not suggested directly by Caesar; but it probably existed as the complement of the first. Something beyond the first he noticed, namely, that parents, with their children, shared their wives in common. It is not unlikely that these wives were sisters.
Schließen
Das »parentesque cum liberis« wahrscheinlich falsche Auffassung des Cäsar for several sisters sharing their husbands.
Herodot über Massagetae in Middle Status of Barbarism. (l. I, c. 216)  Zwar führt jeder ein Weib heim, doch herrscht trotzdem Weibergemeinschaft. (Übers. August Horneffer.)
Schließen
Herodots Phrase: »γυναῖκα μὲν γαμεέι γαμέει ἕκαστος, ταύτῃσι δὲ ἐπίκοινα χρέονται χρέωνται«
scheint auf Beginn der syndasmian syndyasmian family hinzudeuten; jeder husband paired with one wife, who thus became his principal wife, but within the limits of the group husbands and wives continued in common. Die Massagetae, obgleich ignorant of iron, fought on horseback armed with battleaxes of copper and with copper-pointed spears, and and manufactured and used the wagon. (ἅμαξα) Also nicht promiscuity supposable. Herodot, l. IV, c. 104, sagt auch v. den Agathyrsi:  Sie leben in Weibergemeinschaft, damit alle miteinander verwandt und verschwistert seien und kein Neid und keine Zwietracht aufkommen könnten. (Übers. August Horneffer.)
Schließen
»ἐπίκοινον δὲ τῶν γυναικῶν τὴν μῖξιν ποιεῦνται, ἵνα κασίγνητοί τε ἀλλήλων ἔωσι καὶ οἰκήϊοι ἐόντες πάντες μήτε φθόνῳ μήτ’ ἔχθεϊ χρέωνται ἐς ἀλλήλους«
. Punaluan marriage in the group erklärt besser diese u. similar usages in other tribes mentioned by Herodotus, than polygamy or general promiscuity. [429–431]

Herrera , Hist. of America , sagt: (das gilt v. Zeit der first navigators who visited the coast tribes of Venezuela) „They observe no law or rule in matrimony, but took as many wives as they would, and they as many husbands, quitting one another at pleasure, without reckoning any wrong done on any part. There was no such thing as jealousy among them, all living as best pleased them, without taking offence at one another … the houses they dwelt in were common to all, and so spacious that they contained 160 persons, strongly built, though covered with palmtree leaves, and shaped like a bell.“ |

10

These tribes used earthen vessels, were in Lower State of Barbarism. ⦗derselbe Herrera , speaking of the coast tribes of Brazil: „they live in bohios, or large thatched cottages, of which there are about 8 in every village, full of people, with their nests or hammocks to lye in … they live in a beastly manner, without any regard to justice or decency.“[⦘] [431]

Bei der Entdeckung of North America in its several parts, the punaluan family seems to have entirely disappeared; syndasmyan syndyasmian form of family, aber environed with the remains of the ancient conjugal system. Eine custom z. B. noch jetzt anerkannt in mindestens 40 North American Indian tribes. Heirathete ein Mann die älteste Tochter einer family, so durch custom entitled to all her sisters as wives when they attained the marriageable age. Dies Recht selten enforced wegen der Schwierigkeit several families to maintain, obgleich Polygmy Polygamy allgemein anerkannt as privilege of the males. Früher – pŭnalŭa – own sisters went into the marriage relation on the basis of sisterhood; nach Absterben der pŭnalŭan family the right remained with the husband of the eldest sister to become the husband of all her sisters, if he chose. Dies genuine  Bei Morgan, S. 432: survival
Schließen
revival
of the ancient pŭnalŭan custom. [432]

2) Origin of the Organization into gentes.

Partial development of gentes in the Status of savagery, complete development in the Lower Status of barbarism. Germ of gentes found in the Australian classes wie in der Hawaiian punaluan group. The gentes are also found among the Australians, based upon the classes, with the apparent manner of their organization out of them … Its (the gentile organization’s) birth must be sought in pre-existing elements of society, and its maturity would be expected to occur long after its origination.

Two of the fundamental rules of the gens in its archaic form found in the Australian classes, the prohibition of intermarriage between brothers and sisters, and descent in the  Bei Morgan, S. 433: female
Schließen
family
line
… und when gens appeared, the children are found in the gens of their mothers. Natural adaptation of the classes to give birth to the gens sufficiently obvious  Bei Morgan, S. 433: to suggest the probability that it actually so occurred. Moreover, this probability is strengthen by the fact that the gens is here found in connection with an antecedent and more archaic organization, which was still the unit of a social system, a place belonging of right to the gens.
Schließen
… Und in Australien the fact: gens here found (actually) in connection with an antecedent and more archaic organization, die still the unit of a social system, Platz später durch die gens eingenommen.
[433]

Germ of gens ebenso found in Hawaiian punaluan group, aber confined to the female branch of the custom, wo several sisters, own and collateral, shared their husbands in common. Diese Schwestern, mit ihren Kindern u. descendants through females, liefern the exact membership of a gens of the archaic type. Descent hier nothwendig traced durch females, da paternity der children nicht mit certainty ascertainable. Sobald diese specifische Form der Ehe in the group etablirte Institution, the foundation for a gens existed. Die Hawaiians did not turn this natural punaluan group into a gens, d.h. in eine Organisation beschränkt auf diese Mütter, Kinder u. Abkommen in der weiblichen Linie. Aber zu einer analogen Gruppe, resting upon the sisterhood of the mothers, or to the similar Australian group, resting upon the same principle of union, the origin of the gens must be ascribed. It took this group as it found it, and organized certain of its members, with certain of their posterity, into a gens on the basis of kin. [433, 434]

The gens sprang up in a family, which consisted of a group of persons coincident substantially with the membership of a gens.

Sobald sich die gens voll entwickelt u. ihren full influence on society ausübte »wives became scarce in place of their former abundance«, weil die gens tended »to contract the size of the punaluan group, and finally to overthrow it.« Die syndyasmische Familie wurde gradually produced within the punaluan, nachdem die gentile organization became predominant over ancient society. Als die syndyasmische Familie zu erscheinen begann u. die punaluan groups zu verschwinden, wurden wives sought by purchase and capture.  Bei Morgan, S. 435: it is a plain inference that the gentile organization was the sufficient cause of the final overthrow of the punaluan family […] While it originated in the punaluan group, as we must suppose, it nevertheless carried society beyond and above its plane.
Schließen
Originating in the punaluan group, sprengte die gentile organization diese ihre Geburtsstätte
. [434, 435]

3) The Turanian or Ganowanian Ganowánian System of Consanguinity.

This system u. die gentile organization, when in its archaic form, werden gewöhnlich zusammen gefunden. Die family active principle, steht nie still, passes von a lower form into a higher one. Systems of consanguinity sind dagegen passiv; recording the progress made by the family at long intervals apart, and only changing radically when the family has radically changed. [435]  Kommentar von Marx. Von Engels zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 21/22).
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Ebenso verhält es sich mit politischen, religiösen, juristischen, philosophischen Systemen überhaupt.⦘
|

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Das Turanian system of consanguinity drückt aus die actual relationships wie sie in der Punaluan family existiren; es beweist seinerseits die  Bei Morgan, S. 436: existence
Schließen
Praeexistenz
dieser Familie. Das System geht herab bis auf unsre Zeit in Asien u. America, nachdem die Familienform, hence Eheform, aus der es entsprang, verschwunden u. die punaluan family ersetzt durch die syndyasmische. Die substantiell identischen Formen des Verwandtschaftssystems der Seneca-Iroquois (used as typical für die Ganowanian Ganowánian tribes of America) u. des Tamil people v. Südindien (als typical f. die Turanian tribes of Asia) haben gemein über 200 relationships of the same person.  Verweis von Marx auf die „Comparative Table of the System of Relationship of the Seneca-Iroquois Indians of New York, and of the People of South-India speaking the Tamil Dialekt of the Drâvidian Language“ bei Morgan, S. 447–452.
Schließen
(sieh die Tabellen p. 447 sq.)
Natürlich einige, aber nicht substantielle diversities der Systems bei different tribes u. nations. All alike salute by kin; unter den Tamil people, when the person addressed is younger than the speaker, the term of relationship must be used; when older, salute by kin or by the personal name; bei den American aborigines, the address must always be by the term of relationship. Dies System was also the means by which each individual in the ancient gentes was able to trace his connection with every member of his gens, bis monogamy das Turanian system niederwarf. [435, 436]

Bei den Seneca-Iroquois the relationships of Grandfather (Hoc’-sote), grandmother (Oc’-sote), grandson (Ha-yä’-da) u. granddaughter (Ka-yä’-da) sind die most remote recognized in aufsteigender u. absteigender Linie.

Die relationships of brother and sister sind nicht abstract, sondern in der doppelten Form v. »älter« u. »jünger«, mit special terms for each:

Elder Brother Ha’-je; Younger Brother: Ha’-gă; Elder sister: Ah’-jē; Younger Sister: Ka’-gă.

The relationship of the same person to Ego in many cases different mit change of the sex of the Ego.

Ist collateral line: Für male Seneca his brother’s son and daughters daughter are his son and daughter (Ha-ah’-wuk u. Ka-ah’-wuk) u. beide nennen ihn Vater (Hä’-nih). Ebenso seines brother’s grandchildren his grandsons (Ha-yä’-da (singular)[)] u. granddaughters (Ka-yä’-da); beide nennen ihn (Hoc’-sote) grandfather. Also his brothers brother’s children u. grandchildren in same category with his own.

Ferner: für male Seneca his sister’s son and daughter are his nephew (Ha-yă-wan-da Ha-yă’-wan-da) u. niece (Ka-yă-wan-da Ka-yă’-wan-da), each calling him uncle (Hoc-no’-sch Hoc-no’-seh). So relationships of nephew and niece restricted to the children of a man’s sisters, own and collateral.

The children of this nephew and niece are his grandchildren, as before, u. he their grandfather.

Für Seneca female einige dieser relationships different; her brother’s sons son and daughter are her nephew (Ha-soh’-neh) und niece (Ka-soh’-neh) u. beide nennen sie aunt (Ah-ga’-huc). (andre terms als für nephew u. niece des male Seneca) The children dieser nephews u. nieces sind ihre grand-children.

Her sister’s son and daughter are her son and daughter, jeder v. beiden nennt sie Mutter (Noh-yeh’) u. deren children sind ihre grand-children, nennen sie grandmother (Oc’-sote). The wives of these sons and nephews are her daughters-in-law (Ka’-sä) u. die husbands dieser daughters u. nieces are her sons in law (Oc-na’-hose) u. they apply to her the proper correlative.

IInd collateral line. For male u. female Seneca: father’s brother his or her father, calls [him or] her son or daughter. Also all the brothers of a father are placed in the relation of a father. Their sons and daughters are his or her brothers and sisters, elder or younger. Alias: the children of brothers are in the relationship of brothers and sisters.

Für male Seneca, the children of these brothers are his sons and daughters, their children his grandchildren; die children of these sisters his nephews and nieces, and the children of the latter his grand-children.

Für female Seneca: the children of these brothers her nephews u. nieces, the children of these sisters her sons and daughters, and their children alike her grandchildren.

Des father’s sister ist des Seneca’s aunt, calls him nephew, if he is a male. The relationship of aunt restricted to the father’s sister and the sisters of such other persons as stand to Seneca in the relation of a father, to the exclusion of the mother’s sisters. The father’s sister’s children are cousins (Ah-gare’-seh).

Für male Seneca: the children of his male cousins are his sons and daughters u. of his female cousins his nephews and nieces.

 Bei Morgan, S. 439: but with myself a female these last relationships are reversed
Schließen
Für female Seneca: the id. id. are her nephews u. nieces and ditto her sons and daughters
.

All children of the latter his or her grandchildren.|

12

Für male Seneca: mother’s brother is uncle, calls him nephew; the relationship of uncle hier restricted to the mother’s brothers, own and collateral, to the exclusion of the father’s brothers. His children sind des male Seneca’s cousins, the children of his male cousins are his sons and daughters, of his female cousins his nephews and nieces;

  Bei Morgan, S. 439: but with myself a female these last relationships are reversed, the children of all alike are my grandchildren
Schließen
für female Seneca the children of all her cousins are her grandchildren.

Female: The mother’s sisters are my mothers, the mother mother’s sister’s children my brothers and sisters, elder and younger. The children of these brothers are my sons and daughters, of these sisters my nephews and nieces; and the children of the latter my grandchildren.

Für female: reversed the same relationships as before.

Für male Seneca: Each of the wives of these several brothers and of these several male cousins is his sister-in-law (Ah-ge-ah’-ne-ah), each of them calls him: brother-in-law (Ha-yă’-o).

Each of the husbands of these several sisters and female cousins is my brother-in-law.

Traces of the punaluan custom remain here and there in the marriage relationship of the American aborigines; .

In Mandan my brother’s wife is my wife, in Pawnee u. Arickaree the same; in Crow my husband’s brother’s wife is „my comrade“; in Creek my „present occupant“, in Munsee „my friend“, in Winnebago u. Achaotinne „my sister“. My wife’s sister’s husband is in some tribes „my brother“, in others „my brother-in-law“, in Creek, „my little separater“ whatever that may mean.

 Bei Morgan, S. 440: Third Collateral Line. As the relationships in the several branches of this line are the same as in the corresponding branches of the second, with the exception of one additional ancestor, it will be sufficient to present one branch out of the four.
Schließen
IIId collateral line: hier nur one branch (4 entsprechend den vorhergehenden) considered.

my fathers father’s father’s brother is my grandfather, calls me his grandson. It places these brothers in the relation of grandfathers and thus prevents collateral ascendants from passing beyond this relationship. The principle which merges the collateral lines in the lineal line works upwards as well as downwards. The son of this grandfather is my father, his children my brothers and sisters, the children of these sisters brothers are my sons and daughters, of these sisters my nephews and nieces; and their children my grandchildren. With Ego being a female the same relationships reversed as in previous cases.

IVth collateral line. Auch nur eine branch dieser line betrachtet.

My grandfather’s father’s brother is my grandfather; his son also my grandfather; the son of the latter my father; his son and daughter my brother and sister, elder or younger; and their children and grandchildren follow in the same relationships to Ego as in other cases.

V coll. line: Classification same as in the corresponding branches of IId, except of additional ancestors.

In Seneca-Iroquois terms for father-in-law (Oc-na’-hose), for a wife’s father, and Hä-gä’-sä for a husband’s father. Former term also used for a son-in-law. Terms also for stepfather (Hoc’-no-ese) u. stepmother (Oc’-no-ese), stepson (Ha’-no) u. stepdaughter (Ka’-no). In a number of tribes 2 fathers-in-law and 2 mothers-in-law are related, and terms to express the connection. [436–441]

In about one half of all the relationships named, the Turanian system is identical with the Malayan.

Seneca u. Tamil unterscheiden sich von Hawaiian in den relationships which depended on intermarriage or non-intermarriage of brothers and sisters. In den 2 ersteren z. B. my sister’s son is my nephew, in dem latter my son.

The change of relationships resulting from the substitution der punaluan in place of the consanguine family turns the Malayan in the Turanian system.

In Polynesia family punaluan; system of consanguinity bleibt Malayan;

In  Bei Morgan, S. 442: America
Schließen
Northamerica
family syndyasmian, system of consanguinity
bleibt Turanian;

In Europe u. Western Asia family becomes monogamian, system of consanguinity blieb für Zeitlang Turanian, bis fallend in decadence u. succeeded by the Aryan. [441, 442] |

13

The Malayan system must have prevailed generally in Asia before the Malayan migration to the Islands of the Pacific; the system (Turanian) transmitted in the Malayan form to the ancestors of the three families, with the streams of the blood, from a common Asiatic source; afterward modified into its present form by the remote ancestors of the Turanian and Ganowanian Ganowánian families. [445]

The principal relationships of the Turanian system created by punaluan family; several of the marriage relationships have changed. The brotherhood of the husbands and the sisterhood of the wives formed the basis of the relation fully expressed by the Hawaiian custom of pŭnalŭa. Theoretically the family of the period was coextensive with the group united in the marriage relation; but practically, it must have subdivided into a number of smaller families for convenience of habitation and subsistence. The brothers, by 10 and 12, of the Britons, married to each other’s wives, may indicate the size of an ordinary subdivision of a pŭnalŭan group. [445, 446]

Communism in living seems to have originated in the necessities of the consanguine family, to have been continued in the punaluan, and transmitted to the syndyasmian unter den American aborigines, with whom it remained a practice down to the epoch of their discovery. [446]  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(And the South Slavonians? and even Russians to a certain degree?)

Part III. Ch. IV. The Syndyasmian and the Patriarchal families.

Syndyasmian od. pairing family gefunden bei Entdeckung der American aborigines unter der Portion derselben who were in the Lower State of Barbarism; married pairs, forming clearly marked though but partially individualized families. In dieser family der germ der monogamian family. [453]

Verschiedne der Syndyasmischen families usually found in one house  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗wie bei Südslaven: der monogamischen Familien
, forming a communal household  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗wie Südslaven u. in some degree: Russian peasants vor u. nach Leibeignenemancipation⦘
, worin the principle of communism in living was practised. Dies fact beweist that the family was too feeble an organization to face alone the hardships of life; aber founded upon marriage between single pairs. Die woman war jetzt etwas mehr als das principal wife of her husband; birth of children tended to cement the union and make it permanent. [453, 454]

Marriages hier founded not upon »sentiment«, but upon convenience and necessity. Die mothers arranged the marriages of their children, ohne deren previous consent od. knowledge; oft so strangers brought into marriage relation; at the proper time they were informed when the simple nuptial ceremony was to be performed. So usages bei Iroquois u. many other Indian tribes. Prior to the marriage, presents to the gentile relatives of the bride, partaking in the nature of purchasing gifts, became feature of these matrimonial transactions. The relation continued only at the pleasure of the parties, Mann oder Frau. Nach u. nach gebildet u. Kraft gewinnend public sentiment gegen diese separations; when dissension arose, erst Vermittlung versucht durch die gentile kindred of each party. Half das nicht, so verliess Weib das Haus ihres Manns, nahm mit ihren personal effects auch die Kinder, regarded as exclusive her own; wo des wife’s kindred predominated in the communal household, was gewöhnlich der Fall, the husband left the home of his wife. So continuance of marriage relations at the option of the parties. [454, 455]

Rev. Arthur Asher Wright , many years a missionary among the Senecas, wrote to Morgan in 1873 hierüber: As to their families, when occupying the old long-houses … some one clan predominated, the women taking in husbands from the other other clans; and sometimes, for a novelty, some of their sons bringing in their young wives until they felt brave enough to leave their mothers. Usually, the female portion ruled the house the stores were in common; but woe to the luckless husband or lover who was too shiftless to do his share of the providing. No matter how many children, or whatever goods he might have in the house, he might at any time be ordered to pick up and budge, durfte nicht attempt to disobey. The house would be too hot for him, … he must retreat to his own clan; or, as was often done, go and start a new matrimonial alliance in some other. The women were the great power among the clans, as everywhere else. They did not hesitate, when occasion required, ‘to knock off the horns’, as it was technically called, from the head of a chief, and send him back to the ranks of the warriors. The original nomination of the chiefs also always rested with them.“ Cf: Bachofen: „Das Mutterrecht“ , wo gyneocracy discussed. |

14

Unter den Iroquois, barbarians in Lower Status of barbarism, but of high mental grade, and among the equally advanced Indian tribes generally, verlangten die Männer under severe penalties Keuschheit v. den Weibern, aber nicht reciprocal obligation; polygamy universally recognized as the right of the males, was in practice limited from inability to support the indulgence. In syndyasmian family – absence of exclusive cohabitation. The old conjugal system remained, but under reduced u. restricted forms. [455, 456]

Aehnlich unter den Village Indians in the Middle Status of barbarism. Nach Clavigero (Hist. of Mexico) settled the parents all marriages. „A priest tied a point of the huepilli (gown) of the bride with the tilmatli (mantle of the bridegroom) and in this ceremony the matrimonial contract chiefly consisted.“ Herrera (History of America) says „all that the bride brought was kept in memory, that in cases case they should be unmarried again, as was usual among them, the goods might be parted; the man taking the daughters, and the wife the son sons , with liberty to marry again.“ Polygamy a recognized right of the males among the Village Indians, more generally practiced, than among the less advanced tribes. [456, 457]

In the punaluan family was more or less of pairing from the necessities of the social state, each man having a principal wife among a number of wives and vice versa; so that tendency in the direction of the syndyasmian family. Dies result hauptsächlich hervorgebracht durch die organization into gentes. In dieser organization:

1) Prohibition of intermarriage in the gens excluded own brothers and sisters, and also the children of own sisters, da diese alle in der gens. Bei subdivision der gens the prohibition of intermarriage – with all the descendants in the female line of each ancestor in the gens – followed its branches, for long periods of time, as shown was the case among the Iroquois.

2) The structure der gens created a prejudice against the marriage of consanguinei; war schon sehr general unter den American origines aborigines zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung. z. B. unter den Iroquois none of the blood relatives enumerated were marriageable. Since es ward nöthig to seek wives from other gentes they began to be acquired by negotiation u. by purchase; scarcity of wives statt previous abundance; so gradually contracted the numbers of in the punaluan group. Such groups have now disappeared, obgleich das [Turanian] system of consanguinity remains.

3) In seeking wives they did not confine themselves to their own, nor even friendly tribes; captured them by force from hostile tribes; hence Indian usage to spare the lives of female captives, while the males were put to death. When wives acquired by purchase and by capture, they not so readily shared  Bei Morgan, S. 459: with others
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as before
. This tended to cut off that portion of the theoretical group not immediately associated for subsistence; reduced still more the size of the family and the range of the conjugal system. Practically group limited itself, from the first, to own brothers who shared their wives in common and own sisters who shared their husbands in common.

4) Gens created a higher structure of society than before known. Die marriage of unrelated persons created a more vigorous stock physically and mentally; 2 advancing tribes blended, the new skull and brain would widen and lengthen to the sum of the capabilities of both. –

The propensity to pair, now so powerful in the civilized races, also nicht normal to mankind, but a growth through experience, like all the great passions u. powers of the mind. [457–460]

Warfare under barbarians – from more improved weapons and stronger incentives – zerstört more life als Krieg unter savages; the males trieben stets the trade of fighting; left females in excess; this strenghtened the conjugal system created by marriages in the group; retarded the advancement der syndyasmian family. Dagegen improvement in subsistence, following the cultivation of maize u. plants, favored the general advancement der family (bei den American aborigines). The more stable such a family, the more its individuality developed. Having taken a refuge in a communal household, in which a group of such families succeeded the punaluan group, it now drew its support from itself, from the household and the gentes to which the husbands and wives respectively belonged. Syndyasmian family springing up on the confines of savagery and barbarism, it traversed the Middle and greater part of the Later Period of barbarism, bis superseded by a low form of the monogamian. Overshadowed by the conjugal system of the times, it gained in recognition with the gradual progress of society. [460, 461]

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Morgan sagt, was oft anwendbar, von den Old Britons:
(in the middle status of barbarism) »they seem to have been savages in their brains, while wearing the art apparel of more advanced tribes.« [462]

Iron has been smelted from the ore by a number of African tribes, including the Hottentots, as far back as our knowledge of them extends. After producing the metal by rude processes acquired from foreign sources, they have succeeded in fabricating |15 rude instruments and weapons. (463)

Die Entwicklungen müssen studirt werden in areas where the institutions are homogeneous. Polynesia u. Australia best areas for the study of savage society. North u. South America für condition of society in the Lower and Middle Status of Barbarism. M. nimmt an „Asiatic origin of the American aborigines“. Their advent in America could not have been resulted from a deliberate migration, but due to the accidents of the sea, and to the great ocean currents from Asia to the Nortwest coast. (464)

Middle State of barbarism – in 16t century –  Zusammenfassend von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 465: In no part of the earth was there to be found such a display of society in this Status
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(splendidly)
exemplified by the Village Indians of New Mexico, Mexico, Central America, Grenada, Ecuador and Peru, with its advanced arts and inventions, improved architecture, nascent manufactures and incipient sciences.

Upper Status of barbarism – Grecian, Roman, and later on the German tribes. [465]

Patriarchal family of the Semitic tribes belongs to the Later Period of Barbarism and remained for a time after the commencement of civilization. Chiefs lived in polygamy; dies nicht the material principle of the patriarchal institution. Was diese Familienform wesentlich charakterisirt: Organization of a number of persons, bond and free, into a family, under paternal power, for the purpose of holding lands, and for the care of flocks and herds. Those held to servitude, and those employed as servants, lived in the marriage relation, and with the patriarch as their chief, formed a patriarchal family. Authority over its members and over its property was the material fact.  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 466: It was the incoropration […], before that time unknown, rather than the poligamy, that stamped the patriarcal family with the attributes of an original insititution.
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Das Charakteristische: the incorporation of numbers in servile and dependent relations, before that time unknown.
Paternal power over the group; with it a higher individuality of persons. [465, 466]

So auch die Roman family under patria potestas; Macht des pater über Leben u. Tod seiner Kinder u. descendants, wie über slaves und servants who formed the nucleus of the family and furnished its name; his absolute ownership of all the property they created. Without polygamy, the Roman pater familias was a patriarch and his family a patriarchal family. In mindrem Grad selbe Charakteristik der ancient family der Grecian tribes.

The patriarchal family marks the peculiar epoch in human progress when the individuality of the person began to rise above the gens, in which it previously had been merged; its general influence tended powerfully to the establishment of the monogamian family … Its Hebrew and Roman forms exceptional in human experience. Paternal authority »impossible« in the consanguine and punaluan families; began to appear as a feeble influence in the syndyasmian family, ward fully established under monogamy u. beyond all bounds of reason in the patriarchal family of the Roman type. [466, 467]

Part III. Ch. V. The Monogamian Family.

 Bei Morgan, S. 468: Such, in fact, was the most ancient form of the institution made known to us among the Latin, Grecian and Hebrew tribes. Thus, by relation, the patriarchal family was made the typical family of primitive society, conceived either in the Latin or Hebrew form, paternal power being the essence of the organism.
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Mode: patriarchal family – in Latin or Hebrew form – zur typical form of primitive society zu machen
. The gens, as it appeared in the later period of barbarism, was understood, but erroneously supposed to be subsequent in point of time to the monogamian family. The gens was treated as an aggregation of families; aber gens entered ganz in phratry, phratry in tribe, tribe into the nation; aber family could not enter entirely into the gens, because husband and wife were necessarily of different gentes. The wife, down to the latest period, counted herself of the gens of her father, and bore the name of his gens under the Romans. As all the parts must enter into the whole, the family could not become the unit of the gentile organization, that place was held by the gens. [468, 469]

family – modern appearence unter  Bei Morgan, S. 469: Latin
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Roman
tribes; beweist die Bedeutung von familia, contains same element as famulus = servant.  Das Wort famulus kommt aus dem Oskischen, in dem ein Sklave famul genannt wurde; von da auch das Wort familia.

nominabun(?)tur: Bei Morgan, S. 469, Fn. 1: nominabuntur. Bei Festus: nominabatur.
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Festus sagt: »Famuli origo ab Oscis dependet, apud quos servus famul nominabun(?)tur, unde [et] familia vocata.«
Also in seiner primären Bedeutung family unbezogen auf das married pair od. dessen children, sondern in relation to the body of slaves and servants who labored for its maintenance and were under the power of the pater familias. In einigen testamentarischen dispositions ist Familia used als Equivalent für patrimonium, the inheritance which passed to the heir.   der gab […] einem Freunde seine familia d.h. sein Vermögen mancipationsweise […] (Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad Beckhaus.)
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Gajus instit. II, 102: »Amico familiam suam, id est patrimonium suum mancipio dabat.«
Wurde introducirt in Lateinische Gesellschaft to define a new organism, the head of which held wife and children, and a body of servile persons under paternal power. Mommsen nennt die familia a „body of servants“. ( Roman Hist. ) Dieser term also nicht älter als the iron-clad family system |16 of the Latin tribes, which came in after field agriculture and after legalized servitude, as well as after the separation of the Greeks and  Bei Morgan, S. 470: Latins
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Romans
. [469, 470]  Kommentar von Marx. Von Engels erwähnt im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 34), ohne sich auf Fourier zu beziehen. Allerdings äußert er sich in der letzten Fußnote des Werkes wie folgt: „Ich beabsichtigte anfangs, die brillante Kritik der Civilisation, die sich in den Werken Charles Fouriers zerstreut vorfindet, neben diejenige Morgan’s und meine eigne zu stellen. Leider fehlte mir die Zeit dazu. Ich bemerke nur, daß schon bei Fourier Monogamie und Grundeigenthum als Hauptkennzeichen der Civilisation gelten und daß er sie einen Krieg des Reichen gegen den Armen nennt.“ (MEGA I/29. S. 113.)
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Fourier charakterisirt Epoche der Civilisation durch Monogamy u. Grund Privateigentum. Die moderne Familie enthält im Keim nicht nur servitus (Sklaverei) sondern auch Leibeigenschaft, da sie von vorn herein Beziehung auf Dienste für Ackerbau. Sie enthält in Miniatur alle die Antagonismen in sich, die sich später breit entwickeln in der Gesellschaft u. ihrem Staat.⦘

Mit der syndyasmischen Familie Keim der väterlichen Autorität, entwickelt sich je mehr die neue Familie monogamische Charaktere annimmt. Sobald property began to be created in masses u. the desire for its transmission to children had changed descent from the female line to the male, wurde zuerst a real foundation for paternal power gelegt.  Ferner stehen in unsrer potestas unsre in civilrechtlich anerkannter Ehe erzeugten Kinder. Und dieses Gewaltverhältniß ist den römischen Bürgern eigenthümlich, denn es giebt wol nicht leicht andre Völker, die eine solche potestas über ihre Hauskinder haben wie wir (Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad Beckhaus.)
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Gajus selbst sagt Inst. I, 55: »Item in potestate nostra sunt liberi nostri ⦗auch jus vitae necisque⦘, quos justis nuptiis procreavimus, quod jus proprium civium Romanorum est: fere enim nulli alii sunt homines, qui talem in filios suos habent potestatem, quod qualem nos habemus
Monogamy appears in a definite form in the Later Period of Barbarism. [470, 471]

Old Germans: their institutions homogeneous and indigenous. Nach Tacitus marriages strict among them; contented themselves with a single wife, a very few excepted on account of their rank; husband brought dowry to his wife (not vice versa), nämlich a caparisoned horse and a shield, with a spear and sword; by virtue of these gifts the wife was espoused. ( Germania , c. 18) The presents in the nature of purchasing gift – zweifelsohne früher für gentile kindred of the wife – damals schon went to bride.  Sie begnügen sich mit nur einer Gattin (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Marx’ Exemplar von C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772, der die „Germania“ enthält, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1296). Er hat die zitierten Worte dort zunächst mit Grünstift unter- und angestrichen und später noch einmal mit Blaustift unterstrichen. Erwähnt war diese Ausgabe in Marx’ Verzeichnis römischer Autoren in einem seiner Bonner Hefte von 1842 (MEGA IV/1. S. 341), in einem Verzeichnis seiner Bücher in seinem Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1844 bis 1847 (MEGA IV/3. S. 6.29) und in dem von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellten Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.29).
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»Singulis uxoribus contenti sunt« ( Germania , c. 19 18)
u. die Weiber  Sie leben […] in umhegter Keuschheit (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)
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»septae septa pudicitia agunt«.

Wahrscheinlich family »sheltered itself in a communal household  Zusatz von Marx.
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(wie Sudslaven Südslaven)
composed of related families. When slavery became an institution, these households would gradually disappear. [«] [471, 472]  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗In fact: die monogamische family unterstellt, um selbstständig, isolated, existiren zu können, überall a domestic class, die in ursprünglich überall direct slaves.⦘

Homeric Greeks: Monogamian family of a low type. the treatment of their female captives reflects the culture of the period with respect to women in general; tentlive tent life of Achilles u. Patroclus ; whatever of monogamy existed, was through an enforced constraint upon wives ⦗some degree of seclusion⦘; . [472, 473]

Der change of descent von der female line to the male schädlich für Position u. Rechte der Frau u. Mutter; ihre Kinder transferred von ihrer gens zur gens ihres husband; sie verlor durch marriage ihre agnatic rights, erhielt kein Equivalent dafür; vor dem change, die Glieder ihrer eignen Gens predominated in the household; dies gave full force to the maternal bond u. machte women rather than men the center of the family. Nach dem change stand sie allein im household ihres husband, isolated from her gentile kindred. Under the prosperous classes her condition of enforced seclusion u. als primary object der marriage to beget children in lawful wedlock (παιδοποιεῖσθαι γνησίως). [473, 474]

Von Anfang bis End unter den Griechen a principle of studied selfishness among the males, tending to lessen the appreciation of women, scarcely found among savages … the usages of centuries stamped upon the minds of Grecian women a sense of their inferiority.  Kommentar von Marx. Engels erwähnt diesen Kommentar im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 35).
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⦗Aber das Verhältniss der Göttinnen im Olymp zeigt Rückerinnerung an frühere freiere u. einflussreichere Position der Weiber. Die Juno herrschsüchtig, die Weisheit Göttin, springt aus Kopf des Zeus etc⦘
 Bei Morgan, S. 474: It was, perhaps, one of the sacrifices required of womankind to bring this portion of the human race out of the syndyasmian into the monogamian family. It still remains an enigma that a race, with endowments great enough to impress their mental life upon the world, should have
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Es war vielleicht … diese Race nöthig, um aus Syndyasmian in Monogamian system herüberzukommen. Greeks
blieben barbarians in their treatment of the female sex at the height of their civilization; their education superficial, intercourse with the opposite sex denied them, their inferiority inculcated as a principle upon them, until it came to be accepted as a fact by the women themselves. Das wife not companion equal to her husband, but in the relation of a daughter. [474, 475]

See Becker: Charicles .

 Bei Morgan, S. 477: The growth of property and the desire for its transmission to children was, in reality, the moving power which brought in monogamy to insure legitimate heirs, and to limit their number to the actual progeny of the married pair. A knowledge of the paternity of children […] had not attained the requisite degree of certainty because of the survival of some portion of the ancient jura conjugialia. It explains […]
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Da die moving power which brought in monogamy was – the growth of property and the desire for its transmission to children – legitimate heirs, the actual progeny of the married pair in the Upper Status of Barbarism sprang up – als protection gegen das survival of some portion of the ancient jura conjugalia
the new usage: the seclusion of wives; plan of [domestic] life among the civilized Greeks – a system of female confinement and restraint. [477] |

17

Roman family: Mater familias was mistress of the family; went into the streets freely ohne restraint by her husband, frequented with the men the theaters and festive banquets; in the house not confined to particular appartments apartments, nor excluded from the table of the men; Roman females daher mehr personal dignity u. independence als griechische; aber marriage gave them in manum viri; war = daughter des husband; he had the power of correction u. of life u. death in case of adultery (mit concurrence of the council of her gens). [477, 478]

Confarreatio, coëmptio, usus, alle 3 Formen der röm. Ehe, gaben Frau in manus des Mannes, fell out under the Empire, when free marriage generally adopted, not placing the wife in manus des Mannes.

Divorce, von frühster Periode, at the option of the parties, (wahrscheinlich transmitted v. Syndyasmian family Period), selten in Republik. (Becker: Gallus) [478]

Licentiousness – so auffallend in Grecian u. Roman cities at the height of civilization – in all probability remains of an ancient conjugal system, never fully eradicated, had followed down from barbarism as a social taint u. now expressed its excesses in the new channel ofhaeterism hetaerism . [479]

 Bei Morgan, S. 480/481: the Aryan, Semitic and Uralian families of mankind formerly possessed the Turanian system of consanguinity, and that it fell into desuetude under monogamy.
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Der Monogamian family entsprach Aryan (Semitic, Uralian) system of consanguinity and affinity.
Gentes had their natural origin in the punaluan family. The principal branches of the Aryan  Bei Morgan, S. 481: family
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stock
organized into gentes when first known historically;  Bei Morgan, S. 481: sustaining the inference that, when one undivided people, they were thus organized. From this fact the further presumption arises that they derived the organization through a remote ancestry who lived in that same punaluan condition which gave birth to this remarkable and wide-spread institution. Besides this, the Turanian system of consanguinity is
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zeigt dass sie auch dort anfingen u. aus der punaluan family entsprang Turanian system of consanguinity
, still found connected with the gens in its archaic form among the American aborigines. Also auch dies ursprüngliches system der Aryans. Im Aryan system of consanguinity – Armuth of original nomenclature for relationship erklärt dadurch dass a large portion of the nomenclature of the Turanian system would fall out under monogamy. Common unter den several Aryan dialects nur: father u. mother, brother u. sister, son u. daughter u. a common term applied indiscriminately to nephew, grandson and cousin (Sanscrit: naptar, lat. nepos, Greek: ἀνεψιός). In so advanced Cultur, wie Monogamy voraussetzt, they could not have arrived mit such a scanty nomenclature of blood relationships. Erklärt with a previous system wie das Turanian, durch impoverishment. [480–482]

Im Turanian system brothers u. sisters – younger u. elder u. the several terms applied to categories of persons including persons not own brothers and sisters. Im Aryan, on basis of monogamy, terms for brother u. sister now in the abstract for the first time u. inapplicable to collaterals.

Remains of a prior Turanian system still appear: So bei Hungarians brothers u. sisters classified als elder u. younger by special terms. French frère (aîné\älter, pûné puîné u. cadet\junger); aînée u. cadette älter u. junger sister. Sanskrit: älter Bruder u. jüngerer (agrajar u. amujar), ditto für Schwester (agrajri u. amujri). If common terms once existed in Greek, Roman etc dialects für elder u. younger brother and sister, their former application to categories of persons, machte sie unanwendbar als exclusiv für own brothers and sisters.

Für grandfather no common term in the Aryan dialects. Sansk. pitameha, Gr. πάππος, lat. avus, Russ. djed, Welsh: hendad. Der term in a previous system (Turanian) was applied nicht nur zu grandfather proper, his brothers and several male cousins, sondern auch to brothers u. several male cousins of his grandmother; konnte daher nicht be made to signify a lineal grandfather and progenitor under monogamy.

Kein term für uncle u. aunt in the abstract u. no special terms für uncle u. aunt väterl. u. mütterl. Seite in den Aryan dialects. Sansk. pitroya, Gr. πάτρως, lat. patruus, Slavonic: stryc; Anglo-Saxon, Belgian, German: eam, oom, oheim for paternal uncle. In der Aryan original speech no term für Onkel mütterlicher Seite, a relationship made so conspicuous by the gens among barbarous tribes. If the previous system Turanian, necessarily a term hierfür, aber restricted to the own brothers of the mother, and her several male cousins; die Categorie schloss numbers of persons ein wovon viele could not be uncles under the monogamian system. [482, 483]

 Bei Morgan, S. 483: Assuming that the nations of the Aryan, Semitic and Uralian families formerly possessed the Turanian system of consanguinity, the transition from it to a descriptive system was simple and natural, after the old system, through monogamy, had become untrue to descents as they would then exist.
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Dagegen erklärt sich, bei früherer Existenz des Turanian Systems (by categories) der Uebergang zu descriptive system auf Basis der Monogamy.
Jede relationship under monogamy is specific; persons, under the new system, described by means of the primary terms or combinations of them as brother’s son für nephew, father’s brother für Onkel, father’s brother’s son für cousin. Dies war the original of the present system of the Aryan, Semitic u. Uralian families. The generalizations they now contain |18 were of later origin. All the tribes, die das Malayan u. Turanian system besassen, described their kindred by the same formula, when asked in what manner one person was related to another; nicht as a system of consanguinity, but as a means of tracing relationships. Schluss daraus: nach allgemeiner Errichtung des monogamian systems unter Aryans etc, fielen diese back upon the old descriptive form, always in use under the Turanian system u. dropten diesselbst als useless u. untrue to descents. [483, 484]

Beweis dass das original des present system purely descriptive: Erse – typical Aryan form, Esthonian – typical Uralian – are still descriptive. Im Erse the only terms for the bloodrelationships the primary: father and mother, brother and sister, son and daughter. Alle andre kindred described vermittelst dieser terms, commencing in the reverse order. z. B. brother, son of brother, son of son of brother. The Aryan system exhibits the actual relationships under monogamy, assumes that the paternity of children is known. [484]

Später a method of description, materially different from the Celtic, was engrafted upon the new system; but without changing its radical features; introduced by the Roman civilians, angenommen durch verschiedne Aryan nations, unter denen Roman influence extended. Slavonic System has some features entirely peculiar, of Turanian origin (see: Systems of consanguinity etc p. 40).

Römische Aenderungen: unterschieden väterlichen u. mütterlichen Onkel mit besondern terms dafür, erfanden term für Grossvater als correlative of nepos. Mit diesen terms u. den primary, in connection mit suitable augments, konnten sie systematize the relationships in the lineal u. the first 5 collateral lines, which included the body of the kindred of each individual.

The Arabic system passed through processes similar to the Roman u. mit similar results. [484, 485]

Von Ego to tritavus, in the lineal line, 6 generations of ascendants u. von Ego to trinepos the same number of descendants, in deren description nur 4 radical terms used. Wäre es nöthig to ascend farther, tritavus would become the new starting point of description: tritavi pater bis tritavi tritavus; the 12th ancestor of Ego in the lineal line, male; ebenso trinepotis trinepos etc.

1st collateral line male: frater; fratris filius; fratris nepos; fratris pronepos bis fratris trinepos; wenn zum 12t descendant fratris trinepotis trinepos. Durch diese simple Method frater is made the root of descent in this line.

Same line: female: soror, sororis filia, sororis neptis, sororis proneptis bis sororis trineptis (6th degree) u. sororis trineptis trineptis (12th descendant).

Beide Linien descend von pater; aber, by making the brother and sister the root of descent in the description, the line and its two branches are maintained distinct, and the relationship of each person to Ego is specialized.

2nd collateral line: male on the father’s side: father’s brother, patruus; patrui filius, p. nepos, p. pronepos, p. trinepos, bis patrui trinepotis trinepos.

patrui filius heisst auch frater patruelis, u. in gewöhnl. Volkssprache consobrinus (cousin).

  ingleichen die Brüdersöhne und Brüdertöchter, d.h. diejenigen beiderlei Geschlechts, welche von zwei Brüdern erzeugt worden sind, ferner die Schwestersöhne und Schwestertöchter, d.h. diejenigen beiderlei Geschlechts, die von zwei Schwestern geboren worden, gleichsam Verschwisterte, endlich die Geschwisterkinder beiderlei Geschlechts, d.h. die von einem Bruder und einer Schwester abstammen; alle diese nennt man im gemeinen Leben gewöhnlich Geschwisterkinder [consobrinos]. (Übers. Carl Friedrich Ferdinand Sintenis.)
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Pand. lib. XXXVIII, tit. 10 »Item fratres patrueles, sorores patrueles, id. est qui quaeve ex duobus fratribus progenerantur; item consobrini consobrinae, id est qui quaeve ex duobus duabus sororibus nascuntur (quasi consorini consororini ); item amitini amitinae, id est qui quaeve ex fratre ex et sorore propagantur; sed fere vulgos vulgus istos omnes communi appellatione consobrinus consobrinos vocat.«

female on the father’s side. : father’s sister; amita, amitae filius filia, a. neptis, a. trineptis, a. trineptis trineptis; special term for amitae filia amitina.

3d collateral line: male on the father’s side [:] grandfather’s brother – patruus magnus (keine existing language has an original term for this relationship); patrui magni filius, nepos, trinepos, ending with patrui magni trinepotis trinepos.|

19

same line female (on father’s side) commences with amita magna, great paternal aunt etc.

4th and 5th collateral lines on the father’s side commence respectively mit patruus major (great grandfather’s brother) u. patruus maximus (great-great-grandfather’s brother). Geht dann wie vorhin: patrui majoris filius, bis trinepos u. patrui maximi filius bis trinepos.

Female branches (on paternal side) commence respectively mit amita major u. amita maxima.

die relatives on the mother’s side, the first collateral line  Zusatz von Marx.
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soror etc
remains the same, während the female lineal line is substituted for the male.

Second collateral line

(on mother’s side):

avunculus (maternal uncle),  Bei Morgan, S. 489: and on as before
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avunculi filius, nepos, trinepos etc.
In the female branch (on mother’s side):

matertera (maternal aunt), materterae filia, neptis, proneptis, trineptis etc.

Third collateral line,  male and female (on mother’s side), begin respectively mit: avunculus magnus u. matertera magna;
Fourth mit avunculus major u. matertera major.
Fifth avunculus maximus u. matertera maxima. [485–489]

 Bei Morgan, S. 491: When the fact is accepted that the family has passed through four successive forms, and is now in a fifth, the question at once arises whether this form can be permanent in the future. The only answer that can be given is, that
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Mit Bezug auf die present monogamian family:
it must advance as society advances, and change as society changes, even as it has done in the past. It is the creature of the social system  Bei Morgan, S. 491/492: and will reflect its culture. As the monogamian family has improved greatly since the commencement of civilization, and very sensibly in modern times, it is at least
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… must be
supposable that it is capable of still farther improvement until the equality of the sexes is attained. Should the monogamian family in the distant future fail to answer the requirements of society, assuming the continuous progress of civilization, it is impossible to predict the nature of its successor. (491, 492)

Part III. Ch. VI. Sequence of Institutions connected with the family.

First stage of sequence: I) Promiscuous Intercourse.
II) Intermarriage of Brothers and Sisters, own and collateral, in a group; gives:
III) The Consanguine Family (first stage of the family [)]; gives:
IV) The Malayan System of Consanguinity u. Affinity.
Second Stage of Sequence: V) The organization upon the Basis of Sex, and the Punaluan Custom, tending to check the intermarriage of brothers and sisters; gives:
VI) The Punaluan Family (Second Stage of the Family), gives:
VII) The Organization into Gentes, which excluded brothers and sisters from marriage. Gives:
VIII) The Turanian and Ganonian Ganowánian System of Consanguinity and Affinity.
Third Stage of Sequence. IX) Increasing influence of Gentile Organization and improvement in the arts of life, advancing a portion of mankind into the Lower Status of Barbarism, gives:
X) Marriage between single pairs, but without an exclusive cohabitation; gives:
XI) Syndyasmian Family (Third Stage of the Family).
Fourth stage of Sequence. XII) Pastoral life on the plains in limited areas, gives:
XIII) Patriarchal family (Fourth, but exceptional Stage of family)
Fifth Stage of Sequence: XIV) Rise of Property, and settlement of lineal succession to estates, gives:
XV) The Monogamian family (Fifth Stage of the family), gives:
XVI) The Aryan, Semitic and Uralian system of Consanguinity and Affinity, and overthrows the Turanian. [498, 499]

I) Promiscuous intercourse. Leben in Horde; no marriage; far below the lowest savage now living; The ruder flint implements found over part of the earth’s surface, and not used by existing savages, attest extreme rudeness of man’s condition, after he had emerged from his primitive habitat, and commenced, as a fisherman, his spread over continental areas. – Primitive Savage. [500] |

20

The consanguine family … recognized promiscuity within defined limits, and those not the narrowest, and its point it points through its organism to a worse condition against which it interposed a shield. [501]

ad V)  In theAustralian male and female classes united in marriage, punaluan groups are found. Among the Hawaiians, the same group is also found, with the marriage custom it expresses. The pulanuan punaluan family included the same persons found in the previous sanguine consanguine , with the exception of own brothers and sisters, who were theoretically if not in every case excluded. [502, 503]

ad VII  Organization into gentes. Unter den Australian classes, the punaluan group is fond found on a broad and systematic scale; the people were also organized in gentes. Here the punaluan family older than the gens, because it rested upon classes which preceded the gentes. … The Turanian system requires both the punaluan family and the gentile organization to bring it into existence. [503]

ad X and XI Tendency to reduce the groups of married persons to smaller proportions before the close of savagery, because the syndyasmian family became a constant phenomenon in the Lower Status of Barbarism. Custom led the more advanced savage to recognize one among a number of wifes wives as his principal wife; this ripened in time into the custom of pairing, and in making this wife a companion and associate in the maintenance of family. … The old conjugal system, now reduced to narrower limits by the gradual disappearance of punaluan groups, still environed the advancing family, which it was to follow to the verge of civilization. … It finally disappeared into the new form of hetaerism, which still follows mankind in civilization as a dark shadow upon the family. … Syndyasmian family subsequent to the gens, which was largely instrumental in its production. From the Columbian Columbia River to the Paraguay, the Indian family was syndyasmian in general, punaluan in exceptional areas, u. monogamian perhaps in none. [503, 504]

ad XIV  It is impossible to overestimate the influence of property in the civilization of mankind. It was the power that brought the Aryan and Semitic nations out of barbarism into civilization. … Governments and laws are instituted with primary reference to its creation, protection and enjoyment. It introduced human slavery as an instrument in its production … With the establishment of the inheritance of property in the children of its owner, came the first possibility of a strict monogamian family.

ad XV  The Monogamian family: As finally constituted, this family assured the paternity of children, substituted the individual ownership of real as well as personal property for joint ownership, and an exclusive inheritance by children in the place of agnatic inheritance. Modern society reposes upon the Monogamian family. [505]

 Bei Morgan, S. 507: that body of eminent scholars
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Alle älteren Burschen
– darunter Sir Henry Maine – nehmen Hebrew u. Latin types (patriarchal family) an as producing the earliest organized society … damit hängt zusammen the hypothesis of human degradation to explain the existence of barbarians u. savages. Aber inventions u. discoveries came one by one; the knowledge of a chord cord must precede the bow and arrow, wie gunpowder the musket, steam engine the railway and steamship; so the arts of subsistence followed each other at long intervals u. human tools passed through forms of flint and stones before they were formed of iron. Ebenso institutions [506–508]



Part IV. (The Growth of the Idea of Property)

Ch. I. The three rules of inheritance.

»Earliest ideas  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
of property« intimately associated mit procurement of subsistence, the primary need. Die objects of ownership vermehren sich natürlich in jeder »successive ethnical period« mit der multiplication der arts wovon die Subsistenzmittel abhängen. Wachsthum v. Eigenthum hält so Schritt mit Fortschritt von Erfindungen u. Entdeckungen. Jede ethnische Periode zeigt so marked advance upon its predecessors, nicht nur in der Zahl der Erfindungen, sondern ebenso in variety and amount of property which resulted therefrom. The multiplicity of the forms of property would be accompanied by the growth of certain regulations with reference to possession and inheritance. The customs upon which these rules of proprietary possession and inheritance depend, are determined by the condition and progress of social organization. The growth of property is thus closely connected with the increase of inventions |21 and discoveries, and the improvement of social institutions which mark the several ethnical periods of human progress. (525, 526)

I) Property in the Status of Savagery.

Mankind, when ignorant of fire, without articulate language, and without artificial weapons … depended … upon the spontaneous fruits of the earth. Langsam u. fast unbemerkbar, in der Period of savagery, avanciren sie von Gebärdensprache u. unvollkommnen sounds to articulate speech; von dem club  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Keule)
, als erster Waffe, zu spear pointed with flint, u. schliesslich zu arrow u. bow; von flint-knife u. -chisel to stone axe u. -hammer; von ozier  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Korbweide)
u. cane basket to the basket coated with clay, which gave a vessel for boiling food with fire; and, finally, to the art of pottery.

In the means of subsistence, they advanced from natural fruits in a restricted habitat to scale and shell fish of the sea, and finally to bread roots and game.

 Bei Morgan, S. 526: Rope […] belong, with those previously named, to the Status of Savagery.
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Ferner im status von savagery developed: Rope
and string-making from filaments of bark; a species of cloth made of vegetable pulp; the tanning of skins to be used as apparel and as a covering for tents; finally the house constructed of poles and covered with bark, or made of plank split by stone wedges.   Bei Morgan, S. 526: Among minor inventions may be mentioned the
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Unter minor inventions zählt er neben
fire-drill  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(während umgekehrt alles zum Feuermachen Gehörige die Hauptinvention!)
, moccasin  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Indian word für Schuhe ohne Sohlen aus weicherm skin von deer etc)
, u. the snow-shoe. [526]

  Bei Morgan, S. 526/527: Before the close of this period, mankind had learned to support themselves in numbers in comparison with primitive times; they had propagated themselves over the face of the earth, and come into possession of all the possibilities of the continents in favor of human advancement.
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Während dieser Periode grosse Vermehrung der Menschen (im Gegensatz zum primitiven Zustand) auf Basis vermehrter ConsumtionsMittel, Ausbreitung derselben über die Continents.
In socialer Organization Fortschritt von consanguine horde zu tribes organized into gentes, so possessed of the germs of the principal governmental institutions. [526, 527]

Der entwickeltste Theil der savages, had finally organized gentile society u. developed small tribes with villages here and there … ihre rude energies and ruder arts chiefly devoted to subsistence; noch nicht the village stockade  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Pfahlwerk)
for defence, no farinaceous food, still cannibalism. – Der progress was immense »potentially«, trug in sich die rudiments of language, government, family, religion, house architecture, property; ditto the principal germs of the arts of life. [527]

Property of savages inconsiderable; rude weapons, fabrics, ustensils, apparel, implements of flint, stone, and bone u. »personal ornaments« their chief items of property. Wenige Gegenstände des Besitzes, keine passion für Besitz; kein studium lucri, now such a commanding force in the human mind.

Lands owned by the tribes in common, while tenement-houses owned jointly by their occupants.

Die passion of possession nourished its nascent powers upon articles purely personal, increasing with the slow progress of inventions. Those esteemed most valuable deposited in the grave of the deceased proprietor for their his continued use in spirit-land.

Inheritance : its first great rule came in with the institution of the gens, which distributed the effects of a deceased person among his gentiles. Practically they were appropriated by the nearest of kin; but the principle general that the property should remain in the gens of decendent decedent , and be distributed among its members. ⦗Blieb in civilazt civilization. v. Greek,  Bei Morgan, S. 528: Latin
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Roman
gentes.
Children inherited from their mother, but took nothing from their reputed father. [527, 528]

II) Property in the Lower State of Barbarism.

Hauptinventions: art of pottery, finger weaving and the art of cultivation in America which gave farinaceous food (maize) u. plants by irrigation (in Eastern hemisphere beginning as equivalent: domestication of animals), keine great inventions. Finger weaving, with warp and woof  Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen
(Kette u. Einschlag)
scheint dieser Periode anzugehören, ist eine der greatest inventions; but it cannot be certainly attained affirmed that the art was not attained in savagery.

The Iroquois u. other tribes of America in the same status manufactured belts u. burden-straps with warp and woof of excellent quality and finish; using fine twine made of filaments of elm and basswood bark.  Zusatz von Marx.
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(basswood americ. Linde)
Principles dieser Erfindung, which since clothed the human family, were perfectly realized; but sie were unable to extend it to the production of the woven garment.

Picture writing seems to have made its first appearance in this period; wenn früheren Ursprungs, erhielt es jetzt sehr beträchtliche Entwicklung. Die series of connected inventions in this department:

1) Gesture Language or language of personal symbols. 2) Picture writing, or idiographic symbols.   Bemerkung von Marx zur eigenen Orientierung.
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3) (verte)
|22 3) Hieroglyphs, or conventional symbols. 4) Hieroglyphs of phonetic power, or phonetic symbols used in a syllabus. 5) Phonetic Alphabet or written sounds.

The characters on the Copan monuments apparently hieroglyphs of the grade of conventional symbols; beweisen, dass die American aborigines, who practised the 3 first forms, unabhängig auf Weg in direction of a phonetic alphabet. [528, 529]

Stockade as a means of village defence u. of a raw-hide shield als denfence defence gegen arrow, which had now become a deadly missile, of the several varieties of war-club, armed with an encased stone or with a point of deer-horn, scheinen zu dieser Periode zu gehören. Jedenfalls waren sie in common use among the American Indian Tribes in the Lower Status of Barbarism when discovered. Der Speer, pointed mit flint or bone kein customary weapon with the forest-tribes, though sometimes used; z. B. die Ojibwas used the lance or spear, She-mä’-gun, pointed with flint or bone. Bow u. arrow, und war-club Hauptwaffen der American Indians in diesem Status. [529, 530]

Einiger Fortschritt in pottery, nämlich im increased size der vessels produced u. in their ornamentation; the Creeks made earthen vessels von 2 to 10 gallons; die Iroquois ornamented their jars u. pipes mit miniature human faces attached as buttons; im ganzen blieb pottery extremely rude bis Ende dieser Periode.

Bemerkbarer Fortschritt in House architecture in size u. mode of construction.

Unter minor inventions: air-gun for bird shooting, wooden mortar for reducing maize to flour u. der stone mortar for preparing paints;

Earthen u. stone pipes, with the use of tobacco;

Bone and stone implements of higher grades, with stone hammers and mauls  Zusatz von Marx.
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(mauls sind heavy wooden hammers)
, the handle and upper part of the stone being encased in raw hide; and moccasins u. belts ornamented with porcupine quills.

Einige dieser Erfindungen wahrscheinlich geborgt from tribes in the Middle Status; denn es war durch diesen Process constantly repeated that the more advanced tribes lifted up those below them, as fast as the latter were able to appreciate and appropriate the means of progress. [530]

The cultivation of maize and plants gave the people unleavened bread, the Indian succotash  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Speise von grünem Mais u. Bohnen)
u. hominy  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Maismuss)
; tended also to Links von der Anstreichung, vertikal entlang dieser Zeilen, mit Tinte, Marginale von Marx: „Property“. Siehe Faksimile der S. 22.
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introduce a new species of property, cultivated lands or gardens.

Obgleich lands owned in common by a tribe, a possessory right to cultivated land was now recognized in the individual
, or in the group, which became a subject of inheritance. The group united in a common household were mostly of the same gens, and the rule of inheritance would not allow it to be detached from the kinship. [530]

 Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Faksimile der S. 22.
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Inheritance:
The property u. effects v. husband u. wife kept distinct, remained after their demise to in the gens wozu sie respective gehörten. Weib u. Kinder nahmen nichts von husband u. father u. vice versa. Starb unter den Iroquois ein Mann leaving wife and children, so wurde sein Eigenthum vertheilt unter seine gentiles so dass seine Schwestern u. deren children u. ihre his maternal uncles would receive the most of it; his brothers might receive a small portion. Starb a wife, leaving husband and children, so ihre effects geerbt von ihren Kindern, Schwestern, Mutter u. Mutterschwestern; die greater portion assigned to her children; in jedem Fall blieb property in der gens. Unter den Ojibwas die effects der Mutter vertheilt unter ihren Kindern, wenn alt genug to use them; sonst, od. in default of children, they went to her sisters, ihrer Mutter u. Mutterschwestern, to the exclusion of her brothers. Obgleich die Ojibwas had changed descent to the male line, the inheritance followed the rule which prevailed when descent was in the female line.

Die variety u. amount of property grösser als in savagery, aber noch nicht stark genug to develop a strong sentiment in relation to inheritance.

In dem distributionsmodus germ der 2nd great rule of inheritance, which gave the property to the agnatic kindred, to the exclusion of the remaining gentiles. Agnation and agnatic kindred assume jetzt descent in the male line; Princip selbes in beiden cases, aber the persons included – different. Mit descent in the female line, agnates Personen who can trace their descent through females exclusively vom |23 same common ancestor with the intestate; im andern Fall, who can trace their descent durch males exclusively. It is the blood connection of persons within the gens by direct descent, in a given line, vom selben common ancestor which lies at the foundation of agnatic relation.

Gegenwärtig unter advanced Indian tribes hat begun sich zu manifest repugnance gegen gentile inheritance; einige haben sie ganz über Bord geworfen u. exclusive inheritance in children substituirt. Evidence of this repugnance unter Iroquois, Creeks, Cherokees, Choctas, Menominees, Crows u. Ojibwas. [530–532]

In dieser älteren Periode of barbarism sehr bedeutende Abnahme of cannibalism; wurde aufgegeben als common practice; blieb als war practice in dieser u. der Middle Period. In dieser Form ward Cannibalism gefunden in den principal tribes der U. St., Mexico, u. Central America. Erwerbung v. farinaceous food Hauptmittel to extricate mankind von this savage custom.

I) u. II), status of savagery u. Lower Status of barbarism, diese 2 ethnischen Perioden, cover mindestens ⅘ der ganzen Existenz der Menschheit auf der Erde.

Im Lower Status beginnen die higher attributes of mankind sich zu entwickeln: Persönliche Würde, Beredsamkeit, religious sensibility, rectitude, manliness u. courage jetzt common traits of character, aber auch Grausamkeit, treachery u. fanaticism. Element worship in religion, with a dim conception of personal gods, and of a Great Spirit, rude verse making, joint-tenement houses, and bread from maize belong to this period. It produced also syndyasmian family u. confederacy of tribes, organized into phratries u. gentes. Die imagination, that great faculty so largely contributing to the elevation of mankind, was now producing an unwritten literature of myths, legends u. traditions, already become powerful stimulus upon the race. [532]

III) Property in the middle Status of Barbarism.

Die Evidence dieser Periode more completely lost than that of any other.

It was exhibited by the Village Indians of North and South America in barbaric splendour at the epoch of their discovery. [532]

Diese Epoche eröffnet in Eastern Hemisphere mit domestication of animals, in der Western mit der Erscheinung der Village Indians, living in large joint-tenement houses of adobe  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Luftziegel)
brick u., in some areas, of stone laid in courses.

Cultivation of maize u. plants by irrigation, which required artificial canals, u. garden beds laid out in squares, with raised ridges to contain the water until absorbed.

Ein Theil dieser Village Indians, when discovered, had made bronze, bringing them near dem Iron smelting process.

The joint-tenement house in the nature of a fortress, hatte intermediate position zwischen der stockades stockaded village of the Lower u. the walled city of the Upper Status. Als entdeckt no cities, in the proper sense of the word, in America.

In Kriegskunst kein grosser Fortschritt ausser in defence, durch die construction of great houses generally impregnable to Indian assault. Sie hatten erfunden: quilted mantles (escaupiles), stuffed with cotton, as a further shield against the arrow u. the two-edged sword (macuahuitl), each edge having a row of angular flint points imbedded in the wooden blade. They still used bow u. arrow, spear, war club, flint knives u. hatchets u. stone implements, obgleich they had the copper axe u. chisel, which for some reason came never into general use. [533]

Zu maize, beans, squashes u. tobacco nun added cotton, pepper, tomato, cacao u. the care of certain fruits. A bear beer was made by fermenting the juice of the maguey  Zusatz von Marx.
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(mexicanische Agave)
. Die Iroquois hatten jedoch ein ähnlich Getränk producirt durch fermenting maple  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Ahornart)
sap
.

Durch improved methods in the ceramic art produced earthen vessels of capacity to hold several gallons, of fine texture and superior ornamentation. Bowls, pots, water jars manufactured in abundance.

Discovery and use of the native metals, erst for ornaments, finally for implements and ustensils, wie copper axe and chisel , dieser Periode angehörig. Melting dieser metals in crucible, with the probable use of blow-pipe  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Blaserohr, Pustrohr)
and charcoal, and casting them in moulds, the production of bronze, rude stone sculptures, the woven garment of cotton, ( Hakluyt: Coll. of Voyages. III, 377), houses of dressed stone, ideographs or hieroglyphs cut on the grave-posts of deceased chiefsthe calendar for measuring time, the solstitial stone for marking the seasons, cyclopean walls, the domestication of the llama, of a species of dog, of the turkey and other fowls belong to same period in America.

A priesthood, organized in a hierarchy, distinguished by a customs costume ; personal gods with idols to represent them, u. human sacrifices erscheinen zuerst in dieser Periode.|

24

Two large Indian pueblos, Mexico u. Cusco jetzt, containing über 20,000 inhabitants, number unknown in the previous period.

Aristocratic element in society, in feeble forms, among the chiefs, civil and military, through increased numbers under the same government, and the growing complexity of affairs. [533, 534]

Eastern hemisphere: we find its native tribes in dieser Periode mit domestic animals, yielding them a milk and meat subsistence, aber wahrscheinlich ohne horticultural u. farinaceous food.   Bei Morgan, S. 534: When the great discovery was made that the wild horse, cow, sheep, ass, sow and goat might be tamed, and, when produced in flocks and herds, become a source of permanent subsistence it must have given a powerful impulse to human progress
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Wild horse, cow, sheep, ass, sow; ihre Zähmung gab grossen Impuls; produced in herds u. flocks they become source of permanent progress
. Der effect wurde erst allgemein, sobald pastoral life established for the creation u. maintenance of flocks. Europa, als hauptsächlich Wald area, unadapted to the pastoral state; aber die grass plains of high Asia u. upon the Euphrates, the Tigris u. other rivers of Asia, natural homes der pastoral tribes. Thither they would naturally tend; there the remote Aryan ancestors found confronting like pastoral Semitic tribes.

Cultur v. cereals u. plants muss vorhergegangen sein ihrer migration von den grass plains in die Forestareas v. Westasien u. Europa. Diese Cultur forced upon them by the necessities of the domestic animals now incorporated into their plan of life. (Dies vielleicht nicht Fall bei den Celts)

Woven fabrics of flax and wool u. bronze implements u. weapons erscheinen in dieser Period auch in der oestlichen Hemisphäre.

To cross the barrier into the Upper Status of barbarism unentbehrlich metallic tools able to hold an edge and point; dazu nöthig Invention des process of Iron smelting. [534, 535]

 Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Faksimile der S. 24.
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Eigenthum:
Grosser Zuwachs v. personal property u. einige changes in the relations of persons to land. Das territorial domain gehörte noch der Tribus in common; aber a portion now set apart für support of the government, andrer für religious uses, u. noch wichtigere portion – das, wovon Volk seine Subsistenz bezog, divided unter the several gentes, or communities of persons who resided in the same pueblo. Niemand owned lands or houses in his own right mit Macht zu verkaufen u. übermachen in fee simple, wem er wollte. Individual ownership of houses and lands excluded by gemeinschaftliches Eigenthum on lands durch gentes od. communities of persons, joint-tenement houses u. mode of occupation by related families. [535, 536]

Rev. Sam. Gorman , Missionär unter den Laguna Pueblo Indians, in address to the Historical Society of New Mexico says:

the right of property belongs to the female part of the family, and descends in that line from mother to daughter. Their land is held in common, […] but after a person cultivates a lot he has personal claim to it, which he can sell to one of the community … Their women, generally, have control of the granary, are more provident than their Spanish neighbours about the future. Ordinarily they try to have a year’s provision on hands hand. It is only when two years of scarcity succeed each other, that Pueblos, as a community, suffer hunger.[“] Morgan p. 536, Note.

Possessory rights, existing in individuals or families, inalienable ausser durch inheritance to his or her gentile heirs. [536]

The Moqui Village Indians, ausser 7 large pueblos u. gardens, haben jetzt flocks of sheep, horses and mules u. considerable other personal property; manufacture earthen vessels of many sizes u. excellent quality, u.  woolen blankets in looms u. mit yarn of their own production. Major J. W. Powell noticed the following case showing that dort still the husband acquires no rights over the property of the wife, or over the children of the marriage. A Zunian married an Oraybe woman, and had by her 3 children; er wohnte mit ihnen zu Oraybe, bis sie †. The relatives of his deceased wife ergriffen Besitz ihrer Kinder u. household property leaving [to] him his horse, clothing u. weapons, mit certain blankets, die ihm gehörten, nicht die seiner Frau. Er left the Pueblo mit Powell um nach Santa Fé zu gehn u. dann to return to his own people at Zuñi. – Women as well as men, not unlikely, had a possessory right to such rooms and sections of the pueblo houses as they occupied u. überliessen sie ihren next of kin, under certain regulations. [536, 537] |

25

The Spaniards (writers) have left the land tenure of the southern tribes in inextricable confusion. In unveräusserlichem common land, belonging to a community of persons sahn sie feudal estate, im chief the feudal lord, in people his vassals; sie sahen, dass das land owned in common; nicht die community ihrer owners selbst – die gens od. division of a gens. [537, 538]

Descent in the female line remained still in some of the tribes of Mexico u. Central America, während im andern, probably larger Theil, übergegangen in a descent in the male line; letztres caused durch den influence of property. Unter den Mayas descent was in male line, dagegen schwer zu bestimmen in welcher line bei Aztecs, Tezcucans, Tlacopans u. Tlascalans.

Unter den Village Indians probable descent in the male line with remains of the Archaic rule wie in the case of the office of Teuctli. Unter ihnen zu erwarten the second grand rule of inheritance which distributed the property among the agnatic kindred. With descent in the male line children of a deceased person at the head of the Agnates,  Bei Morgan, S. 538: and very naturally receive the greater portion of the inheritance. It is not probable that the third great rule, which gave an exclusive inheritance to the children of the deceased owner, had become established among them
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so dass sie die greater portion (unter den Agnates) erhielten, aber waren nicht exclusive heirs (mit Ausschluß der andern Magnaten Agnaten [)]
. [538]  Bei Morgan, S. 539: the American aborigines
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Die Americans
never entered last (Upper) Period of Barbarism. [539]

Ch. II (part IV) The three rules of inheritance continued.

 Bei Morgan, S. 539: The last great period of barbarism

Siehe das Inhaltverzeichnis am Anfang des Kapitels: Property in the Upper Status of Barbarism
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Upper Period of Barbarism
commenced in the Eastern Hemisphere.

Process of smelting Iron; trotz Bronze progress arrested durch want of a metal of sufficient strength and hardness for mechanical purposes; found zuerst in iron.  Bei Morgan, S. 539: The accelerated progress of human intelligence dates from this invention.
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Von da Fortschritt rapider.
[539]

IV) Property in the Upper Status of Barbarism.

Ende dieser Periode property in masses verallgemeinert – consisting in many kinds, held by individual ownership – durch settled agriculture, manufactures, local trade, foreign commerce; aber:

Old common tenure of lands had not given place, ausser in part, to Separateigenthum.

In diesem Status entsprang Slavery; it stands directly connected with the production of property. Out of it  Zusatz von Marx.
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(slavery)
came the patriarchal family of the Hebrew type u. the similar family der Latine Latin tribes under paternal power, wie auch a modified form of the same family unter den Grecian tribes.

Hence, namentlich aber von increased abundance of subsistence, through field agriculture, nations began to develop, zählten viele 1000nds unter one government, wo früher nur a few 1000nds. Struggle für die possession der most desirable territories intensified durch die localization of tribes in fixed areas, u. in fortified cities, mit dem increase der Volkszahl. Advanced Kriegskunst u. vermehrte die rewards of prowess. Diese changes indicate the approach of civilization. [540]

Ersten Gesetze der Griechen, Römer, Hebräer – nach Beginn der Civilization – verwandelten chiefly nur in legal enactments the results die ihre previous experience verkörpert hatte in usages u. customs.

Gegen Ende der  Bei Morgan, S. 541: Later Period of barbarism
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Upper Period of Barbarism
Tendenz zu 2 Formen von Ownership, nämlich, durch Staat u. durch Individuen. Lands, unter den Griechen, still held, einige durch die tribes in common, andre durch die phratry in common für religious uses, andre durch die gens in common, aber die bulk der lands had fallen under individual ownership in severalty. Zur Zeit Solon’s war Athenian society noch gentil, lands in general held durch individuals who had learnt to mortgage them. ( Plut. in Solon c. XV. »Σεμνύνεται γὰρ Σόλων ἐν τούτοις, ὅτι τῆς τε προϋποκειμένης  Zusatz von Marx.
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(verpfändeten)
γῆς  Zusatz von Marx.
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ὅρους = die Marken, die der Schuldner bei Haus od. Acker setzen musste, worauf er Geld entlehnt hatte, mit einer Schrift, welche seinen Namen neben der Summe angab⦘

  [und darin stimmen auch die Gedichte besser überein,] / worin Solon sich rühmt, daß er von den zuvor verpfändeten Gütern / Die zahlreich aufgesteckten Marken weggetilgt; / Und sie, vordem in Knechtschaft, frei geworden […] (Übers. Johann Gottfried Klaiber.)

Die Übersetzung und die Erläuterung in Klammern übernimmt Marx von: Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bd. 2. S. 244, Fn. Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4). Dort sind „Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.)
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ὅρους ἀνεῖλε πολλαχῆ πεπηγότας·
πρόσθεν δὲ δουλεύουσα, νῦν ἐλεύθερα.«)

The Roman tribes, from their first establishment, had a public domain, Ager romanus; while lands were held by the curia for religious uses, by the gens, u. by individuals in severalty. Nachdem diese social corporations ausgestorben, the lands held by them in common gradually became private property.

Diese several forms of ownership show dass die älteste land tenure was die in common durch den tribe; nach Beginn ihrer Cultivation, ein Theil der tribe lands divided unter die gentes, jede wovon held their portion in common; diesem folgten im Lauf der Zeit allotments to individuals u. diese allotments finally ripened into individual ownership in severalty. [540–542] |

26

Personal property, generally, was subject to individual ownership.

Monogamian family erschien in Upper Status of barbarism herausentwickelt aus Syndyasmian family; hing intimately zus. mit increase of property u. usages in respect to its inheritance. Descent changed to the male line aber alles Eigenthum, real u. personal, blieb, wie seit time immemorial, hereditary in gens. [542]

 Zusatz von Marx auf der linken Seite der Marginalie. Siehe Faksimile der S. 26.
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Ilias
In der Ilias (V, 20 90) mentioned fences around cultivated fields, (IX, 577) an enclosure of 50 acres (πεντηκοντόγυος) half for vines, remainder for tillage, XIV (121) (XIV, 121) Tideus Tydeus lives in a mansion rich in resources, and had corn producing fields in abundance.

 Kommentar von Marx.
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( Morgan irrt sich, wenn er glaubt, das blosse fencing beweise Privatgrundeigenthum)
Breeds of horses already distinguished for particular excellence.  Bei Morgan, S. 542, Fn. 4: v, 265.
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(V, 261 266, 267)
„sheep of a rich man standing countless in the fold.“ (IV, 433)

Coined money unknown, daher trade noch by barter, wie in folgenden lines:

» Dort nun kauften des Weins die hauptumlockten Achaier:
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Ἔνθεν ἄρ’ οἰνίζοντο (οἰνίζω: in medium Wein kaufen) κάρηκομόωντες Ἀχαιοὶ
,
 [Die Einen] brachten Erz, und Andere blinkendes Eisen,
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Ἄλλοι μὲν χαλκῷ (aere), ἄλλοι δ’ αἴθωνι (splendido) σιδήρῳ,
 Andere dann Stierhäut’, und Andere lebende Rinder,
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Ἄλλοι δὲ ῥινοῖς (pellibus), ἄλλοι δ’ αὐτοῖσι βόεσσιν,
 Andere Gefangene der Schlacht […] (Übers. Johann Heinrich Voß.)

Morgan (S. 542) zitiert nach: The Iliad of Homer. Literally transl., with explanatory notes, by Theodore Alois Buckley. London 1854. S. 134. Marx fügt den griechischen Wortlaut hinzu, zitiert nach der Ausgabe, die er selbst besaß: Homeri Opera omnia ex recensione et cum notis Samuelis Clarkii. Accessit varietas lectionum ms. Iips. et edd. veterum cura Io. Augusti Ernesti, qui et suas notas adpersit. Vol. 1–5. Lipsiae 1759–1764. Vol. 1. S. 332. (Siehe Marx’ Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1844 bis 1847 (MEGA IV/3. S. 6.27) und den Katalog der Bibliothek von Marx, zusammengestellt von Roland Daniels (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.28); der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.)

(οἰνίζω: in medium Wein kaufen): Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Valent[in] Christ[ian] Friedr[ich] Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schulgebrauch. 3. ganz umgearb. Aufl. Bd. 1.2. Erfurt, Gotha 1829. Bd. 2. S. 142 (Οἰνίζω […] Med. Wein kaufen …); 4. Aufl. Bd. 2. Braunschweig 1852. S. 142 (οἰνίζω […] Med. sich Wein durch Tauschhandel erkaufen, χαλκῷ, Il. 7, 472, überh. sich Wein holen od. herbeischaffen, Il.). (Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“. Siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).

(aere) […] (splendido) […] (pellibus): Marx zog hier die lateinische Übersetzung heran, die in seiner Ausgabe der Werke Homers auf jeder Seite unter dem griechischen Text beigefügt war.
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ἄλλοι δ’ ἀνδραπόδεσσι
.« (Il. l. VII v. 472–75; )
[Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Faksimile der S. 26.]
Erz
hier Eisen
Felle = wine.

(III Aequivalentform

wo wine = Geld.)

; u. wine = Erz od. Eisen od. Felle od. Ochsen
Sklaven  Zusatz von Marx. Im ersten Band des „Kapital“ nennt Marx die zweite Aequivalentform „Zweite […] Form des relativen Werths“ und die dritte Aequivalentform „Dritte […] Form des relativen Werths“ (siehe MEGA II/5. S. 35 und 36).
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(II Equivalentform)

Gold in bars named as passing by weight and estimated by talents. (Il. XII, 274,  Zusatz von Marx. Morgans Verweis auf XII, 274 ist fehlerhaft. Soll sein: XIX, 247.
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v. Morgan citirt; steht da nicht.)
Mentioned: manufactured articles of gold, silver, brass and iron, textile fabrics of linen and woolen in many forms, houses, palaces etc. [542, 543]

 Zusatz von Marx auf der linken Seite der Marginalie.
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Inheritance:
Nach Erreichung so grosser Quantität in Upper Status of Barbarism v. houses u. lands, flocks u. herds, u. exchangeable commodities and held by individual ownership question of inheritance pressed  Bei Morgan, S. 543: until the right was placed upon a basis which satisfied the growing intelligence of the Greek mind
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bis right den facts entsprach
. Die domestic animals a possession of greater value than alle früheren Arten property zusammen; served for food, exchangeable for commodities, usable for redeeming decaptives, for paying fines, and in religious sacrifices; capable of indefinite multiplication in numbers – their possession revealed to the human mind the first conception of wealth. Folgte in course of time the systematical cultivation of the earth, tending to identify the family mit dem soil, and render it a property-making organization; fand bald expression in Latin, Grecian, Hebrew tribes, in the patriarchal family, involving slaves u. servants. Labor of father and children became more and more incorporated with the land, the production of domestic animals, and the creation of merchandise, it tended to individualize the family u. suggested the superior claims of children to the inheritance of the property they had assisted in creating. Vor der Landkultur flocks u. herds fiel naturally under the joint ownership of persons united in a group, on a basis of kin, for subsistence. Agnatic inheritance was apt to assert itself in this condition. Aber sobald land had become the subject of property, and allotments to individuals had resulted in individual ownership, was sure to supervene upon agnatic inheritance: Third great rule of inheritance, giving property to the children of the deceased owner. [543, 544]

When field culture bewiesen hatte, dass die ganze Oberfläche der Erde could be made the subject of property owned by individuals in severalty u. Familienhaupt became the natural center of accumulation, the new property career of mankind inaugurated; fully done before the close of the Later Period of Barbarism; übte einen grossen Einfluss auf human mind, rief new elements of character wach;  Bei Morgan, S. 544: the feeble impulse aroused in the savage mind had now become a tremendous passion in the splendid
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property became tremendous passion im
barbarian des heroic age.  Bemerkung von Marx. „Booty and beauty“ war die Losung der britischen Streitmacht, die im britisch-amerikanischen Krieg im Dezember 1814 auf New Orleans vorstieß. Der Befehlshaber der siegreichen amerikanischen Truppen, General Andrew Jackson, präsentierte sich daher im Präsidentschaftswahlkampf 1828 als „protector & defender of beauty and booty“. 1861 spielte der Slogan auch in der Kriegspropaganda der Südstaaten eine Rolle – den Yankees gehe es nur um „booty and beauty“.
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(»booty and beauty«)
Dagegen nicht haltbar archaic u. later usages.  Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Achille Loria: La rendita fondiaria e la sua elisione naturale. Milano, Napoli, Pisa 1880. S. 682/683. Marx hatte dieses Buch Anfang Dezember 1879 vom Verfasser erhalten. Er hatte damals einige bibliographische Notizen daraus entnommen und ein paar Auszüge gemacht (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 161, S. 1 und 7/8). Zu seiner Einschätzung des Buchs siehe seinen Brief an Engels vom 3. August 1882 (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. L 4754).
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⦗Herr Loria! voilà the working of passion!⦘
Monogamy had assured the paternity of |27 children u. maintained u. asserted their exclusive right to inherit the property of their deceased fathers. [544]

Germans, when discovered, in Upper Status of Barbarism, used iron, in limited quantities; had flocks and herds; cultivated cereals; manufactured coarse textile fabrics of linen and woolen, had not attained [to] the idea of individual ownership in lands. Folgt daher: individual property in land unknown in Asia u. Europe in Middle Period of Barbarism, came in in  Bei Morgan, S. 544: during the Later Period
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Upper Period
.

Bei Hebrew tribes individual ownership in lands existed before the commencement of their civilization. They came out of barbarism, wie die Aryan tribes, mit possession of domestic animals u. cereals, iron u. brass, gold and silver, fictile wares u. textile fabrics. Aber ihre knowledge of field agriculture limited in Zeit Abrahams. Nach Reconstruction der Hebrew Society, nach dem Exodus, on basis of consanguine tribes, to which on reaching Palestine territorial areas were assigned, shows that civilization found them under gentile institutions, below a knowledge of political society. Inheritance was strictly in the phratry u. probably in the gens „the house of the father“ … After children had acquired an exclusive inheritance, daughters succeeded in default of sons; marriage would then transfer their own property from their own gens to that of their husband, unless some restraint, in the case of heiresses, was put on the right. Presumptively u. naturally marriage within the gens prohibited; question came before Moses as a question of Hebrew inheritance, vor Solon as a question of Athenian inheritance, the gens claiming a paramount right to its retention within its membership; u. beide entschieden in demselben Sinn. Same question must have turned up in Rome u. in part met by the rule that a marriage of a female worked a diminutio capitis u. with it a forfeiture of agnatic rights. [544–546]

Andre question involved in this issue: war marriage to be restricted by the rule forbidding it within the gens, or become free, the degree, and not the fact of kin, being the measure of limitation  Ausrufezeichen von Marx.
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!
Letztre Lösung siegte. [546]

Zelophelad Zelophehad starb, liess Töchter, keine Söhne u. die inheritance given to the former. Später diese Töchter about to marry ausserhalb the tribe of Joseph , wozu sie belonged; the members of the tribe objected to such a transfer of property, brachten Sache vor Moses.

 Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 546: saying
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Diese Burschen präsentiren die Sache so
:

„If they be married to any of the sons of the other tribes of the children of Israel, then shall the inheritance be taken from the inheritance of our fathers, and shall be put to the inheritance of the tribe whereunto they are received: so shall it be taken from the lot of our inheritance.“ ( Numbers , XXXVI, IV III)   Moses. Ausdruck von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 546: The Hebrew lawgiver admits this right in the language of his decision.
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Mouses
antwortet:

„The tribe of the sons of Joseph has spoken well. This is the thing which the Lord doth command concerning the daughters of Zelophehad , saying, „Let them marry to whom they think best: only to the family of the tribe of their father shall they marry. So shall not the inheritance of the children of Israel remove from tribe to tribe: for every one of the children of Israel shall keep himself to the inheritance of the tribe of his fathers. And every daughter that possesseth an inheritance in any tribe of the children of Israel shall be wife unto one of the family of the tribe of her father, that the children of Israel may enjoy every one the inheritance of his fathers.“ ( Siehe: Die Bibel.
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Numbers, XXXVI, 5–9
) They were required to marry into their own phratry, not necessarily into their own gens. The daughters of Zelophehad were „married to their father’s brother’s sons“ ( Siehe: Die Bibel.
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Numbers XXXVI, II XXXVI, 11
) who were not only members of their own phratry, but also to of their own gens; they were also their next agnates. [546, 547]

Früher hatte Moses etablirt die rule of inheritance u. reversion thus:

„And thou shalt speak to the children of Israel, saying, If a man die and have no son, then you shall cause his inheritance to pass unto his his daughters. And if he have no daughter, then you shall give his inheritance unto his brothers. And if he have no brethren, then you shall give his inheritance unto his father’s brethren. And if his father have no brethren, then you shall give it unto his kinsman, that is next to him of his family, and he shall possess it.“  Siehe: Die Bibel.
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(Numbers, XXVII, 8–11
)

Hier heirs: 1) the children; aber scheint that the sons took the property subject to the obligation of maintaining the daughters. Wir finden elsewhere that the eldest son had a double portion.

2) the agnates in their order of nearness: a) the brethren of the deceased, in default of children des Verstorbnen; u., wenn er keine brethren hatte b) the brethren of the father of the deceased.

3) the gentiles, also in the order of nearness „the kinsman that is next to him of his family“. The „family of the tribe“ is the analogue of the phratry; also property, in default of children u. agnates, went to the nearest phrator des defunct owner, – diese Erbfolge excludes cognates von inheritance; a phrator, more distant than a |28 father’s brother, would inherit in preference to the children of a sister of the deceased. Descent in the male line and the property must be hereditary in the gens. The father did not inherit from his son, nor the grandfather from his grandson. Hierin u. fast in allem übrigen Mosaic Law agrees mit dem Law of Twelve Tables. [547, 548]

Später the Levitical law established marriage upon a new basis, independent of gentile law; verbot Ehe innerhalb gewisser Grade v. consanguinity u. affinity, declared it free beyond these degrees; dies entwurzelte gentile usages mit Bezug auf Ehe bei den Hebräern, wurde später the rule of Christian nations. [548]

Solon’s Gesetze über inheritances substantiell selben wie die von  Bei Morgan, S. 548: Moses
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Mouses
. Beweist, dass die früheren usages, customs, institutions der Hebräer u.  Bei Morgan, S. 548: Athenians
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Griechen
dieselben in Bezug auf Eigenthum. In Solon’s Zeit, 3d great rule of inheritance fully established unter Atheniensern; sons took the estates ihres deceased father mit obligation of maintaining the daughters u. apportioning them suitably for on their marriage. Wenn no sons, erbten die Töchter equally; dadurch created heiresses (ἐπικλήρες) by investing women mit estates; Solon enacted that the heiress should marry her nearest male agnate, although they belonged to the same gens, and Ehe unter ihnen früher verboten durch usage. Instances occurred wo der nächste Agnat, obgleich verheirathet, put away his wife, in order to marry the heiress, and thus gain the estate. Protomachus im Eubulides des Demosthenes Beispiel. (Demost. ag ain st Eubulides, 41) Wenn keine children, estates to the agnates, in their default to the gentiles des defunct. Property was retained within the gens as inflexibly among the Athenians wie unter Hebrews u. Romans. Solon turned into law, was vorher established usage. [548, 549]

  Bei Morgan, S. 549: The progressive growth of the idea of property is illustrated by the appearance of testamentary dispositions established by Solon.

Klammern und Fragezeichen von Marx.
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Unter Solon erscheinen testamentary dispositions (established ? by him);
Plutarch sagt es sei früher nicht erlaubt gewesen.  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Romulus: 754–717 a.C., 1–37 der Stadt Rom; Solon Gesetzgeber Athen’s about 594 a.C.)

  Auch das Gesetz wegen der Vermächtnisse erhielt vielen Beifall. Vorher waren diese gar nicht gestattet, sondern Haus und Vermögen des Verstorbenen mußten durchaus bei dem Geschlechte bleiben. Solon erlaubte, wenn keine Kinder da wären, das Seinige nach Belieben zu vermachen, gab der Freundschaft den Vorzug vor der Verwandtschaft, der Liebe den Vorrang vor der Natur, und machte dadurch das Vermögen erst zum Eigenthum des Besitzers. (Übers. Johann Gottfried Klaiber.)
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»Εὐδοκίμησε δὲ κἀν τῷ περὶ διαθηκῶν νὼμῳ νόμῳ · πρότερον γὰρ οὐκ ἐξῆν, ἀλλ’ ἐν τῷ γένει τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἔδει τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὸν οἶκον καταμένειν, ὁ δ’ ᾧ βούλεταί τις ἐπιτρέψας, εἰ μὴ παῖδες εἶεν αὐτῷ, δοῦναι τὰ αὑτοῦ, φιλίαν τε συγγενείας ἐτίμησε μᾶλλον καὶ χάριν ἀνάγκης, καὶ τὰ χρήματα κτήματα τῶν ἐχόντων ἐποίησεν(Plut. Vita Solon. c. 21)
[549]

This law recognized the absolute individual ownership of property by the person while living, to which jetzt added testamentar. Verfügung, when no children da; aber das gentile right remained paramount so long [as] children existed to represent him in the gens. At all events muss die custom früher dagewesen sein (testamentliche), da Solon in positive law – customary law verwandelte. [549, 550]

Roman Law of 12 tables, first promulgated 449 a. Ch.; durch sie anerkannt:

Intestaterbrecht:  Die Erbschaften intestat Verstorbener kommen nach dem Zwölftafelgesetz zuerst auf die sui heredes. (Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad Beckhaus.)
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»Intestatorum hereditate hereditates lege XII tabularum primum ad suos heredes pertinet pertinent .« ( Gajus, inst. , III, 1)
(mit den children war wife des defunct coheiress)   Ist gar kein suus heres da, dann kommt die Erbschaft zufolge desselben Zwölftafelgesetzes auf die Agnaten. (Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad Beckhaus.)
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»Si nullus sit suorum heredum, tunc hereditas pertinet ex eadem lege XII tabularum ad agnatos.« ( Gaj. III, 9)
  Ist auch kein Agnat da, so ruft dasselbe Zwölftafelgesetz die Gentilen zur Erbschaft. (Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad Beckhaus.)
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»Si nullus agnatus sit, eadem lex XII tabularum gentiles ad hereditatem vocat.« (ib. III, 17)
Seems a reasonable inference dass hereditas wirklich grade in der umgekehrten Ordnung primitiv bei den Römern existirt hatte als in den 12 Tafeln; inheritance by gentes vor der der Agnaten; die der Agnaten vor der exclusiven der Kinder. [550]

In der later Period of Barbarism kam Aristocratie auf, durch Entwicklung der individuality of persons, increase of wealth now possessed by individuals in masses; slavery, by permanently degrading a portion of the people, tended to establish contrasts of condition unknown in the previous ethnical periods; dazu, with property and official position – schuf sentiment of aristocracy, antagonistisch den democratical principles fostered by the gentes.

Im Upper Status of Barbarism, the office of chief in its different grades, originally hereditary in the gens and elective among its members, passed, very likely, unter Grecian u. Roman tribes von father to son as a rule. Aber keine evidence, dass so by hereditary right.|

29

Die  Zusatz von Marx.
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blosse
possession jedoch der offices of archon, phylo-basileus or βασιλευς βασιλεύς unter den Griechen, u. v. princeps u. rex unter den Römern, hatte Tendenz to strengthen in their families the sentiment of aristocracy. Obgleich es permanent existence gewann, nicht stark genug to change essentially the democratic constitution of the early governments of these tribes. [551]

Heutzutag, wo property so immense u. seine forms so diversified, it has become, on the part of the people, an unmanageable power. »The human mind stands bewildered in the presence of its own creation. The time will come, nevertheless, when human intelligence will rise to the mastery over property … A mere property career is not the final destiny of mankind. The time which has passed away since civilization began is but a fragment  Zusatz von Marx.
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(u. zwar sehr kleines)
of the past duration of man’s existence; and but a fragment of the ages yet to come. The dissolution of society bids fair to become the termination of a career of which property is the end and aim; because such a career contains the elements of self-destruction … It (a higher  Bei Morgan, S. 552: plane
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plan
of society)  Marx bezieht sich auf diesen Satz im Februar 1881 im ersten Entwurf seines Briefs an Vera Ivanovna Zasulič (MEGA I/25. S. 220). Engels zitiert den gesamten Absatz (bei Morgan, S. 552) in deutscher Übersetzung, ohne die Auslassungen und Ergänzungen von Marx, im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 114).
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will be a revival, in a higher form, of the liberty, equality and fraternity of the ancient gentes
.« (552)

»With one principal principle of intelligence and one physical form, in virtue of a common origin, the results of human experience have been substantially the same in all times and areas in the same ethnical status.« (552)



Part II (Growth of the Idea of Government.) [p. 47]

Ch. I. Organization of Society upon the Basis of sex.

Organization into male and female classes (also organization upon the basis of sex) now found in full vitality among the Australian aborigines. Low down in savagery community of husbands and  Bei Morgan, S. 49: wives
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women
, within prescribed lines, was the central principle of the social system: the marital rights (jura conjugialia) ⦗Romans distinguish: connubium, related to marriage as a civil institution, u. conjugium, the mere physical union) established in the group. ⦗Emancipation von diesen »rights« etc slowly accomplished durch movements resulting in unconscious reformations; »worked out unconsciously through natural selection«.[49, 50]

In Darling River District – north of Sydney – die nachfolgende organization into classes on the basis of sex and the inchoate organization into gentes on the basis of kin unter den Australian aborigines speaking the Kamilaroi language. Wide spread selbiges unter other Australian tribes; evident from internal considerations, that the male u. female classes older than the gentes, die, among the Kamilaroi, are in process of overthrowing the classes. The class in its male and female branches is the unit of the social system u. the central position, während die gentes inchoate u. advancing to completeness through encroachments upon the former. Selbe Organization upon sex not yet been found under savage tribes out of Australia, weil diese  Bei Morgan, S. 51: islanders
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insular savages
slowly developing in their secluded habitat,  Bei Morgan, S. 51: and the more archaic character of the organization upon sex than that into gentes, suggests the conjecture, that the former may have been universal in such branches of the human family as afterwards possessed the gentile organization.
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die most archaic (organized) form am längsten erhalten haben.
[50, 51]

The Kamilaroi divided in 6 gentes, standing with relation to maritime marriage in 2 divisions:

I) 1) Iguana (Duli) II) 4) Emu (Dinoun)
2) Kangaroo (Murriira). ⦗Padymelon, a species of Kangaroo⦘ 5) Bandicoot (Bilba)
3) Opossum (Mute) 6) Blacksnake (Nurai)

Ursprünglich die ersten 3 gentes not allowed to intermarriage with each [other], weil sie waren subdivisions of one original gens, durften aber marry into either of the other gentes u. vice versa. Dies nun modified unter den Kamilaroi, aber nicht so weit dass marriage erlaubt mit allen gentes ausser dem gens des individual. Absolute prohibition for males or females to marry into their own gens. Descent in female line, which assigns children to the line of their mother. These features of archaic form of gens.

Aber ausserdem existirt weitere u. ältere division des people in 8 classes, 4 exclusively of males u. 4t 4 exclusively of females. It is accompanied with a regulation in respect to marriage and descent which [obstructs] the gens (zeigt, dass deren organization later[)] Marriage is restricted to a portion of the males of one gens with a portion of the females of another gens, während in entwickelter gentile organization members of each gens allowed to marry persons of the opposite sex in all the gentes except their own.|

30

Die Klassen sind:

Male Female
1) Ippai 1) Ippata
2) Kumbo 2) Buta
3) Murri 3) Mata
4) Kubbi 4) Kapota

 Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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Alle Glieder, je einer der 4 männlichen Klassen, sind, of whatever gens they may be, Brüder v. einander, so alle Ippais Brüder etc, weil alle supposed descended from a common female ancestor.

Ebenso alle Glieder je einer der 4 weiblichen Klassen Schwestern v. einander for same reason (descent from common mother), to whatever gens they may belong.

Ferner all Ippais u. Ippatas Brüder u. Schwestern von einander, ob sie nun children der same mother or collateral consanguinei,  Bei Morgan, S. 53: The Kumbos and Butas are brothers and sisters; and so are the Murris and Matas, and the Kubbis and Kapotas respectively. If an Ippai and Ippata
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ebenso verhält es sich für die folgenden mit denselben numbers bezeichneten Klassen. If a Kumbo u. Buta
meet, die sich nie vorher gesehn, begrüssen sie sich als Bruder u. Schwester. Die Kamilaroi sind also organized in 4 great primary groups of brothers and sisters, each group being composed of a male and female branch, but intermingled over the areas of their occupation. The classes embody the germ of gens, so far as z. B. Ippai u. Ippata in fact a single class in 2 branches bilden u. not can intermarry with each other; aber keine realisirte Gens, weil sie fall unter 2 names (wie Ippai u. Ippata), each of which is integral for certain purposes, u. weil their children take different names from their own. [51–53]

Die classes stand to each other in a different order with respect to right of marriage or rather cohabitation (since brothers and sister sisters are not allowed to intermarry), viz. so:

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
 Ippai
can marry  Nummerierung von Marx.
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4)
 Kapota,
and no other Später – as shown hereafter, dies scheme so far modified, that each class of males gets right of intermarriage mit an additional class of females; dies encroachment von gens upon class.
 Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
 Kumbo
  "  "  Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
 Mata
  "  "
 Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
 Murri
  "  "  Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
 Buta
  "  "
 Nummerierung von Marx.
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4)
 Kubbi
  "  "  Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
 Ippata
  "  "

Each male in the selection of a wife so limited to ¼ of all the Kamilaroi wifes wives. Theoretisch jede Kapota the wife of every Ippai. Quotes  Siehe L. Fison: Australian aborigines. Appendices [zu Lewis H[enry] Morgan: Australian kinship]. In: Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Nr. 8. 1873. S. 429–438.
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Rev. Fison quotes
von a letter of Mr. T. E. Lance (der lange in Australien gelebt): „if a Kubbi meets a stranger Ippata, the they address each other as Goleer = Spouse … A Kubbi thus meeting an Ippata, even though she were of another tribe, would treat her as his wife, and his right to do so would be recognized by her tribe.“

Under this conjugal system ¼ aller males united in marriage mit ¼ aller females of the Kamilaroi tribes. [53, 54]

Während die Kinder blieben in gens ihrer Mutter, gingen sie über in eine andre Klasse, in selber gens, different from that of either parent.

Male Female Male Female
 Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
 Ippai marries
 Nummerierung von Marx.
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4)
 Kapota;
their children are  Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
 Murri
u.  Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
 Mata
 Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
 Kumbo
"  Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
 Mata
  "  "  "  Nummerierung von Marx.
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4)
 Kubbi
u.  Nummerierung von Marx.
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4)
 Kapota
 Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
 Murri "
" "  Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
 Buta " " "
 "  "  "  Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
 Ippai
u.  Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
 Ippata
 Nummerierung von Marx.
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4)
 Kubbi
" "  Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
 Ippata " " "
 "  "  "  Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
 Kumbo
u.  Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
 Buta.

Folgt man der female line, so Kapota (4) ist die Mutter of Mata (3) u. Mata (5) ist hinwiederum die Mutter of Kapota; ebenso Buta (2) Mutter von Ippata (1) u. hinwiederum Ippata (1) die Mutter von Buta (2). Selbes mit male class; da aber descent in the female line, leiten sich die Kamilaroi tribes selbst ab von 2 supposed female ancestors, which laid the foundation for 2 original gentes. – By tracing the descents still further found that the blood of each class passes through all classes.

Obgleich jedes Individuum einen der oben erwähnten class names führt, so daneben the single personal name common among savages as well as barbarous tribes. [55]

The gentile organization supervened naturally upon the classes as a higher organization, by simply enfolding them unchanged, encroaches then upon them.|

31

The classes are in pairs von brothers u. sisters derived from each other u. die gentes, vermittelst der classes, sind auch in pairs wie folgt:

Gentes Male Female Male Female
1) Iguana all are Murri u. Mata oder Kubbi und Kapota
2) Emu  " " Kumbo u. Buta oder Ippai u. Ippata
3) Kangaroo  " " Murri und Mata od. Kubbi u. Kapota
4) Bandicoot  " " Kumbo u. Buta oder Ippai u. Ippata.
5) Opossum  " " Murri u. Mata oder Kubbi u. Kapota
6) Blacksnake  " " Kumbo u. Buta od. Ippai u. Ippata

The connection of children with a particular gens is proven by the law of marriage. So Iguana-Mata must marry Kumbo; her children are Kubbi u. Kapota, u. nothwendig Iguana in gens, because descent in the female line. Iguana-Kapota must marry Ippai, her children are Murri u. Mata u. ditto Iguana in gens. So Emu-Ippata must marry Kubbi, her children are Kumbo u. Buta u. of the Emu gens. So die gens maintained by keeping in its membership the children of all its female members. Ebenso mit den remaining gentes. Each gens is made up theoretically of 2 supposed female ancestors, and contains 4 of the 8 classes. Wahrscheinlich ursprünglich nur 2 male u. 2 female classes, set opposite to each other in respect to the right of marriage; and that the 4 afterward subdivided into 8. The classes evidently as an anterior organization nachher arranged within the gentes, not formed by the subdivision of the gentes.

Da die Iguana, Kangaroo u. Opossum gentes are counterparts to each other in the classes they contain, so subdivisions of an original gens; ebenso andrerseits Emu, Bandicoot u. Blacksnake; so 2 original gentes mit dem right in each to marry into the other, but not in itself. Dies confirmed durch das fact, dass 1), 3), 5) originally nicht intermarry durften unter einander, ebensowenig wie 2), 4), 6). When the three were one gens intermarriage unter ihnen verboten; dies followed the subdivisions, because they were of the same descent, although under different gentile names. Dasselbe exact gefunden bei den Seneca-Iroquois. [55–57]

Da marriage restricted to particular classes, when there were but 2 gentes, one half of all the females of one were the wives of one half of all the females males of the other. After their subdivision into 6 the benefit of marrying out of the gens was neutralized by the presence of the classes mit ihren restrictions; hence continuous in-and-in marriages, beyond the immediate degree of brother and sister.

z. B. descents of Ippai u. Kapota giving to each intermediate pair 2 children, a male and a female, dann:

1) Ippai marries Kapota; their children Murri u. Mata. Die letztern 2 können nicht einander heirathen.

2) Murri marries Buta … their children: Ippai u. Ippata;
Mata marries Kumbo … their children: Kubbi u. Kapota;

3) Ippai marries his cousin Kapota u. Kubbi marries his cousin Ippata; their children are respectively Murri u. Mata u. Kumbo u. Buta; von diesen die Murris marry the Butas, second cousins, etc. In this condition the classes not only intermarry constantly, but are compelled to do so through this organization upon sex. – The organization into classes seems to have been directed to the single object of breaking up the intermarriage of brothers and sisters. – Innovation: allowing each triad of gentes to intermarry with each other, to a limited extent; and secondly, to marry into classes, not before permitted[.] So Iguana-Murri can now marry Mata in the Kangaroo gens, his collateral sister etc. Each |32 class of males in each triad of gentes seems now to be allowed one additional class of females in the 2 remaining gentes of the same triad, from which they were before excluded. [57, 58]

Wherever the middle or lower  Bei Morgan, S. 59: stratum
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statum
of savagery is uncovered, marriages of entire groups under usages defining the groups, have been discovered … the necessities of their condition would set a practical limit to the size of the group living together under this custom. [59]

»Cases of physical and mental deterioration in tribes and nations must be admitted, for reasons which are known, but they never interrupted the general progress of mankindThe arts by which savages maintain their lives are remarkably persistent. They are never lost until superseded by others higher in degree. By the practice of these arts, and the experience gained through social organizations, mankind have advanced under a necessary law of development, although their progress may have been substantially imperceptible for centuries … tribes and nations have perished through the disruption of their ethnic life.« (p. 60) Among other tribes (non-Australian) the gens seems to have advanced in proportion to the curtailment of the conjugal system. [60]

»We have the same brain, perpetuated by reproduction, which worked in the skulls of barbarians and savages in by-gone ages; and it has come down to us ladened and saturated with the thoughts, aspirations and passions, with which it was busied though through the intermediate periods. It is the same brain grown older and larger with the experiences of the ages … Outcrops of barbarism  Bei Morgan, S. 61: some of the excrescences of modern civilization, such as Mormonism, are seen to be relics of the old savagism not yet eradicated from the human brain. – Morgan dürfte sich besonders auf die von den Mormonen damals gelehrte und praktizierte Polygamie beziehen.
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(wie z. B. Mormonism)
are so many revelations of its ancient proclivities … a species of mental avatism atavism .« (61)



P. II Ch. II The Iroquois Gens.

Aelteste organization – social, founded upon gentes, phratries, tribes; so gentile society created, wo government dealt with persons through their relations to a gens or tribe. These relations purely personal. Kömmt nachher a political organization, founded upon territory u. property; hier government deals with persons through their relations to territory, wie z. B. the township, the county, and the state. (62)

Gentile Organization found in Asia, Europe, Africa, America, Australia; dauert bis political society, die erst mit der Civilization eintritt. Irish Sept, Scottish Clan, die phrara der Albanians, ganas des Sanscrit etc selbes was American Indian gens.

Gens, γένος u. ganas (lat. gr. Sansk.) bedeuten alike kin; enthalten dasselbe Element as gigno, γίγνομαι, ganamai (beget alle 3); implying an immediate common descent of the members of a gens. A gens daher a body of consanguinei. Descended from the same common ancestor, distinguished by a gentile name, and bound together by affinities of blood. It includes a moyety moiety only of such descendants; wo descent in female line, wie überall in archaic period, gens zusammengesetzt of a supposed female ancestor and her children, with the children of her female descendants, through females, in perpetuity; umgekehrt, wo descent in the male line, into which the female line was changed after the appearance of property in masses. Der moderne Familienname ist selbst a survival of the gentile name, with descent in the male line. The modern family, as expressed by its name, is an unorganized gens; with the bond of kind kin broken, and its members as widely dispersed as the family name is found. Final form of gens enthält two changes: 1) change from female to male line of descent; 2) change of the inheritance of the property of a deceased member from his gentiles to his agnatic kindred u. finally to his children. [62–64]

Gens in its archaic form now exists among the American aborigines. [65]

Wo gentile institutions prevailed – and prior to the establishment of political society – we find peoples or nations in gentile societies, and nothing beyond. »The state did not exist.« (p. 67) As the gens, the unit of organization, was essentially democratical, so necessarily the phratry composed of gentes, the tribe composed of phratries, and the gentile society formed by the confederation or  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 66.
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(was höhere Form)
coalescencing coalescing of tribes. ⦗ Zusatz von Marx. Siehe das Inhaltsverzeichnis von Kapitel XII am Anfang von Morgans Buch, S. XIII.
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wie die 3 röm. in Rom
, the 4 tribes of the Athenians in Attica, the 3 Dorian tribes in Sparta, all of them on some common territory[66, 67]

In der archaic form der gens die children einer Frau gehören zu ihrer gens; ebenso die children ihrer Töchter, Grosstöchter etc aber die children ihrer Söhne, deren Grosssöhne etc belong to other gentes, nämlich denen ihrer Mütter. In the Middle Status of Barbarism (mit Syndyasmian family) began die Indian tribes to change the female line to the male; selbes im Upper Status of Barbarism bei Greek tribes (except the Lycians), u. den Italian tribes (except the Etruskans). [67, 68] |

33

Intermarriage in Gens prohibited. Die Gensinstitution beginnt nothwendig mit 2 gentes; the males and females of one gens marrying the females and males of the other; the children, following the gentes of their respective mothers, would be divided between them. Resting on the bond of kin as its cohesive principle, gens verleiht jedem individual member that personal protection which no other existing power could give. [69]

Gentes of the Iroquois taken as standard exemplification in der Ganowánian family. When discovered the Iroquois in the lower status of barbarism; manufactured nets twine and rope from filaments of bark; wove belts and burden straps, with warp and woof, vom selben Material; machten earthern vessels u. pipes von clay mixed with siliceous materials u. hardened by fire, some of them ornamented mit rude medallions; cultivated maize, beans, squashes u. tobacco in garden beds, made unleavened bread von pounded maize which they boiled in earthern vessels (these loaves or cakes about 6 inches in diameter u. an inch thick); tanned skins into leather with which they manufactured kilts, leggins u. moccasins; used bow and arrow and warclub als Hauptwaffen; used flint, stone u. bone implements, wore skin garments, were expert hunters u. fishermen.  Constructed long joint-tenement houses large enough to accommodate 5, 10, 20 families u. each household practised communism in living; were unacquainted mit the use of stone or adobe-brick in house architecture u. mit dem use der native metals. In mental capacity u. general advancement waren they der representative branch der Indian family north of New Mexico. Military „their career was simply terrific. They were the scourge of God upon the aborigines of the Continent.[69, 70]

In lapse of time number u. names der respective gentes have slightly varied, their largest number being 8.

I) Senecas:

1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7) Heron. 8) Hawk.

II) Cayugas:

1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7) Eel. 8) Hawk.

III) Onondagas:

1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7) Eel. 8) Ball.

IV) Oneidas. 1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle.
V) Mohawks. 1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle.
VI) Tuscaroras.

1) Gray Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Great Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Yellow Wolf. 6) Snipe. 7) Eel. 8) Little Turtle.

Die Changes zeigen, dass certain gentes in some of the tribes became extinct u. dass andre formed by segmentation of overfull gentes. [70]

Das jus gentilicium besteht [in]:

1) The right der gens of electing its sachem und chiefs.

Fast bei allen American Indian tribes 2 grades of chiefs, sachem u. common chiefs; von diesen 2 primary grades all other grades were varieties; elected in each gens from among its members, a son could not be elected to succeed his father, wo descent in the female line, weil er belonged to a different gens. Office of Sachem hereditary in the gens, insofern it was filled so oft als a vacancy occurred; office of chief non-hereditary, weil bestowed in reward of personal merit u. died with the individual. Duties of Sachem confined to peace, konnte nicht in Krieg ziehn as a Sachem. The chiefs, raised to office for personal bravery, wisdom in affairs, or for eloquence in council, gewöhnlich die superior class in ability, aber nicht in authority over the gens. The relation des Sachem was primarily to the Gens, wovon er the official head; die des Chief primarily to the tribe, – von dessen council er wie der Sachem members. [71, 72]

The office of Sachem älter als gens, gehört ebenso zu punaluan group or even the anterior horde. In the gens the duties of this office paternal; in the gens elective among its male members. Dem Indian system of consanguinity entsprechend office of Sachem passed von brother zu brother, or from uncle to nephew u. sehr selten von grandfather to grandson. The choice, by free suffrage of both males and females of adult ages, fiel gewöhnlich auf einen Bruder des deceased Sachem od. einen der Söhne einer Schwester; sein eigner Bruder od. der Sohn einer eignen Schwester meist preferred. Zwischen several brothers, own or collateral, on the one hand u. den sons of several sisters, own or collateral, on the other, no priority of right, da alle male members der gens equally eligible.

Hatte die gens einen gewählt (Sachem) (unter den Seneca-Iroquois z. B.), so noch erfordert assent der 7 remaining gentes. These met for the purpose by phratries; wenn sie die Wahl to confirm verweigerten, musste die gens neu wählen; wurde er accepted, so election complete; aber der neue Sachem musste still »be raised up« (i.e. invested with his office), durch a council of the confederacy, before he could enter upon  Bei Morgan, S. 73: its duties
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his duty
; it was their method of conferring the imperium.|

34

Der Sachem of a gens was ex officio a member of the council of the tribe, and of the higher council of the confederacy. Selbe Method of election u. confirmation for the office of a chief; aber a general council never convened to raise up chiefs below the grade of a sachem; they awaited the time when sachems were elected. [72, 73]

Chiefs in each gens usually proportioned to the number of its members; unter den Seneca-Iroquois 1 chief for about every 50 persons; der Seneca nun in New York einige 3000, haben 8 Sachems u. about 60 chiefs; the proportionate number jetzt grösser als früher. Anzahl der gentes in a tribe meist entsprechend der Bevölkerungszahl des tribe; die Zahl der gentes varies in different tribes von 3 unter Delawares u. Munsees to über 20 unter Ojibwas u. Creeks; 6, 8, 10 waren gewöhnliche Anzahlen. [73]

2) Recht Sachems u. Chiefs abzusetzen.

Dies Recht reserved by the members of the gens; office nominally »for life«, tenure practically »during good behaviour«. Die installation eines Sachem hiess: „putting on the horns“, seine Absetzung „taking off the horns“. Sobald ein Sachem od. chief in due form abgesetzt durch gens, war er von nun Privatperson. Council of the tribe konnte auch Sachems u. chiefs absetzen, ohne zu warten auf action der gens, and even against its wishes. [74]

3) Obligation not to marry in the gens.

Diese rule noch inflexible bei den Iroquois. – Bei Entstehung der gens brothers were intermarried to each other’s wives in a group, and sisters to each other’s husbands in a group; gens sought to exclude brothers and sisters from the marriage relation by prohibiting to marry in the gens. [74, 75]

4) Mutual rights of inheritance of the property of deceased members der gens.

Im Status of Savagery property beschränkt auf personal effects; im Lower Status of Barbarism kamen noch hinzu possessory rights in joint-tenement houses u. gardens. The most valuable personal articles buried mit body des deceased owner.

Im übrigen: property to remain in the gens and to be distributed among the gentiles des deceased owner. Dies theoretisch noch rule bei den Iroquois; praktisch the effects einer deceased person appropriated by his nearest relations within the gens. In case of a male his own brothers and sisters and maternal uncle uncles divided his effects amongst each other; in the case of a female her property inherited by her children u. her sisters, to the exclusion of her brothers. In beiden Fällen blieb property in gens. Deshalb nahm husband nichts von wife u. vice versa. These mutual rights of inheritance strengthened the autonomy of the gens. [75, 76]

5) Reciprocal obligations of help, defense, and redress of injuries.

Individual depended for security upon his gens; bond of kin powerful element for mutual support; to wrong a person was to wrong his gens. Herrera: „History of America“ erzählt von den Mayas of Yukatan: wo satisfaction to be made for damages, if he [who was] adjudged to pay was like to be reduced to poverty, the kindred  Zusatz von Marx.
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(gens)
contributed; selbe sagt v. Florida Indians: Stirbt ein Bruder od. Sohn, so verhungern eher the people of the house than seek anything to eat during 3 months, aber kindred u. relations send it all in. Persons, removing von one village to an other another , could not transfer their possessory right to cultivated lands or to a section of a joint-tenement house to a stranger; must leave them to his gentile kindred. Herrera refers to this usage under the Indian tribes of Nicaragua.

Garcilasso de la Vega Royal Commentaries Lond. ed. 1688, Rycaut’s Trans. p. 107⦘ bemerkt über die tribes der Peruvian Andes, dass „when the commonalty, or ordinary sort, married, the communities ( = gentes) of the people were obliged to build and provide them houses.“

The ancient practice of blood revenge … had its birthplace in the gens. Tribunals for the trial of criminals and laws prescribing their punishment, came late into existence in gentile society. Unter den Iroquois and other Indian tribes generally, the obligation to avenge the murder of a kinsman universally recognized. Vorher Beilegungsversuch zwischen gens of the slayer u. gens des slayed slain ; a council of the members of each gens held separetely, propositions made on behalf of the murderer for a condonation of the act meist in Form of expression of regret u. presents of considerable value;  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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zog das alles nicht
, weil gentile kindred der slain person implacable, so ernannte die gens (des slain) unter ihren members one or more avengers, die den criminal to pursue, until discovered, and then to slay him wherever he might be found. If they did so, this no ground of complaint by any member of the gens of the victim. [76–78]

|35 6) The right of bestowing names upon the members of the gens.

Unter savage u. barbaric tribes there is no name for the family. The personal names von individuals derselben family indicate no family connection between them. ⦗family name ist nicht älter als die Civilization⦘ Indian personal names, however, usually indicate the gens of the individual to persons of other gentes in the same tribe. As a rule each gens had names for persons that were its special property, and, as such, could not be used by other gentes of the same tribe. A gentile name conferred of itself gentile rights.

After birth of the child his mother selected for him a name, not in use, belonging to the gens, with the concurrence of her nearest relatives. The child not fully christened until its birth u. the name of its father, had been announced at the next ensuing council of the tribe. Bei Tod einer Person, konnte deren Namen Name nicht wieder used werden in the life-time of his oldest surviving son, without the consent of the latter. ⦗Dies wie alles particulare, wenn nicht direct Gegentheil gesagt, gilt von den Iroquois

Zwei classes of names in use, one adapted to childhood, the other to adult life; one „being taken away“ (ihre expression) u. der andre „bestowed“. Im Alter v. 16 od. 18 der erste Name weggenommen, usually durch a chief der gens u. einer der 2ten Klasse statt dessen gegeben. At the next council of the tribe the change of names was publicly announced, after which the person, if a male, assumed the duties of manhood. In some Indian tribes the youth was required to go out upon the war-path and earn his second name by some act of personal bravery. After a severe illness nicht ungewöhnlich for a person, from superstitious considerations, to solicit and obtain a second change of name. When a person was elected a Sachem od. a chief, his name was taken away, and a new one conferred at the time of his installation.

Das Individual had no control over the question of a change; was prerogative der female relatives u. der chiefs; but an adult person might change his name provided he could induce a chief to announce it in council. A person having the control of a particular name, wie der eldest son of that of his deceased father, might lend it to a friend in another gens; but after the death of the person thus bearing it the name reverted to the gens to which it belonged. The names jetzt in use unter den Iroquois u. andern Indian tribes meist ancient names handed down in the gentes from time immemorial.

In familiar intercourse u. formal salutation the American Indians address each other by the term of relationship the person spoken to sustains to the speaker. When related they salute by kin; wenn nicht, they substitute „my friend“. Gälte für lümmelhaft to address an Indian by his personal name, or to inquire his name directly from himself.  Bei Morgan, S. 80: Our Saxon ancestors
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Anglo-Saxons Saxon ancestors der »English«
hatten bis Norman Conquest nur single personal names, no name to designate the family. Zeigt an späte Erscheinung der Monogamie; u. Existenz in früherer Periode von a Saxon gens. [78–80]

7) The right of adopting strangers into the gens.

Captives taken in war either put to death, or adopted into some gens;  Bei Morgan, S. 80: Women and children taken prisoners usually experienced clemency in this form
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letztres mit women u. children, taken prisoners, usual
. Adoption not only conferred gentile rights, sondern auch die nationality of the tribe.

The person adopting a captive placed him or her in the relation of a brother or a sister; if a mother adopted, in that of a son or a daughter; and ever afterwards threated treated the person in all respects as though born in that relation.

Slavery, which in the Upper Status of Barbarism became the fate of the captive, was unknown among tribes in the Lower Status in the aboriginal period. Captives when adopted were often assigned in the family the places of deceased persons slain in battle, in order to fill up the broken ranks of relatives. Ausnahmsweise declining gens so replenished, z. B. at certain time die Hawk gens der Senecas so much thinned, dass dem Erlöschen nah; to save the gens, a number of persons from the Wolf gens by mutual consent were transferred in a body by adoption to that of of the Hawk. Das Adoptionsrecht left to the discretion of each gens. Unter den Iroquois die Adoptionsceremonie performed at a public council of the tribe, wodurch turned practically in a religious right rite. [80, 81]

8) Religious  Bei Morgan, S. 81: Religious rites in the gens. Query.
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rights rites
in the Gens?

Kann kaum gesagt werden, dass any Indian gens had special religious rites; aber their religious worship [had] mehr od. minder direct connection with the gentes; religious ideas germinated u. forms of worship instituted in gens, expanded from the gens over the |36 tribe, statt special to remain to the gens. So bei den Iroquois 6 annual religious festivals ⦗Maple, Planting, Berry, Green-Corn, Harvest u. New Year’s Festivals⦘ common to all the gentes united in a tribe, observed at stated seasons of the year.

Jede gens furnished a number of „Keepers of the Faith“, male and female, charged mit celebration jener festivals; conducted in selben die ceremonies zus. mit den Sachems u. Chiefs der Tribes who, ex officio [,] „Keepers of the Faith“. With no official head, none of the marks of a priesthood, their functions equal. Die „female keepers of the faith“ bes. charged mit preparation of the feast, provided at all councils at the close of each day for all persons in attendance; was a dinner in common. – Their worship was one of thanksgiving, with invocations des Great Spirit u. der Lesser Spirits to continue to them the blessings of life. (Cf. Morgan’s: League of the Iroquois , p. 182) [81, 82]

9) A common burial place.

Ancient – aber nicht exclusive – mode of burial: by scaffolding the body until the flesh had wasted, danach die bones collected u. preserved in bark barrels in a house constructed for their reception; die belonging zur selben gens usually placed in the same house. Rev. Dr Cyrus Byington found these practices unter den Choctas, 1827; so sagt Adair Hist. of the Americ. Indians , p. 183⦘ von den Cherokees: „I saw three of them, in one of their towns pretty near each other … Each house contained the bones of one tribe separately, with the hieroglyphical figures of each family (gens) on each of the oddshaped arks.“ Die Iroquois in ancient times used scaffolds u. preserved the bones of deceased relatives in bark barrels, often keeping them in the house they occupied. They also buried in the ground; im letztern Fall die same gens not always buried locally together, unless they had a common cemetery for the village.  So bei Morgan, S. 83. Soll sein: Asher Wright.
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Rev. Ashur Wright
, a missionary among the Senecas, wrote to Morgan: „I find no trace of the influence of clanship in the burial places of the dead … buried promiscuously … they say that formerly the members of the different clans more frequently resided together than they do at present time. As one family they were more under the influence of family feeling, and had less of individual interest.“

At the Tuscarora reservation (near Lewiston), obgleich die Tuscaroras now »Christians«, hat tribe one common cemetery, aber die individuals of the same gens – of Beaver, Bear, Gray Wolf etc [–] are buried in a row by themselves. Dort husbands u. wives separated u. buried in separate rows; ebenso fathers u. their children; aber found in the same row mothers and their children u. brothers u. sisters.

Unter den Iroquois u. andern Indian tribes in same status of advancement, bei dem funeral of a deseased gentilis, all the members of the gens are mourners; die addresses at the funeral, the preparation of the grave, u. the burial of the body were performed by members of other gentes.

Die Village Indians v. Mexico u. Central America, practiced a  Bei Morgan, S. 84: slovenly
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slow
cremation ⦗confined to chief and principal men⦘, ebenso scaffolding u. burying in the ground. [83, 84]

10) A Council of the Gens.

The Council – instrument of government u. supreme authority über gens, tribe, confederacy. Ordinary affairs adjusted durch die chiefs; those of general interest submitted to the determination of the council u. der council sprang from the gentile organization – the Council of Chiefs; its history, gentil, tribal, u. confederate, bis political society intervened, changing Council in Senat.

Simplest u. lowest form of the Council – that of the Gens; a democratic assembly, wo every adult male u. female member had a voice upon all questions brought before it; it elected u. deposed its sachems u. chiefs, ditto „Keepers of the Faith“, it condoned or avenged the murder of a gentilis, it adopted persons into the gens. It was the germ of the higher council of the tribe, and of that still higher of the confederacy, each of which was composed exclusively of chiefs as representatives of the gentes.|

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So dies bei Iroquois u. selbe Rechte der gentes der Grecian u. Latin tribes ⦗save Punkt 1, 2, 6, deren ancient existence doch presumirt werden muss⦘. [84, 85]

All the members of an Iroquois gens personally free, bound to defend each other’s freedom; equal in privileges u. personal rights; Sachem u. chiefs claiming no superiority; a brotherhood bound together by the ties of kin. Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, though never formulated, were cardinal principles der Gens u. diese die unit of a social u. governmental system, the foundation, worauf Indian society organized. Erklärt sense of independence u. personal dignity universally an attribute of Indian character.

Zur Zeit der europäischen Entdeckung waren die American Indian tribes generally organized into gentes, with descent in the female line; in einigen Tribes, wie den Dacotas, the gentes had fallen out; in andern, wie unter Ojibwas, den Omahas u. Mayas of Yucatan, descent has changed from female to male line. Throughout aboriginal America die gens nahm ihren Namen von some animal, or inanimate object, never from a person; in this early condition of society, the individuality of persons was lost in the gens; die gentes der Grecian u. Latin tribes in der relativ späten Periode wo sie under historical notice kommen, were (bereits) named after persons. In einigen der tribes, wie bei Moqui Village Indians of New Mexico, the members of the gens claimed their descent from the animal whose name they bore – their remote ancestors having been transformed by the Great Spirit von animal into human form.

Personenzahl der gentes varied: 3000 Senecas divided equally unter 8 gentes, would give an average v. 375 persons per gens.
15,000 Ojibwas divided unter 23 gentes 650 persons per gens.
Cherokees would average more than 1000 to a gens.

In der present condition der Haupt Indian tribes Personenzahl in jeder gens would range v. 100 to 1000.

Except the Polynesian, every family of mankind seems to have come under the Gentile organization. [85–87]

Pt. II. Ch. III. The Iroquois Phratry.

The phratry (φρατρία) a brotherhood, a natural growth from the organization into gentes; an organic union or association of 2 or more gentes of the same tribe for certain common objects. These gentes were usually such as had been formed by the segmentation of an original gens.

Unter den Grecian gentes phratry nearly as constant as the gens; jeder der 4 tribes der Athenians organized in 3 phratries, each composed of 30 gentes; also 4 tribes = 12 phratries = 360 gentes, od. 4 tribes = 4 × 3 phratries = 4 × 3 × 30 gentes. Solch numerisch symmetrische Organisation beweist, dass später [mit] Gesetz herumgearbeitet an der gegebnen division Division v. tribes in phratries u. phratries in gentes. All the gentes of a tribe – as a rule – of common descent u. bearing a common tribal name. The phratric organization had a natural foundation in the immediate kinship of certain gentes as subdivisions of an original gens u. auf dieser basis auch die Grecian phratry originally formed. Das spätere legislative numerical adjustment der Athenian tribes in phratries u. gentes erheischte nur incorporation of alien gentes u. transfer by consent or constraint.

Von den functions der Grecian phratry wenig bekannt: observance of special religious rites; condonation or revenge of the murder of a phratror phrator ; purification of a murderer er penalty of his crime escaped preparatory to his restoration to society. (   Und welche Weihflut seiner Zunft empfängt ihn wol? (Übers. Johann Heinich Voß.)
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»ποία δὲ χέρνιψ φρατέρων προσδέξεται« (Aeschylus, Eumenides, v. 656)
[ ) ] In Athen überlebte diese institution die Errichtung of political society unter Cleisthenes ; his its function: to look after the registration of citizens; wurde so guardian of descents u. of the evidence of citizenship. The wife upon her marriage was enrolled in the phratry of her husband u. die children der marriage were enrolled in the gens and phratry of their father. The phratry had still the duty to prosecute the murderer of a phrator in the courts of justice.  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(veränderte Form der Blutrache!)
Wären alle details known, we would probably find the phratry connected mit the common tables, the public games, the funerals of distinguished men, the earliest army organzition organization , and the proceedings of councils, as well as in observance of religious rites and the guardianship of social privileges.|

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Analogue of Greek phratry – the Roman curia.  In die griechische Sprache übersetzt wären diese Begriffe „Phyle“ [„Stammesgemeinschaft“] und „Trittys“ [„Drittel“] für Tribous und „Phratre“ [„Brudergemeinschaft“] und „Lochos“ [„Abteilung“] für Kourie (Übers. Nicolas Wiater.)
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»εἴη δ’ ἂν Ἑλλάδι γλώττῃ τὰ ὀνόματα ταῦτα μεθερμηνευόμενα φυλὴ μὲν καὶ τριττὺς ἡ τρίβους, φράτρα δὲ καὶ λόχος ἡ κουρία« (Dionys. l. II, c. VII; cf. l. II, c. 13)

Jede curia = 10 gentes [und 10 curiae] in each of the 3 Roman tribes, making 30 curiae u. 300 gentes; the curia entered directly into the [functions of] government. The assembly of the gentescomitia curiata – voted by curiae, each having one collective vote. This assembly the sovereign power of the Roman people down to Servius Tullius . [88–90]

 Bei Morgan, S. 90: The phratry existed in a large number of the tribes of the American aborigines, where it is seen to arise by natural growth, and to stand as the second member of the organic series
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Of organic growth the phratry der American aborigines, wo sie existirte under large number of tribes
; had no governmental functions, wie gens, tribe, confederacy; certain social functions, namentlich wichtig when the tribe was large. It presents the phratry in its archaic form and in its archaic functions.

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
The Eight gentes of the Seneca-Iroquois Tribes, reintegrated in 2 phratries.
Ist) Phratry. Gentes: 1) Bear. 2) Wolf. 3) Beaver. 4) Turtle.                                    
IInd) Phratry. Gentes. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7) Heron. 8) Hawk.

De-ă-non-dă’-a-yoh (Phratry) bedeutet brotherhood. The gentes in the same phratry are brother gentes to each other, and cousin-gentes to those of the other phratry; die Senecas brauchen diese Ausdrücke when speaking of gentes in relation to the phratries. Originally marriage not allowed unter den members der same phratry, aber die Members je einer phratry konnten heirathen into any gens of the other. Dies Verbot  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(die Heirath unter Gliedern derselben Phratry)
zeigt, dass die gentes of each phratry were subdivisions of an original gens, u. das Verbot to marry into one’s own gens had followed to its subdivisions. Diese Restriction war seit lang verschwunden, ausser mit Bezug auf marriage eines Individuums in seiner eignen gens. Tradition der Senecas, dass die Bär u. the Deer die original gentes, von denen die andern subdivisions. Also: natural foundation der phratrythe kinship of the gentes of which it was composed. After their subdivision from increase of numbers there was a natural tendency to their reunion in a higher organization for objects common to them all. Dieselben gentes nicht für immer constant in a phratry: wenn das equilibrium in their respective numbers disturbed, transfers of particular gentes from one phratry to the other occurred.

Mit increase of numbers in a gens, followed by local separation of its members, segmentation occurred, and the seceding portion adopted a new gentile name. Aber tradition of their former unity remained u. became the basis of their reorganization in a phratry. [90, 91]

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
Cayuga-Iroquois. 8 gentes unequally divided between 2 phratries.
Ist Phratry. Gentes. 1) Bear. 2) Wolf. 3) Turtle. 4) Snipe. 5) Eeel Eel.        
IInd Phratry. Gentes. 6) Deer. 7) Beaver. 8) Hawk.

Seven of these gentes selbe wie die der Senecas; the Heron gens verschwunden; Eeel Eel takes it its place, but transferred to the other side.  Bei Morgan, S. 91: The Beaver and the Turtle
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The Snipe u. Beaver
gentes also have exchanged fratries phratries. Die Cayugas nennen auch die gentes der same phratry »brother gentes«, die der opposite phratry »cousin gentes[«] . [91]

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
 Onondaga-Iroquois (8 gentes, unequally divided in phratries  wie bei Cayugas).
Ist Phratry. Gentes: 1) Wolf. 2) Turtle. 3) Snipe. 4) Beaver. 5) Ball.           
1nd IInd Phratry. Gentes. 6) Deer. 7) Eeel Eel. 8) Bear.

Hawk (bei den Cayugas) ersetzt durch Ball bei den Onondagas. Composition der Phratries different von der der Senecas. 3 der gentes in der 1st phratry selbe, aber Bear gens now found mit Deer.

Die Onondagas have no Hawk, the Senecas no Eel gens, aber fraternize when they meet, as connected with each other. [91, 92]

Die Mohawks u. Oneidas haben nur 3 gentes: 1) Bear . ; 2) Wolf; 3) Turtle; no phratries. Zur Zeit der Bildung der Confederation seven of the 8 Seneca gentes existed in the several tribes, as shown by the establishment of Sachemships in them; but the Mohawk u. Oneidas had only the 3 named; they had then lost an entire phratry, and one gens of that remaining – if  Die Ausrufezeichen von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 92: it is assumed
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(!) it is supposed (!)
that the original tribes were once composed |39 of the same gentes.

When a tribe organized in gentes u. phratries subdivides, it might occur on the line of the phratric organization. Obgleich die members of a tribe intermingled throughout by marriage, each gens in a phratry is composed of females with their children and descendants through females, who formed the body of the phratry. Would incline to remain locally together, and thus might become detached in a body. Die male members of the gens married to women of other gentes and remaining with their wives would not affect the gens since the children of the males do not belong to its connexion. The gentes and phratries can be followed through every tribe. [92]

The Tuscarora-Iroquois wurden detachirt vom main stock in unbekannter Periode der Vergangenheit, bewohnten die Neuse-river region von North Carolina zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung. Um 1712 verjagt aus dieser Area, removed to the country der Iroquois, were admitted in die Confederacy as 6th member.

Tuscarora-Iroquois. 2 Phratries v. 8 gentes.
Ist Phratry. Gentes. 1) Bear. 2) Beaver. 3) Great Turtle. 4) Eel
II Phratry. Gentes. 5) Gray Wolf. 6) Yellow Wolf. 7) Little Turtle. 8)Snipe.

Haben 6 gentes in common with Cayugas u. Onondagas, 5 mit Senecas, 3 mit Mohawks u. Oneidas. The Deer Gens, die sie einst besassen, extinct in modern times. Wolf gens now divided in 2, Gray u. Yellow; ebenso Turtle Gens verdoppelt in Great u. Little. 3 of the gentes in the first phratry the same with 3 in the 1st phratry der Senecas u. Cayugas,  Bei Morgan, S. 93: with the exception that the Wolf gens is double – Da zwar eine „Wolf gens“ bei den Tuscarora doppelt vorkam, aber in ihrer zweiten Phratrie, schloss Marx offenbar, dass Morgan, der sich auf die erste Phratrie bezog, die ebenfalls doppelt, einmal in der ersten und einmal in der zweiten Phratrie vorkommende „Turtle gens“ gemeint haben müsse.
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nur die Wolf Turtle gens double
. Da several 100 years zwischen separation der Tuscarora von u. return zu ihren congeners, Beweis of permanence in the existence of a gens. Wie bei den andern tribes, die gentes in der same phratry called brother gentes, die in the other cousin gentes. [92, 93]

Differences in the composition der Phratries zeigen ihre modification to meet changes of condition, (die die sie bildenden gentes befielen, wie Entvölkerung einiger, od. extinction etc) to preserve some degree of  Bei Morgan, S. 93: equality
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equilibrium
in the number of phrators in each. Phratric organization unter Iroquois von unvordenklicher Zeit, älter als the confederacy, established über 400 4 centuries ago. Im Ganzen die difference in their composition as to gentes small, beweist permanence der Phratry sowohl als der gens. Die Iroquois tribes hatten 38 gentes u. in 4 of the tribes a total of 8 phratries. [93, 94]

Unter den Iroquois die Phratry theils für social theils für religious objects.

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
Games, gewöhnlich bei tribal u. confederate councils. z. B. in ballgame der Senecas they play by phratries, eine gegen die andre, u.  bet against each other upon the result of the game. Each phratry puts forwards its best players etc. Befor Before das Spiel beginnt, articles of personal property are hazarded upon the results durch members der opposite phratries, are deposited with keepers to abide the event.

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
At a council of the tribe the sachems and chiefs in each phratry usually seated on opposite sides of an imaginary Council-fire u. the speakers addressed the 2 opposite bodies as the representatives of the phratries.

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
Wenn murder committed erst council der gens des slain, dann council der gens des Mörders; aber gens of the criminal calls oft on die other gentes of their phratry (when the slayer u. the slayed belonged to opposite phratries), to unite with them to obtain a condonation of the crime. Dann hielt diese Phratry ein council u. addressed itself hierauf an die andre Phratry to which it sent a delegation with a belt of white wampum asking for a council of the phratry u. an adjustment of the crime. They offered reparation to the family u. gens des murdered in expressions of regret u. presents of value. Negotiations between the 2 councils, bis affirmative or negative Entscheidung erreicht. Influence einer phratry grösser als die einer gens u. by calling into action die opposite phratry condonation wahrscheinlicher, namentlich bei extenuating circumstances. Darum Grecian phratry (vor Civilization) übernahm main management of cases of murder u. also of purification des murderer wenn he escaped punishment; hence, nach Errichtung der polit. society, nimmt phratry die duty of prosecuting the murderer in the courts of justice. [94, 95] |

40

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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4)
At funerals of persons of recognized importance – conspicuous functions der phratries (p. 95, 96). ⦗In the case of a defunct Sachem, the opposite phratry, not his own, sent immediately after the funeral, the official wampum-belt of the deceased ruler to the central council fire at Onondaga, as a notification of his demise. This was retained until the installation of his successor, upon whom it then bestowed as the insignia of his office.⦘

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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5)
Phratry directly concerned in the election of sachems and chiefs of the several gentes. Hatte a gens successor ernannt für ihren deceased Sachem (od. elected a chief of the 2nd grade), so expected as a matter of course that the gentes of the same phratry would confirm the choice; aber manchmal opposition von Seiten der opposite phratry. Dadurch kam action of council of each phratry in’s Spiel.

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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6)
Früher vor modern times had the Senecas »Medecine Medicine lodges«; letztere formed a prominent part of their religious system; to hold a Medicine Lodge was to observe their highest religious rites, and to practice their highest religious mysteries; they had 2 such organizations, one in each phratry; each was a brotherhood, into which new members were admitted by a formal initiation.

Unlike the Grecian phratry u. die Roman curia this Indian phratry had no official head; ebenso no religious functionaries belonging to it as distinguished von gens u. tribe. [97]

 Zusatz von Marx.
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M. betrachtet
die 4 „lineages“ of the Tlascalans who occupied the 4 quarters of the pueblo of Tlascala, als so many phratries (nicht als so many tribes, weil sie occupied the same pueblo and spoke the same dialect). Each „lineage“ od. phratry, had a distinct military organization, a peculiar costume u. banner, and its head war-chief (Teuctli) who was its general military commander. They went forth to battle by phratries.  The organization of a military force by phratries u. by tribes nicht unbekannt den homerischen Griechen. Nestor sagt zu Agamenon Agamemnon :

 Sondere rings die Männer nach Stamm und Geschlecht, Agamemnon; / Daß ein Geschlecht dem Geschlecht beisteh’ und Stämme den Stämmen. (Übers. Johann Heinrich Voß.)

Morgan zitiert hier (S. 98) nur in der englischen Übersetzung. Auf S. 237 zitiert er aber auch den griechischen Originaltext. Marx zitiert an der Stelle seines Exzerpts nicht erneut den griechischen Text und kommentiert nur: „(Siehe oben!)

Marx zitiert hier wahrscheinlich den griechischen Wortlaut nach der Ausgabe, die er selbst besaß: Homeri Opera omnia ex recensione et cum notis Samuelis Clarkii. Accessit varietas lectionum ms. Iips. et edd. veterum cura Io. Augusti Ernesti, qui et suas notas adpersit. Vol. 1–5. Lipsiae 1759–1764. Vol. 1. S. 88. (Siehe Marx’ Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1844 bis 1847 (MEGA IV/3. S. 6.27) und den Katalog der Bibliothek von Marx, zusammengestellt von Roland Daniels (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.28); der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.)
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»Κρῖν’ ἄνδρας κατὰ φῦλα, κατὰ φρήτρας, Ἀγάμεμνον,
ὡς φρήτρη φρήτρη φρήτρηφιν ἀρήγῃ, φῦλα δεφύλοις δὲ φύλοις ( Hom. Iliad. II, 362–363.)
[98]

Die Chocta gentes united in 2 phratries, the first called „Divided People“, containing 4 gentes; the second „Beloved People“, contains also 4 gentes. This separation of the people into 2 divisions by gentes created two phratries. – A tribe hat nie weniger als 2 gentes. The gens increases in number of its members, divides into 2; these again subdivide, and in time reunite in 2 or more phratries. These phratries form a tribe, and its members speak the same dialect. In course of time this tribe falls into several by process of segmentation, which in turn reunite in a confederacy. Such a confederacy is a growth, through the tribe and phratry, from a pair of gentes. [99]

Mohegan Tribe, had 3 original gentes, Wolf, Turtle, Turkey. Each of these subdivided, and the subdivisions became independent gentes, but they retained the names  Bei Morgan, S. 100: of the original gentes
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of the original subdivisions of each gens
as their respective phratric names, alias the subdivisions of each gens reorganized into a phratry. Dies beweist conclusively the natural process, wodurch, in course of time, a gens breaks up into several, u. diese remain united in a phratric organization which is expressed by assuming a phratric name.

Mohegan tribe, originally consisting aus 3 gentes, Wolf, Turtle, Turkey.
I) Wolf Phratry. 4 gentes. 1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Dog. 4) Opossum.
II) Turtle " " 8 4 gentes. 5) Little Turtle. 6) Mud Turtle. 7) Great Turtle. 8) Yellow Eeel Eel.
III) Turkey " " 3 gentes. 9) Turkey. 10) Crane. 11) Chicken.

Selten unter den American Indian Tribes to find such plain evidence of the segmentation of gentes, followed by the formation into phratries of their respective subdivisions. Shows also that the phratry founded upon the kinship of the gentes. As a rule the name of the original gens out of which others had formed – unknown; but in each of these cases it remains as the name of the phratry. Der Name nur einer der 12 Athenian phratries known to us; die der Iroquois had no name but that of brotherhood. [100]

Pt. II Ch. IV The Iroquois Tribe.

American aborigines fallen in  Bei Morgan, S. 102: large number of independent tribes
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zahllose tribes
– by the natural process of segmentation; each tribe individualized by a name, a separate dialect, a supreme government, a territory, occupied and defended as its own. The dialects as numereous as |41 the tribes, for separation nicht complete, before dialectical variation had commenced. –   Bei Morgan, S. 103: In this chapter I will endeavor to point out the manner in which these numerous tribes were formed, and, presumptively out of one original people […] – Zum Verweis auf Eskimos siehe Morgan, S. 104 und 152 sowie Marx’ Notizen dazu.
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Morgan glaubt, dass all the numerous aboriginal American tribes, (minus Eskimos who no aborigines) formed out of one original people.

Der term Nation angewandt auf viele Indian tribes, trotz geringer Volkszahl, v. wegen exclusive possession of a dialect and of a territory. Aber Tribe u. Nations nicht genaue Equivalents; unter gentile institutions entspringt nation nur, wann die tribes, united under the same government, have coalesced into one people, wie die 4 Athenian tribes in Attica, 3 Dorian tribes in Sparta, 3 Latin u. Sabine tribes at Rome. Federation requires independent tribes in separate territorial areas; coalescence unites them by a higher process in the same area, obgleich tendency to local separation by gentes u. by tribes would continue. The confederacy is the nearest analogue of the nation.

Sehr selten Fälle unter den American aborigines, wo the tribe embraced peoples speaking different dialects; wo der Fall, war’s Resultat der Union eines schwächeren mit einem stärkeren tribe speaking a closely related dialect, wie die union der Missourisafter their overthrow – mit den Otoes. Der great body der aborigines ward gefunden in independent tribes; nur wenige hatten es gebracht zu confederacy of tribes speaking dialects of the same stock language. [102–103]

Constant tendency to disintegration existed in the elements of gentile organization, aggravated durch tendency to divergence of speech, inseparable from their social state and the large area of their occupation. A verbal language, obgleich merkwürdig persistent in its vocables u. noch mehr in its grammatical forms, – is incapable of permanence. Der lokalen Separation – in area – folgt im Lauf der Zeit variation in speech; dies leads to separation in interests u. to ultimate independence. Die grosse Zahl von dialects u. stock languages in Nord- u. Südamerika wahrscheinlich – save die Eskimos – abgeleitet von one original language, erheischten für ihre Bildung the time measured by 3 ethnic periods.

New tribes u. new gentes were constantly forming by natural growth; der process sensibly accelerated durch the great expanse des American continent. Die Methode war einfach. From some overstocked geographical centre, possessing superior advantages in the means of subsistence, a gradual outflow of people. Dies continued jährlich, so a considerable population developed at a distance vom original seat des tribe; im Lauf der Zeit die emigrants werden distinct in interests, strangers in feeling, schliesslich divergent in speech; separation u. independence follow, though their territories were contiguous. Dies repeated itself von age zu age in newly acquired as well as in old areasWhen increased numbers pressed upon the means of subsistence, the surplus removed to a new seat wo sie sich mit Leichtigkeit etablirten, weil the government was perfect in every gens u. in any number of gentes united in a band. [104]  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Dies was »organized colonisation«!⦘

Unter den Village Indians selber Process in etwas modificirter Form. When a village became overcrowded with members, a colony went up or down on the same stream u. commenced a new village; repeated at intervals, several such villages appear, each independent of the other and selfgoverning self-governing body; but united in a league or confederacy for mutual protection; dialectical variation finally springing up, completes their growth into tribes.

Tribes formed by the subdivisions of an original tribe possess a number of gentes in common u. speak dialects of the same language; have a number of [the same] gentes selbst nach centuries of separation. So die Hurons, jetzt Wyandots, haben 6 gentes desselben Namens mit 6 der gentes der Seneca-Iroquois, nach at least 400 J. Trennung. Die Potawattamies haben 8 gentes selben Namens mit 8 unter den Ojibwas, während die former 6 u. die letzteren 14 different haben; showing dass neue gentes formed in each tribe by segmentation seit ihrer Trennung. Ein noch älterer Absetzer der Ojibwas – oder eines common parent tribe beider – die Miamis, haben nur 3 gentes in common mit den former, Wolf, Loon u. Eagle. [105]

 Zwischentitel von Marx. Die Formulierung entnahm er dem Text von Morgan, S. 105.
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Illustrations from tribes in Lower State of Barbarism.

8 Missouri tribes, bei ihrer Entdeckung, occupy the banks des Missouri über 1000 miles, zus. mit den banks of its tributaries, the Kansas u. the Platte; ebenso the smaller rivers of Iowa; ebenso West Bank of Mississippi down to the Arkansas. Ihre dialects beweisen dass the people in 3 tribes before the last subdivisions , nämlich:

1) Punkas u. Omahas; 2) Iowas, Otoes u. Missouris; 3) Kaws, Osages, u. Quappas; ihre several dialects nearer to each other than to any other dialect der Dakotian stock language to which they belong; also linguistic necessity for their derivation von an original tribe, wovon sie subdivisions; spreading from a central point on the Missouri along its banks, above u. below; mit increase of distance between their settlements – separation in interests, followed by divergence of speech u. finally by independence. Extending along a river in a prairie country such a people might separate first in 3 tribes, dann in 8, the organization of each subdivision remaining complete. Division meant a separation into parts by natural expansion over a larger area, followed by a complete segmentation. Der uppermost |42 tribe on the Missouri – the Punkas at the mouth of the Niobrara river; the lowermost the Quappas at the mouth of the Arkansas on the Mississippi, near 1500 miles between them. The intermediate region, confined to the narrow belt of forest upon the Missouri, was held by the remaining 6 tribes. They were strictly River Tribes. [105, 106]

Tribes of Lake Superior 1) Ojibwas; 2) Otawas (= O-tä’-was) u. 3) Potawattamies subdivisions of an original tribe; die Ojibwas der original tribe, the stem, blieben am original seat at the great fisheries upon the outlet of the lakes lake ; they are styled „Elder Brother“ durch die beiden andern, die Ottawas Otawas „next elder brother“, die Pottawattamies Potawattamies „Younger Brother“. Die letzteren separated first, die Ottawas Otawas last, as shown by the relative amount of dialectical variation, that of the Pottawattamies Potawattamies being greatest. Als entdeckt, 1614, die Ojibwas seated at the Rapids on the outlet of Lake Superior, from which point they had spread along the southern shore of the lake to the site of Ontonagon, along its northeastern shore and down the St. Mary River well toward Lake Huron; ihre position famos for a fish and game subsistence ⦗they did not cultivate maize and plants⦘; zurückstehend keiner position in Northamerica ausser dem Valley der des Columbia. ⦗Die Ojibwas manufactured earthen pipes, water jars, u. vessels in ancient times, as they now assert. Indian pottery zu verschiednen Zeiten dug up at the Sault St. Mary, the work of their forefathers.⦘ Mit such advantages certain to develop a large Indian population u. send out successive bands of emigrants to become independent tribes.

Die Pottawamies Potawattamies occupied a region on the confines of Upper Michigan u. Wisconsin, woraus 1641 the Dakotas were in act of expelling them. Zugleich die Ottawas Otawas , deren earlier residence supposed on the Ottawa Otawa river of Canada, had drawn westward, damals seated upon the Georgian Bay, the Manitouline islands u. at Mackinaw, von welchen Punkten they were spreading südlich über Lower Michigan. – Separation in place and distance had long before their discovery resulted in the formation of dialects, u. in tribal independence. Die 3 tribes, deren territories contiguous, had formed an alliance for mutual protection, „the Ottawa Otawa  Bei Morgan, S. 107: Confederacy
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Confederation
. (offenive offensive and defensive league)

Vor diesen secessions another affiliated tribe, the Miamis, had broken off vom Ojibwa stock – the common parent tribe – u. migrated to Central Illinois u. Western Indiana. Folgend im track dieser migration were the Illinois, another u. later offshoot vom same stem, who afterwards subdivided in Peorias, Kaskaskias, Weaws u. Piankeshaws. Ihre dialects mit dem der Miamis nearest affinity mit dem Ojibwa u. next mit the Cree. ⦗The Pottawamie Potawattamie u. Cree have diverged about equally; wahrscheinlich Ojibwas, Ottawas Otawas u. Cree one people in dialect nach dem detachment der Potawattamies Outflow aller dieser tribes from central seat at the great fisheries of Lake Superior – as a natural centre of subsistence. Die Algonkins v. New England, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia u. Carolina sehr wahrscheinlich derived von same stock. [106–108]

Each emigrating band in the nature of a military colony, seeking to acquire u. hold a new area, preserving at first, and as long as possible, a connection with the mother tribe; durch these successive movements they sought to expand their joint possessions u. afterward, to resist the intrusion of alien people within their limits … the Indian Tribes speeking dialects of the same stock language have been usually found  in territorial continuity, however extended their common area. Dies gilt, in the main, von all tribes of mankind linguistically unitedSpreading from  Bei Morgan, S. 108: some geographical
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one common
centre
they have preserved their connection with the motherland as a means of succor in times of danger, and as a place of refuge in calamity. [108]

Damit an area initial point of migration werde durch gradual production of a surplus population required special advantages in the means of subsistence. Solche natural centres wenig zahlreich in Nordamerika – in fact, nur 3. An der Spitze the Valley of the Columbia; ausgezeichnetste region on the face of the earth in the variety and amount of subsistence it afforded, prior to the cultivation of Maize and plants. Excellent game country as mixture of forest u. prairie. In the prairies wuchs a species of bread-root, the Kamash u. zwar abundantly; in these respects it was, however, not superior to other areas; was es auszeichnetinexhaustible supply of salmon im Columbia u. andern Küstenflüssen, they crowded these streams in millions, were taken in the season mit facility u. greatest abundance. After being split open u. dried in the sun, they were packed u. removed to the villages, formed their principal food during the greater part of the year. Ausserdem die shellfisheries der Küste, supplying large amount of food during the winter months. Ausserdem Clima mild u. equable throughout the year, about that of Virginia u. Tennessee; was the paradise of tribes ohne knowledge der cereals. Es kann sehr wahrscheinlich gemacht werden, dass das Valley of Columbia the seedland of the Ganowánian family, wovon successive streams of migrating bands, bis both divisions des Continent occupied u. dass beide divisions, bis zur Epoche der europ. Entdeckung replenished with inhabitants von dieser Quelle. Die grosse Ausdehnung der |43 Centralprairien, spreading continuously more than 1500 miles v. Nord nach Süd u. über 1000 miles von Ost nach West, interposed a barrier to free communication zwischen Pacific u. Atlantic sides des Continents in Nordamerika. Wahrscheinlich daher, dass an original family commencing its spread from the Valley of the Columbia, u. migrating under the influence of physical causes, would reach Patagonia eher als Florida. Die Entdeckung des Maize würde den course of events nicht materially change, or suspend the action of previous causes. Nicht bekannt wo das American Cereal indigenous; aber Central America, wo vegetation intensively active, wo Maize peculiarly fruitful, wo die oldest seats der Village Indians found … probable place of nativity of Maize. Von Centralamerica die cultivation would have spread to Mexico, dann Neu Mexico, u. valley des Mississippi, von da östlich to the shores des Atlantic; the volume of cultivation diminishing from the starting point to the extremities[.] It would spread independently von den Village Indians, from the desire of more barbarous tribes to gain the new subsistence; aber extended nie über Neu Mexico to the Valley of the Columbia, obgleich cultivation practised durch die Minnitarees u. Mandans des Upper Missouri, die Shyans des Red River des North, by the Hurons of Lake Simcoe in Canada, the Abenakies of the Kennebek Kennebec , wie generally by all the tribes zwischen Mississippi u. Atlantic. Migrating bands von dem Valley of Columbia would press upon the village Indians of New Mexico u. Mexico, tending to force displaced u. fragmentary tribes towards and through the Istmus Isthmus into South America, wohin diese would carry the first germs of progress developed by the Village Indians. Repeated at intervals of time it would tend to bestow upon South America a class of inhabitants far superior to the wild bands formerly supplied, and at the expense of the Northern section thus impoverished. So South America would attain the advanced position in development, even in an inferior country, which seems to have been the fact. The Peruvian legend of Manco Capac u. Mama Oello , children of the sun, brother and sister, husband and wife shows that a band of village Indians migrating from a distance, though not necessarily from North America direct, had gathered together and taught the rude tribes of the Andes the higher arts of life, including the cultivation of Maize and plants; legend dropped out the band, retained only the leader and his wife.

2)tes 2 tes) (nach Valley of Columbia) natural initial centre: the peninsula between lakes Superior, Huron u. Michigan, the seat of the Ojibwas u. nursery land of many Indian tribes.

3t es ) natural initial centre: the lake region of Minnesota, the nursery ground der present  Bei Morgan, S. 109: Dakota tribes
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Dakotian tribes
; Grund anzunehmen, dass Minnesota was a part of the Algonkin area vor Besetzung durch die Dakotas. [108, 109]

Sobald cultivation of maize u. plants erschien, it tended to localize the people u. support them in smaller areas, as well as to increase their numbers; übertrug aber nicht control des Continents to the most advanced tribes der Village Indians, die fast nur von Cultivation subsisted. Horticulture spread unter den principal tribes in the Lower Status of barbarism, improved greatly their condition, they held, mit den non horticultural tribes, the great areas of North America when discovered, u. v. ihren ranks the Continent replenished mit inhabitants. [109]

Incessant warfare der aborigines mit einander; als Regel the most persistent warfare unter tribes speaking different stocklanguages, wie z. B. zwischen Iroquois u. Algonkin tribes, u. der ersteren ditto mit den Dakota tribes. Dagegen Algonkin u. Dakota tribes lived at peace mit each other, gezeigt durch occupation of continuous areas. Die Iroquois pursued a war of extermination gegen their kindred tribes, the Eries, Neutral Nation, the Hurons u. die Susquehannocks. Tribes speaking dialects derselben stocklanguage können sich verständigen, compose their differences, u. lernen, in virtue of their common descent, sich als natural allies zu betrachten. [110, 111]

Bevölkgunszahl Bevölkerungszahl in a given area limited by amount of the subsistence it afforded; when fish u. game the main reliance for food, immense area required to maintain a small tribe. Als farinaceous food hinzukam, area occupied by a tribe still large in proportion to the number of the people. New York – mit 47,000 □ miles [–] hatte nie mehr als 25,000 Indians, inclus. mit den Iroquois die Algonkins on the eastside des Hudson u. upon the Long Island u. die Eries u. Neutral Nation in der westlichen  Bei Morgan, S. 111: section
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Seite
des Staats. A personal government, gegründet upon gentes, unfähig hinreichende central power zu entwickeln to control the increasing numbers des people, wenn sie nicht in reasonable distance von |44 einander blieben.

Unter den Village Indians von Neu Mexico, Mexico u. Centralamerica Wachsthum der Bevölkrungszahl upon a small area hielt nicht den Process der Disintegration auf. Wo verschiedne pueblos seated nah bei einander am selben Strom, the people usually of common descent u. under a tribal or confederate government. ⦗Each pueblo gewöhnlich an independent, selfgoverning self-governing community⦘. About 7 stocklanguages, allein gesprochen in New Mexico, jede mit several dialects. Zur Zeit v. Coronado ’s expedition1540–42 – the villages found numerous but small. Es waren ihrer 7 of Cibola, Tucayan u. Quivira u. Hemez u. 12 of Tiguex, u. andre groups indicating a linguistic connection of their members. Unbekannt ob each group confederated. Die 7 Moqui Pueblos (die Tucayan villages of Coronado’s expedition) sollen jetzt confederate sein, waren es wahrscheinlich zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung. [111]

Der process of subdivision operating unter den American aborigines für 1000de v. Jahren, hat in North America allein an 40 stocklanguages entwickelt, wovon jede gesprochen in Anzahl v. Dialects durch gleiche Zahl unabhängiger tribes.

Für an American Indian tribe nur a few hundreds u. höchstens a few 1000 people erheischt, um ihn in a respectable position in Ganowanian Ganowánian family zu stellen. [111, 112]

 Zwischentitel von Marx. Die Formulierung hat Marx dem Text von Morgan (S. 112) entnommen.
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Functions u. attributes of the Indian tribes. (p. 112–121)

1) Possession of a territory and a name.

the territory – their actual settlement u. so much of the surrounding region als tribe ranged over in hunting u. fishing u. could defend gegen andre encroaching tribes; darüber hinaus a wide margin of neutral grounds, separating them vom nächsten Tribe, speaking a different language, and claimed by neither; less wide u. less clearly marked, when they spoke dialects of the same language.

Die names, die nach u. nach die tribes individualize, in vielen cases zufällig wie die Senecas nannten sich selbst „Great Hill People“ etc. Nach Beginn der europäischen Colonisation im nördlichen Amerika erhielten die Indian tribes Namen von andern tribes who had bestowed names upon them different from their own. Hence a number of tribes known in history under names not recognized by themselves. [112, 113]

2) The exclusive possession of a dialect.

Tribe and dialect substantially co-extensive. Die 12 Dakota bands jetzt properly tribes, aber forced in vorzeitige Trennung durch advance of Americans upon their original area which forced them upon the plains. Früher war ihre connexion so intimate geblieben dass nur one new dialect was forming, the Teeton, on the Missouri; the Isauntie on the Mississippi being the original speech. Vor einigen Jahren die Cherokees zählten 26,000, largest number of Indians ever found within U. St., speaking the same dialect; in the mountain districts of Georgia a slight divergence of speech had occured. Die Ojibwas, still in the main non-horticultural, about 15,000, speak the same dialect; die Dakota tribes, 25,000, 2 closely related dialects. Dies Ausnahmen. In U. St. u. British America zählt a tribe on average less than 2000. [113, 114]

3) The right of investing Sachems and Chiefs elected by the Gentes. [114]

4) The right to depose Sachems and Chiefs.

In the Status of Savagery and in the Lower and also in the Middle Status of barbarism, office was bestowed for life, or during good behavior. [115]

Die Sachems u. Chiefs, v. den gentes gewählt, wurden nach Tribe Bildung, members des Tribal Council; hence das Recht v. Investitur letzterem vorbehalten; ebenso hatte er auch Absetzungsrecht; ging, nach Bildung v. Confederation auf council of confederacy über. The offices of Sachem and Chief universally elective north of Mexico; evidence  Bei Morgan, S. 114: with sufficient evidence, as to other parts of the continent, to leave no doubt of the universality of the rule
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in other parts of the Continent, evidence, dass sie es allgemein so ursprünglich gewesen.
[114, 115]

5) The possession of a religious faith and worship.

»After the fashion of barbarians the American Indians were a religious people.« (p. 115) Medicine lodge – Dancing form of worship. [115, 116]

6) A supreme government through a council of chiefs.

Gens represented by its chiefs; tribe represented by the council of the chiefs of the gentes. Called together under circumstances known to all, held in the midst of the people, open to their orators, it was certain to |45 act under popular influence. Council  Zusatz von Marx.
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(tribal)
had to guard and protect the common interests of the tribe. Questions and exigencies arising through their incessant warfare with other tribes. As a general rule, the council open to any private individual desiring to address it on a public question.  The women allowed to express their wishes and opinions through an orator of their own election. Decision given by the Council. Unanimity was a fundamental law of its action among the Iroquois.

Military operations usually left to the action of the voluntary principle. Theoretically each tribe at war with every other tribe with which it had not formed a treaty of peace. Any person at liberty to organize a war-party and conduct an expedition wohin er wollte. Er announced his project by giving a war-dance and inviting volunteers. If he succeeded in forming a party, which would consist of such persons as joined him in the dance, they departed immediately, while enthusiasm was at its height. When a tribe was menaced with an attack, war parties were formed to meet it in much the same manner. Where forces so raised were united in one body, each under its own war-captain and their joint movements determined by a council of these captains. This relates to tribes in the Lower Status of Barbarism. The Aztecs u. Tlascalans went out by phratries, each subdivision under its own captain, u. distinguished by costumes u. banners.

Confederation of Iroquois u. that of the Aztecs were the most remarkable for aggressive purposes. Unter Tribes in the Lower Status of Barbarism, incl. the Iroquois, the most destructive work performed by inconsiderable war-parties, beständig forming and making expeditions into distant regions. Sanction of the Council for diese expeditions weder sought, nor necessary.

Council of the tribe had power to declare war u. make peace, send and receive embassies, make alliances; intercourse between independent tribes conducted by wise men and chiefs, delegated dazu. When a tribe expected such a delegation, a council was convened for its reception and for the transaction of its business. [116–118]

7) A headchief head-chief of the tribe in some instances.

Nämlich a Sachem, superior in rank to his associates. Der Council nur selten in session u. urgencies might arise demanding the provisional action of some one authorized to represent the tribe, subject to the ratification of his acts by the council. This only basis for the office ofheadchief head-chief . Iroquois had none u. their confederacy had no executive officer. Wo der headchief head-chief in Indian tribes existed there, in a form too feeble to correspond to the conception of an executive magistrate. The elective tenure of the office of chief, and the liability of the person to deposition, settle the character of the office. [118, 119]

Der Council of Indian chief chiefs was a government of one power, prevailing generally among the tribes in Lower Status of Barbarism. Dies erstes Stadium.

Zweites Stadium: a government coordinated between a council of chiefs and a general military commander, one representing the civil, the other the military functions. Dies form began to manifest itself in the Lower Status of Barbarism after formation of Confederacies, became definite in Middle Status. Das office of general Bei Morgan, S. 119: principal
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chief
military commander – was the germ of that of a chief executive magistrate, king, emperor, president; a government of 2 powers.

Drittes Stadium: government of a people or nation by a council of chiefs, an assembly of the people, and a general military commander. Appears under tribes who had attained to the Upper Status of Barbarism, Homeric Greeks, or Italian tribes of the period of Romulus . Large increase of people united in a nation, their establishment in walled cities, creation of wealth in flocks, herds, lands, brought in the assembly of the people as an instrument of government. Council of chiefs became a preconsidering council; popular assembly adopted or rejected public measures, its action final; lastly a general. Dies blieb bis Eintritt v. political society, wenn unter Athenians z. B., council of chiefs became Senate, the assembly of the people the ecclesia or popular assembly.

Im Middle Status of Barbarism the gentes organized into tribes remained as before, aber confederacies more frequent. In some areas, as in the Valley of Mexico, keineswegs – no evidence dafür – dass political society established. It is impossible to found a political society or a state upon gentes. [119–121]

Pt. II Ch. V The Iroquois Confederacy.

 Bei Morgan, S. 122: A tendency to confederate for mutual defense would very naturally exist among kindred and contiguous tribes. When the advantages of a union had been appreciated by actual experience the organization, at first a league, would gradually cement into a federal unity. The state of perpetual warfare in which they lived would quicken this natural tendency into action among such tribes as were sufficiently advanced in intelligence and in the arts of life to perceive its benefits. It would be simply a growth from a lower into a higher organization by an extension of the principle which united the gentes in a tribe.
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Verbindung for mutual protection erst einfach fact, hervorgerufen durch necessities (wie attack von aussen), dann League, dann systematic confederacy.
Bei Entdeckung v. America existirten confederacies in verschiednen parts, u. a. namentlich: Iroquois confederacy of 5 independent tribes, Creek Confederacy of 6, Otawa Confederacy of 3, Dakota League of the |46 „Seven Council Fires“, die Moqui Confederacy in New Mexico of 7 Pueblos, the Aztec Confederacy of 3 tribes in the Valley of Mexico. Am leichtesten Bildung v. confederacy (generally difficult wegen den »unstable geographical relations« [)] für die Village Indians im Middle Status of Barbarism wegen der nearness ihrer pueblos zu einander u. der smallness ihrer areas. Die berühmtesten confederacies in Northamerica die der Aztecs u. die der Iroquois; letztere genau bekannt;   Bei Morgan, S. 123: The Aztec confederacy has been handled in such a manner historically as to leave it doubtful whether it was simply a league of three kindred tribes, offensive and defensive, or a systematic confederacy like that of the Iroquois. That which is true of the latter was probably in a general sense true of the former, so that a knowledge of one will tend to elucidate the other.
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erstere hatte wahrscheinlich denselben Charakter of systematic confederacy, aber in den historischen (span.) Berichten erscheint sie mehr od. minder als blosse league of 3 kindred tribes, offensive and defensive.

The Confederacy had the gentes for its basis and centre u. stocklanguage, (wovon die dialects still mutually intelligible) and stock language for its circumference; none found beyond the bounds of the dialects of a common language; otherwise heterogeneous elements would have been forced into the organization. Ausnahmsweis wohl einmal die remains of a tribe, not cognate in speech, admitted into an existing confederacy, wie z. B. die Natchez, after their overthrow by the French, into the Creek Confederacy. There was no possible way of becoming connected on equal terms with a confederacy ausser durch membership in a gens and tribe, and a common speech. [122–124]

Monarchy incompatible mit gentilism. The Grecian tyrannies were despotisms founded upon usurpation – the germ out of which the later kingdoms arose; the socalled kingdoms of the  Bei Morgan, S. 124: heroic
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homeric
age were military democracies, and nothing more. [124]

Die Iroquois ursprünglich emigrants from beyond the Mississippi, wahrscheinlich a branch des Dakota Stock; erst nach valley des St. Lawrence, settled near Montreal. Durch die hostility der surrounding tribes gezwungen, sie nach der central region of New York. Mit canoes coasting das östliche Gestade des See Ontario (their numbers small), war(?) ihre erste Niederlassung an Mündung des Oswego river, wo sie nach ihren traditions lang blieben; waren damals wenigstens 3 distinct tribes,  Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
Mohawks,  Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
Onandagas Onondagas u.  Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
Senecas. Ein tribe settled nachher at the head of the Canandaigua lace lake, became the Seneca; andrer occupied the Onaindaiga Onondaga valley, wurden die Onandagas Onondagas ; dritter passed östlich, settled erst at Oneida, bei site of Utica, removed then to Mohawc Mohawk Valley, became the Mohawks. Die[,] die blieben, wurden die  Nummerierung von Marx.
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4)
Oneidas. Ein Theil der Senecas oder der Onondagas settled entlang dem eastern shore des Cayuga lake, wurden die [5)] Cayugas. Vor Besetzung durch die Iroquois, scheint New York Theil der Area der Algonin(?) Algonkin tribes gewesen zu sein; nach ihren traditions entsetzten die Iroquois die alten Bewohner wie sie gradually ihre Niederlassungen ausdehnten, östlich vom Hudson, u. westlich vom Genesee.

 Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗Also bis dato 5 tribes: 1) Seneca, 2) Cayuga, 3) Ononondaga Onondaga , 4) Oneidas Oneida , 5) Mohawk

Nach ihrer tradition lange Zeit nach ihrer Niederlassung in New York, während der sie common cause against their enemies machten, aber ehe sie confederacy bildeten. Residirten in villages, gewöhnlich umgeben mit stockades, lebten von fish u. game, u. den products of a limited horticulture. Ihre Anzahl nie über 20,000.   Precarious subsistence u. incessant warfare repressed numbers in all the aboriginal tribes, inclus. the Village Indians. The Iroquois enshrouded in great forests, then overspreading New York. Zuerst sie entdeckt 1608; um 1675 culminating point ihrer dominion über weite Area, covering grösseren Theil v. New York, Pennsylvania u. Ohio ⦗1651–5 expelled sie their kindred tribes, die Eries, von Area zwischen Genesee river u. Lake Erie, kurz nachher die Neutral Nations vom Niagara river, kamen so in Besitz des Rests von New York, mit Ausnahme des Lower Hudson u. Long Island⦘ u. portions of Canada, north of lake Ontario. Zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung waren sie die highest representatives of the Red Race  Bei Morgan, S. 126: north of New Mexico
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im Norden v. Mexico
in Intelligenz u. advancement, obgleich inferior to the Gulf tribes in arts of life. Noch 4000 Iroquois in New York, about 1000 in Canada u. ebensoviel im Westen. [124–126]

Confederation formed about 1400–1450 (früher nach den generations of Sachems in the history of David Cusick , a Tuscarora.) The Iroquois lebten – die 5 tribes – in contiguous territories, sprachen einander verständliche dialects derselben Sprache u. hatten certain common gentes in the several tribes. Andre tribes in selben Umständen, aber die Iroquois, durch Bildung der confederacy, zeigten ihre superiority.  Bei Morgan, S. 126: It is affirmed by the Iroquois that
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Nach ihrer Sage
die confederacy formed durch a council of wisemen wise-men and chiefs der 5 tribes, meeting für den purpose on the north shore of the Onondaga lake, near the site of Syracuse, perfected in ihrer session die organization u. set in immediate operation.  Bei Morgan, S. 127: The origin of the plan is ascribed to a mythical, or, at least, traditionary person, Hä-yo-went’-hä, the Hiawaeha of Longfellow’s celebrated poem
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Der origin des plan zugeschrieben einer traditionary person Hä-yo-went’-hä , der Hiawatha Longfellow’s
. Die formation der Confederation still celebrated unter ihnen as a masterpiece of Indian wisdom; nach den Iroquois selbst bis jetzt fortexistirende Form ihrer Organization mit kaum irgend einem change. [126–128] |

47

Die general features der Iroquois confederacy sind:

1) A union of 5 tribes, composed of common gentes, under one government on the basis of equality; jeder tribe remaining independent in all matters pertaining to local self-government.

2) A general Council of Sachems, limited in number, equal in rank u. authority, invested with supreme powers in all matters relating to the Confederacy.

3) 50 Sachemships were created and named in perpetuity in certain gentes of the several tribes; with power in these gentes to fill vacancies occurring, by election from among their respective members, u. mit power to depose from office for cause; the right to invest these Sachems with office reserved to the General Council.

4) The Sachems of the Confederacy also Sachems in their respective tribes, and with the Chiefs of these tribes formed the Council of each, which tribal council supreme over all matters pertaining to the tribe exclusively.

5) Unanimity in the Council made essential to every public act.

6) In the General Council the Sachems voted by Tribes, each tribe had so a negative upon the others.  Zusatz von Marx. Marx bezieht sich auf das seit dem 16. Jahrhundert im polnischen Parlament (Sejm) geltende „Liberum veto“, das Recht jedes Abgeordneten, durch seinen Einspruch einen Beschluss zu verhindern.
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(Poland!)

7) Council of each tribe had power to convene the general council; the latter had no power to convene itself.

 Marx führte zunächst unter „8)“ versehentlich den Punkt an, der bei Morgan (S. 128) der neunte war, notierte dann den achten und passte die Nummerierung an.
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9)
The Confederacy had no chief Executive Magistrate, or official head.

8) The General Council was open to the orators of the people for the discussion of public questions; but the Council alone decided.

10) Experiencing the necessity for a General military commander they created the office in a dual form, that one might neutralize the other. The 2 principal war-chiefs created were made equal in powers.

When the Tuscaroras später admitted,   Bei Morgan, S. 128: their sachems were
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they
allowed by courtesy to sit as equals in the General Council, but the original number of Sachems wurde nicht increased. [128, 129]

The sachemships were distributed unequally among the 5 tribes, but without giving to either a preponderance of power, and unequally among the gentes of the last three tribes.

Mohawks had 9 Sachems, Oneidas 9, Onondagas 14, Cayugas 10, Senecas 8.

Die Sachems waren arrangirt in Klassen to facilitate the attainment of unanimity in the Council.

1) Mohawks. 1ste class. 3 (Turtle tribe) 2t class  3. (Wolf tribe) 3t class. 3. (Bear tribe)
2) Oneidas

  "  "

3 (Wolf tribe)

  "  "

3 (Turtle tribe)

  "  "

3. (Bear tribe)
3) Onondagas. 1st class. 3 (1ster Bear tribe. 3ter Bear tribe. Dieser u. 2ter were hereditary councillors of the To-do-dä’-ho,  who held the most illustrious Sachemship.
2te class. 3. (1ster ( Snipe tribe) (2t Turtle tribe)
3te class. 1. (Wolf tribe) This sachem was hereditary keeper of the wampum.
4te class. 4. (1ster Deer tribe; 2t Deer tribe; 3t Turtle tribe. 4ter Bear tribe.
5t class. 3. (1ster Deer tribe. 2ter Turtle tribe. 3t Turtle tribe.
4) Cayugas. 1ste class. 5. (1ster Deer tribe; 2t Heron tribe. 3t Bear tribe. 4t Bear tribe. 5t Turtle tribe.
2t class. 3. (2t Turtle tribe. 3t Heron tribe.
3 class. 2 (beide Snipe tribe.)
5) Senecas. 1st class. 2. (Turtle tribe und Snipe tribe)
2 class. 2 (Turtle tribe u. Hawk tribe)
3 class (2) (Bear tribe u. Snipe tribe)
4 class. 2. (Snipe tribe u. Wolf tribe)

In fact besteht der General Council nur aus 48. Hä-yo-went’-hä u. Da-gä-no-we’-da  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 127.
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die 2 legendären Gründer
consented to take the office unter den Mohawk Sachems u. to leave their names in the list unter Bedingung that after their demise the 2 should remain thereafter vacant. At all councils for the investiture of Sachems their names are still called.  Bemerkung von Marx. Anspielung auf den Aufruf der französischen Anarchistin Louise Michel in der Zeitschrift „La Révolution sociale“ (Nr. 15, 19. Dezember 1880), für die Pariser Kommunalwahlen im Januar 1881 Märtyrer der Commune als Kandidaten aufzustellen. Siehe: Louise Michel: Mémoires. T. 1. Paris 1886. S. 267; Les candidatures mortes. In: La Presse. Paris. An. 45. Nr. 351, 21. Dezember 1880. S. 1.
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(Candidatures mortes)
|

48

Jeder Sachem hat einen aid elected by the gens of his principal from among its members, was installed mit same forms u. ceremonies; had to stand behind his superior on all occasions of ceremony, act as his messenger, in general subject to his directions; er hatte (der aid) office of chief, machte seine Wahl nach Tod des Sachem an dessen Stelle wahrscheinlich; diese aids hiessen: „Braces in the Long House“. (dies »Long House« symbolized the Confederacy)

The names bestowed upon the original Sachems wurden die Namen ihrer resp. successors in perpetuity. z. B. bei Tod v. Gä-ne-o-di’-yo , einem der 8 Seneca Sachems, sein successor gewählt durch die Turtle gens, worin Sachemship erblich u. when »raised up« by the General Council, his own name would be »taken off« u. jener ihm gegeben, was part der ceremony. Ihr jetziger Council noch fully organized, except dem Mohawk tribe, removing to Canada about 1775. Vacancies occurring their places are filled u. a general council is convened to install the new Sachems u. their aids. [129–132]

For tribal purposes the 5 tribes independent of each other, their territories separated by fixed boundary lines, their tribal interests distinct. Als organization der tribe weder weakened noch impaired durch den Confederate compact; each in vigorous life.

 Bei Morgan, S. 132: the Iroquois commended to our forefathers
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Die Iroquois recommended to the forefathers der Americans (Engl.)
1755 a union of the colonies similar to their own. They saw in the common interests u. common speech der several colonies elements for a confederation. [132, 133]

The Onondagas were made „Keepers of the Wampum“ u. „Keepers of the Council Brand“, the Mohawks „Receivers of Tribute“ from subjugated tribes, the Senecas „Keepers of the Door“ des Long House. Diese u. ähnliche Provisions were made for the common advantage. [133]

Die confederacy rested upon the tribes ostensibly, but primarily upon common gentes. All the members of the same gens, whether Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, or Senecas were brothers and sisters to each other in virtue of their descent von the same ancestor. When they met, the first inquiry was the name of each other’s gens, and next the immediate pedigree of their respective sachems; dann able under their system of consanguinity to find ihre wechselseitige relationship.

3 gentes, – Wolf, Bear, Turtle – common to the 5 tribes; diese u. 3 others were common to 3 tribes; the Wolf gens, durch division of an original tribe into 5, nun in 5 divisions, wovon one in each tribe; selbes mit Bear u. Turtle gentes. Deer, Snipe u. Hawk gentes were common to Senecas, Cayugas u. Onondagas.   Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Das Erblich machen Erblichmachen der Wahl der Sachems in certain gentes, does it not spring davon, dass certain gentes most common allen tribes?⦘
Der Mohawk des Wolf gens recognized an Oneida, Onandaga, Cayuga od. Seneca von selbem gens, though its members spoke different dialects of the same language, as a brother etc. In the estimation of an Iroquois every member of his gens in whatever tribe was as certainly a kinsman, as an other own brother; dies noch in its original force; explains the tenacity, womit die old confederacy zusammenhielt. Had the 5 tribes fallen in collision, it would have turned Wolf against Wolf, Bear against Bear etc, brother against brother. Solang die confederacy dauerte, nie Anarchie nor rupture der Organization. Such persistency v. bond of kin.

The „Long House“ (Ho-de’-no-sote« ) wurde Symbol der Confederacy; sie nannten sich selbst the „People of the Long House“ (Ho-de’-no-sau-nee), der einzige Name, den sie sich gaben.

Coalescence  Bei Morgan, S. 135: last
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höhere
Stufe des Processes. z. B. die 4 Athenian tribes coalesced in Attica into a nation by the intermingling of the tribes in the same area u. the gradual disappearance der geographical lines between them. Die tribal names u. organizations remained in full vitality, aber without the basis of independent territory. When political society was instituted on the basis of the deme or township, u. all the residents of the deme became a body politic, irrespective of their gens u. tribe, the coalescence became complete. [133–135]

The Valley of the Onondaga as the seat of the central tribe, and the place where the Council Brand was supposed to be perpetually burning, the usual aber keineswegs exclusive place for holding the councils of the confederacy etc.

Ursprünglich the Hauptobject des Council to raise up sachems to fill vacancies (von death od. deposition), but transacted all other business mit Bezug auf common welfare. Nach u. nach the Council fell into 3 distinct kinds (nach den functions, die er abwechselnd übt); Civil (declares war, makes peace, sends u. receives |49 embassies, enters [into] treaties mit foreign tribes, regulates the affairs of subjugated tribes etc); Mourning Council (raises up Sachems, invests them mit Office); Religious Council (held for the observance of a general religious festival). Nach u. nach Mourning Council for both purposes; jetzt der einzige, da die civil powers of the Confederacy terminated with the supremacy over them of the State.

An Overture made by a foreign tribe to either of the 5 tribes; der tribal council entschied ob die affair worth while to require a council of the confederacy; if so, a herald sent to the nearest tribes  Zusatz von Marx.
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(v. den 5)
in position, on east u. west, with a belt of wampum, containing a message to the effect that a civil council (Ho-de-os’-seh) [would meet] at specified place, time u. object; der tribe, der das message empfing, musste es senden dem next in position, bis die notification complete. Council assembled nie unless summoned under the prescribed forms. Wenn der Council was to meet for peaceful purposes, then each sachem was to bring with him a bundle of fagots of white cedar, typical of peace; if for warlike purposes, fagots of red cedar, emblematical of war.

Gesetzt die Onondagas seien der tribe, der den General Council had summoned. Am appointed day the Sachems of the several  Bei Morgan, S. 137, Fn. 1: nations
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tribes
, with their followers, who usually arrived a day or two before u. remained encamped at a distance, were received in a formal manner by the Onondaga sachems at the rising of the sun. They marched in separate processions from their camps to the council grove, each bearing his skin robe and bundle of fagots, wo die Onondaga Sachems awaited them with a concourse of people. The Sachems then formed themselves in a circle, an Onondaga Sachem, acting by appointment as master of the ceremonies, occupying the side towards the rising sun. At a signal they marched round the circle moving by the North. The rim of the circle toward the North called „the cold side“, that on the west „the side toward the setting sun“, that on the south „the side of the high sun“, that on the east „the side of the rising sun“. After marching 3 times around on the circle single file, the head and foot of the column being joined, the leader stopped on the rising sun side, and deposed before him his bundle of fagots. In this followed by the others. ⦗So formed an inner circle of faggots.⦘ After this each sachem spread his skin robe in the same order and sat down upon it, cross[-]legged, behind his bundle of fagots, with his assistant Sachem standing behind him. After a moment’s pause, the master of the ceremonies arose, drew from his pouch 2 pieces of dry wood and a piece of punk  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Zündschwamm)
with which he proceeded to strike fire by friction. When fire obtained, he stepped within the circle u. set fire to his own bundle, and then to each of the others. When diese well ignited, and at a signal from the master of the ceremonies, the sachems arose and marched 3 times around the Burning Circle, going as before by the North. Each turned v. time to time as he walked so as to expose all sides of his person … then reseated themselves each upon his own robe. Master of the ceremonies again rising to his feet, filled and lighted the pipe of peace from his own fire; drew 3 whiffs, the first toward the Zenith (bedeutet thanks to the Great Spirit for his preservation during the last year u. for being permitted to be present at this council); the second toward the ground (means thanks to his Mother, the Earth, for the various productions which had ministered to his sustenance[)]; third toward the Sun (means thanks for his never-failing light, ever shining upon all.) Then he passed the pipe to the first upon his right toward the North, who repeated the same ceremonies u. so on around the burning circle. The ceremony of smoking the calumet bedeutete auch mutual pledg pledging of their faith, friendship, honour. Mit dieser ceremony opening of the council completed u. dieser darauf declared ready for business. [135–137]

Auf den opposite sides des Councilfire, sassen, auf der einen: Mohawk, Onondaga u. Seneca Sachems; ihre tribes, wenn in council, were brother tribes to each other u. father tribes to the two other; they constituted, by extension of the principle, a phratry of tribes u. sachems.

On the opposite side of the fire the Oneida u. Cayuga u. später die Tuscarora Sachems; a second tribal phratry; brother tribes to each other, and son tribes of those opposite.

Die Oneidas, being a subdivision of the Mohawks, u. die Cayugas a subdivision of the Onondagas or Senecas, they were in reality younger tribes, hence their relations of juniors u. seniors u. application of the phratric principle.

When the tribes named in Council, the Mohawks named first, their tribal epithet: „The Shield“; next the Onondagas, under epithet of „Name-Bearer“, because they had been appointed to select and name the 50 original sachems. Nach der tradition die Onondagas deputed a wise-man to visit the territories of the tribes and select and name the new Sachems je nach circumstances: which explains the unequal distribution of office among the several gentes; next in order the Senecas, the „Door Keeper“; were made perpetual keepers of the Western door of the Long House; dann die Oneidas, the „Great Tree“ u. die Cayugas the „Great Pipe“; the Tuscaroras named last ohne distinguishing epithet. [138, 139] |

50

Der Foreign tribe represented at the Council durch a delegation of wise-men u. chiefs who bore their proposition and presented it in person. Nach ihrer introduction, macht einer der Sachem short address, thanking the Great Spirit etc, dann informing the delegates dass council prepared to hear them. One of the delegates submits the propostion in form, sustains it by arguments as ; nach conclusion der address, the delegation withdraws vom Council to wait at a distance. Nun debate unter den Sachems; when decision come to, a speaker appointed to communicate the answer of the council zu deren Empfang the delegation were recalled. Als speaker des Council meist chosen einer von tribe, der had convened the council; macht förmlichen speech reviewing the whole question, theilt dann rejection (mit reasons) mit od. acceptance (völlige od. in part). Im letzteren Fall belts of wampum exchanged as evidence of the terms of the agreement.

„This belt preserves my words“, common remark of an Iroquois chief in council, then delivering the belt as evidence of what he had said. Several such belts given in the course of a negotiation to the opposite party. In the reply of the latter a belt would be returned for each proposition accepted. [139]

Unanimity of the Sachems required upon all public questions u. essential to the validity of every public act; it was a fundamental law der confederacy;   kannten nichts von majorities u. minorities in the action of councils; zur Erreichung der votes die oben angeführten classes. Kein Sachem allowed to express an opinion in council in the nature of a vote bevor er nicht had first agreed with the sachem or sachems seiner class upon the opinion to be expressed, and had been appointed to act as a speaker for the class. So die 8 Seneca Sachems in 4 classes konnten nur 4 opinions haben, u. die 10 Cayuga Sachems, in selber number of classes, konnten auch nur 4 opinions haben. Dann across a cross-consultation zwischen den 4 Sachems appointed to speak for the 4 classes; when they had agreed, they designated one of their number to express their resulting opinion, which was the answer of their tribe. Wenn so die Sachems jedes der tribes separately had become of one mind, their several opinions compared u. if they agreed the decision of the council was made. The 5 persons appointed to express the decision of the 5 tribes erklärt vielleicht die functions u. appointment der 6 electors in der Aztec confederacy. … War any sachem obdurate u. unreasonable, influences brought to bear upon him, which he could not well resist. Seltner Fall auch. [140, 141]

Beim Beginn der Amerik. Revolution konnten die Iroquois, wegen want of unanimity im confederate council, nicht übereinstimmen über Kriegserklärung gegen die neue American confederacy. Theil der Oneida Sachems refused. As neutrality was impossible with the Mohawks u. die Senecas were determined to fight, it was resolved that each tribe might engage in the war upon its own responsibility, or remain neutral. The war against the Eries, the Neutral Nation and Susquehannocks, u. die several wars gegen French, were resolved upon in General Council. »Our colonial records largely filled mit negociations mit der Iroquois Confederacy.« [140]

The induction of new Sachems into office great interest to the people u. to the Sachems selbst. Für die ceremony of raising sachems the general council primarily instituted; in this capacity called Mourning Council, weil had to lament the deceased u. to install his successor. Bei death of a Sachem, der tribe der ihn had lost had power to summon a general council, name time u. place for meeting; a herald sent out with a belt of wampum, meist the official belt of the deceased sachem which conveyed the message: „the name (der des defunct) calls for a council“, announced also the day u. place of   Bei Morgan, S. 141: convocation
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convention
. Mourning Council mit den festivities that followed Hauptattraction für die Iroquois, flocking to attendance from the most distant localities with zeal u. enthusiasm. Bei der lamentation (womit proceedings opened), a procession formed, and the lament was chanted in verse, with responses, by the united tribes, as they marched vom place of reception to the place of council. Dies 1st day’s proceeding; 2nd day: installation ceremony, lasts meist bis 4th day.

u. a., for die instruction des newly raised sachem, the ancient wampum belts, into which, nach their expression, the structure and principles of the confederacy „had been talked“, were produced, u. read, i.e. interpreted. A wise-man, not necessarily one of the Sachems, took these belts one after the other u. walking to and fro between the 2 divisions of sachems, read from them the facts which they recorded. [141, 142] |

51

Nach der Indian conception, these belts can tell, by means of an interpreter, the exact rule, provision or transaction talked into them at the time, and of which they were the exclusive record. A strand  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗Germ. strahn, one of the twists of which a rope is composed, Strähn = hank, skain skein (Gebind[)]
of wampum bestehend aus strings von purple u. white shell beads, or a belt woven with figures formed by beads of different colour, operated on the principle of associating a particular fact with a particular string; thus giving a serial arrangement to the facts as well as fidelity to the memory. These strands u. belts of wampum were the only visible records der Iroquois; aber they required trained interpreters who could draw from their strings and figures the records locked up in their remembrance. One of the Onondaga Sachems was made „Keeper of the Wampum“, und 2 aids were raised up with him who were required to be versed in its interpretation as well as the sachem. The interpretation dieser several belts u. strings brought out, in the address of the wise-man, a connected account of the occurrences at the formation of the confederacy. The tradition was repeated in full, and fortified in its essential parts by reference to the records contained in diesen belts. Thus the council to raise up sachems became a teaching council which maintained in perpetual freshness in the minds of the Iroquois the structure and principles der confederacy, as well as the history of its formation. These proceedings occupied the council until noon each day; the afternoon being devoted to games u. amusements. At twilight each day a dinner in common served to the entire body in attendance; consisted of soup and boiled meat cooked near the council-house, and served directly from the kettle in wooden bowls, trays and ladles. Grace was said before the feast commenced; it was a prolonged exclamation by a single person on a high shrill note, falling down in cadences into stillness, followed by a response in chorus by the people. The evenings devoted to dance. After these ceremonies u. festivities – for several days – their sachems inducted into office. [142, 143]

Ob das right des Council to »invest« Sachems nur functional? Jedenfalls no case of rejection mentioned.  Bei Morgan, S. 144: In form an oligarchy, taking this term in its best sense, it [the scheme adopted by the Iroquois to maintain a ruling body of sachems] was yet a
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Obgleich in form an oligarchy, this ruling body of sachems
a representative democracy of the archaic type. Right of gentes to elect u. depose sachems u. chiefs, right of the people to be heard in council durch orators of their election, and the voluntary system in the military service. In dieser lower u. middle ethnical period democratic principles were the vital element of gentile society. [144]

Ho-yar-na-go’-war, the Iroquois name for a sachem, means: „a counselor of the people“; analog bei den members of the Grecian council of chiefs; so

bei AeschylusThe Seven against Thebes, 1005:  Urtheil und Ausspruch kundzuthun, verpflichten mich Des hohen Raths Vorsteher hier in Kadmos Stadt. (Übers. Johann Heinrich Voß.)

Marx besaß eine Ausgabe der Tragödien von Aeschylus (von Johann Heinrich Voss. Wohlfeile Ausg. Heidelberg 1839) und einen Band der von Karl Tauchnitz verlegten Stereotypausgabe (Aeschylus: Tragoediae. Editio stereotypa. Lipsiae 1810) (siehe das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.12, 20)). Der Verbleib der Exemplare ist nicht bekannt. Marx zitiert diese Passage nach Morgan im vorliegenden Exzerpt noch einmal, aber mit Einfügungen aus der Ausgabe von Christian Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit, scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus] Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797). Siehe die Sachanmerkungen zu „kommt Herald …“ und „Die Stelle bei Aeschylus …“. Bei einem anderen Zitat nach Aeschylus im vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich Marx explizit auf Schütz’ „Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2, S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Die Stelle scheint verdorben …“
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»δοκοῦντα καὶ δόξαντ’ ἀπαγγέλλειν με χρὴ

δήμου προβούλοις τῆσδε Καδμείας πόλεως«
.

Chief of the second grade heisst: „Ha-sa-no-wä’-na“, „an elevated name“, indicates appreciation der Barbaren of the ordinary motives for personal ambition. Fast ohne Ausnahme die celebrated orators, wise-men and war-chiefs der Iroquois – chiefs of the 2nd grade. Office of chief bestowed for merit, fell necessarily auf die ablest men (diese also excluded von General Council, aus dem so das ambitious element entfernt). In American  Zusatz von Marx.
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(European)
annals fast nur berührt solche chiefs; none of the long lines of sachems ausser Logan (einer der Cayuga sachems), Handsome Lake (Seneca sachem, Gründer der New Religion der Iroquois) u. at a recent day Ely S. Parker (Seneca sachem). [144, 145]

In der confederacy of tribes taucht zuerst auf the office of General (Hos-gä-ä-geh’-da-go-wä = „Great War Soldier“). Enstanden nun cases, when the several tribes in their confederate capacity would be engaged in war. So want felt for a general commander to direct the movements of the united bands. Die introduction of this office as a permanent feature  Bei Morgan, S. 146: a great event in the history of human progress
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verhängnisvoll event in human history
. Beginn der differentiation of the military von der civil power, which, when completed, changed essentially the external manifestation of the government. Aber gentilism arrested usurpation; government of one power became nun one of 2; the functions of the gvt became in [course of] time co-ordinated between the two. This new office – the germ of a chief executive magistrate; out of the general came the king etc. The office sprang v. den military necessities of society. – |

52

The Great War Soldier der Iroquois (lower status of barbarism), der Teuctli der Aztecs (middle status of barbarism), der βασιλευς βασιλεύς der Griechen u. rex der Römer (Upper Status of barbarism) – three successive ethnic epochs – selbes office, das eines Generals in a military democracy. Bei Iroquois, Aztecs, Romans das office elective u. confirmative durch a constituency; wahrscheinlich auch bei den Griechen während der traditionary period;  Bei Morgan, S. 146/147: It is claimed that the office of basileus among the Grecian tribes, in the Homeric period was hereditary from father to son. This is at least doubtful. It is such a wide and total departure from the original tenure of the office as to require positive evidence to establish the fact. An election, or confirmation by a constituency, would still be necessary under gentile institution
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auf nichts gegründet die Behauptung, dass es erblich bei den homerischen tribes v. father to son; widerspricht dem groundwork of gentile institutions
. Wenn in zahlreichen Fällen das office passed von father to son, dies might have suggested the inference – unbegründete – of hereditary succession, now adopted as historically true.  Bei Morgan, S. 147: It is far more probable that
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Hereditary succession
, when first established, came from force  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe S. 51 und Morgan, S. 146.
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(usurpation)
, nicht by the free consent of the people. [146, 147]

Nach Stiftung der Iroquois confederacy two permanent war-chiefships created u. named, both assigned to the Seneca tribe. One of them – Ta-wan’-ne-ars, signifying needle[-]breaker ) made hereditary in the Wolf gens u. the other – So-no’-so-wä = »great oyster shell« – in the Turtle gens. Senecas erhielten beide offices, weil the greater danger of attack at the west end of their territories; were elected in same manner as the sachems, »raised up« by a general council, u. both equal in rank u. power. As general commanders they had charge of the military affairs of the confederacy u. the command of its joint forces when united in general expedition. Governor Blacksnake , recently deceased, held the office first named, showing that the succession has been regularly maintained. 2 gewählt to prevent the domination of a single man even in their military affairs; so die 2 Roman consuls, nach Abschaffung des rex. [147]

The Iroquois conquered other tribes and held them in subjection, z. B. die Delawares, aber die letztern blieben unter dem government of their own chiefs, and added nothing to the strength of the confederacy.  It was impossible in this state of society to unite tribes under one government who spoke different languages, and to hold conquered tribes under tribute with any benefit but the tribute.

The Iroquois brain approached in volume the Aryan average; eloquent in oratory, vindictive in war, indomitable in perseverance, they have gained a place in history. They had urged the Eries and the Neutral Nation to become members of their confederacy, and for their refusal expelled them from their borders. In the competition between English u. French for supremacy in North America – as the 2 were nearly equal in power and resources during the first century of colonization – the French Scheitern in no small degree to be ascribed to the Iroquois. [149, 150]



Pt. II. Ch. VI Gentes in other tribes of the Ganowánian Family.

Bei Entdeckung von America in several regions, the aborigines found in 2 dissimilar conditions: 1) The Village Indians, abhängig fast ganz upon horticulture für Subsistence; such the tribes in this status in New Mexico, Mexico, Central America u. auf dem Plateau der Andes; 2) die non-horticultural Indians, depending upon fish, bread-roots u. games game ; such those of the Valley of Columbia, of the Hudson Bay Territory, parts [of] Canada etc[.] Zwischen diesen tribes, u. connecting the extremes by insensible gradations, 3) the partially Village u. partially Horticultural Indians: such: Iroquois, the New England u. Virginia Indians, the Creeks, Choctas, Cherokees, Minnitarees, Dakotas, Shawnees. Weapons, arts, usages, inventions, dances, house architecture, form of government, plan of life, all bear impress of a common mind; über wide rag range zeigen sie the successive stages of development of the same original conceptions.

Es ward nun  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 152: Our first mistake […]
Schließen
(v. European u. American writers)
erst overrated the comparative advance der Village Indians, underrated das der nonhorticultural non-horticultural , hence betrachtet als 2 different races. Aber Anzahl der non-horticultural tribes were in Upper State of Savagery; the intermediate tribes in the Lower Status of barbarism, die village Indians in Middle Status of Barbarism. Die evidence of their unity of origin now so accumulated that settled; Eskimos belong to a different family.|

53

In den »Systems of consanguinity etc« Morgan presented selbiges von 70 American Indian tribes; selbes system nachgewiesen bei ihnen mit evidence of its derivation von common source; er nannte sie allesammt die Ganowánian Family („Family of the Bow and Arrow“.)

Giebt nun mit Bezug auf die Gentes der different tribes dieser Ganowánian Family: (nach Nomenclatur in „Systems of Consanguinity“ ) [151, 152]

I) Hodenosaunian Tribes.
1) Iroquois. Gentes: 1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Beaver. 4) Turtle. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7) Heron. 8) Hawk.
2) Wyandotes; remains of the ancient Hurons, separated v. Iroquois at least 400 years.
Gentes. 1) Wolf, 2) Bear, 3) Beaver, 4) Turtle, 5) Deer, 6) Snake, 7) Porcupine, 8) Hawk.

Hawk no now extinct; [the Wyandotes have] noch 5 gentes in common mit Iroquois, names nun changed.

Descent in female line; marriage in gens prohibited; office of sachem (civil chief) hereditary in gens, elective among its members; office of Sachem passes von brother to brother or v. uncle to nephew; that of warchief war-chief bestowed for merit, haben 7 sachems u. warchiefs war-chiefs ; property hereditary in gens, children inherit their mother’s (nothing from father) effects, wether whether married or unmarried; each gens has power to depose and elect its chiefs.

The Eries, Neutral Nation, Nottoways, Tutelos u. Susquehannocks, now extinct, or absorbed in other tribes, belong to same lineage. [153]

II) Dakotian Tribes.

Zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung in zahlreiche groups zerfallen, ebenso ihre Sprache in viele Dialekte; aber der Hauptsache nach bewohnten sie continuous areas; occupied the head waters des Mississippi u. beide banks des Missouri für mehr als 1000 miles in extent; Iroquois u. their cognate tribes wahrscheinlich offshot offshoot of this stem.

1) Dakotas or Sioux; jetzt about 12 independent tribes; gentile organization in decadence, aber their next congeners, the Missouri tribes possess it; have societies named after animals analogous to gentes, aber letztre jetzt verschwunden. Carver, Travels in North America[,] Philad. ed. 1796 , p. 164, war bei ihnen 1767; he visited the Eastern Dacotas Dakotas on the Mississippi. Giebt exacte tribe u. gentes Beschreibung derselben, stimmt auch ganz mit sachem u. warchief war-chief etc. Morgan besuchte Eastern Dacotas Dakotas 1861, Western 1862,  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
also beide fast a century nach Carver
, fand nichts mehr v. gentes; a change of life den Dakotas aufgezwungen im Interval when they were forced upon the plains u. fell into nomadic bands. [154, 155]

2) Missouri tribes.
a) Punkas. Gentes: 1) Grizzly Bear; 2) Many People. 3) Elk. 4) Skunk.
5) Buffalo. 6) Snake; 7) Medicine; 8) Ice.

Hier descent in male line, the children belonging to the gens of the father; office of Sachem hereditary in gens, choice elective, but sons of a deceased Sachem eligible; change vom archaic [form] wahrscheinlich recent, da descent noch in female line bei 2 der 8 Missouri tribes, Otoes u. Missouris u. unter den Mandans (Upper Missouri tribes). Property hereditary in the gens, worin intermarriage prohibited.

b) Omahas. gentes 1) Deer 2) Black 3) Bird 4) [Turtle ]
5) Buffalo 6) Bear 7) Medicine 8) [Kaw]
9) Head 10) Red. 11) Thunder 12) [Many Seasons]

Descent, inheritance, marriage same wie bei Punkas.

c) Iowas. gentes: 1) Wolf 2) Bear. 3) Cow Buffalo 4) Elk Beaver gens existed unter Iowas u. Otoes, extinct.
Anything else as before.
5) Eagle. 6) Pigeon. 7) Snake. 8) Owl
d) Otoes u. Missouris. Diese tribes have coalesced, into one, mit following 8 gentes.
1) Wolf. 2) Bear 3) Cow Buffalo 4) Elk Descent in female line. Office of Sachem u. property
hereditary in gens, wo intermarriage prohibited.
5) Eagle. 6) Pigeon 7) Snake. 8) Owl.
e) Kaws (Kaw’-za )
Gentes 1) Dear Deer 2) Bear 3) Buffalo 4) Eagle (white) Descent, inheritance,
marriage regulation
wie bei Punkas.
5) Eagle (black) 6) Duck 7) Elk 8) Raccoon
9) Prairie Wolf 10) Turtle 11) Earth 12) Deer Tail
13) Tent 14) Thunder

Die wildest der American aborigines; intelligent; 1869 the Kaws, much reduced, about 700, giebt 50 per gens. Osages u. Quappas (tribes) hat Morgan nicht besucht. – Home country aller dieser tribes along the Missouri and its tributaries, von Mündung des Big Sioux to the Mississippi u. down the west bank des letzteren bis Arkansas river. Alle speak closely related dialects of the Dakotian stock language. [155–157] |

54
f) 3) Winnebagoes. Gentes. 1) Wolf 2) Bear 3) Buffalo. 4) Eagle
5) Elk. 6) Dear Deer. 7) Snake 8) Thunder.

When first discovered tribe resided near the lake of same name in Wisconsin; offshoot of the Dakotian stem, folgten im track der Iroquois nach valley of St. Lawrence, progress arrested durch die Algonkin tribes zwischen lake Huron u. Lake Superior. Ihre nächste affiliation mit den Missouri tribes.

Descent, inheritance, marriage, wie bei Punkas. Sonderbar dass so many tribes of this stock changed female [to] male line of descent, da, wenn  Bei Morgan, S. 157: first known, the idea of property.
Schließen
entdeckt, property
bei ihnen nur slightly über germinating stage. Wahrscheinlich all dies recent under American u. missionary influence. Carver fand bei den Winnebagoes traces of descent in the female line in 1787. (Sieh »Travels[«,] l.c.[,] p. 166) Er sagt: „Some nations, when the dignity is hereditary, limit the succession to the female line. On the death of a chief his sister’s son succeeds [him] in preference to his own son; and if he happens to have no sister the nearest female relation assumes the dignity. This accounts for a woman being at the head of the Winnebago  Bei Morgan, S. 158 (wie bei Carver): nation
Schließen
family
, which, before I was acquainted with their laws, appeared strange to me.“ 1869 the Winnebagoes numbered 1400, per gens average of 150 persons. [157, 158]

3) 4) Upper Missouri Tribes.
1) Mandans. Gentes. 1) Wolf 2) Bear 3) Prairie Chicken 4) Good knife.
5) Eagle. 6) Flathead. 7) High Village.

In intelligence u. arts of life the Mandans ahead of all their kindred tribes, dafür probably indebted to the Minnitarees.

Descent in female line, office and property hereditary in the gens, worin intermarriage prohibited. Zeigt, dass originally female descent im Dacotian Dakotian stock.

2) Minnitarees. This tribe u. the Upsarokas or Crows subdivisions of an original people[;] doubtful members of this branch of the Ganowánian family, placed in them from number of words common mit denen der Missouri u. Dakota tribes placed with them. They carried horticulture, the timber-framed house u. a peculiar religious system into this area which they taught the Mandans; können sein descendants der Mountbilders Mound-Builders .

Minnitarees u. Mandans live now in the same village; among the finest specimens of red man now in North America.

3) Upsorakas Upsarokas or Crows. Gentes: 1) Prairie Dog. 2) Bad Leggins. 3) Skunk. 4) Treacherous Lodges.
5) Lost Lodges. 6) Bad Honors. 7) Butchers. 8) Moving Lodges.
9) Bear’s Paw Mountain. 10) Blackfood Blackfoot Lodges. 11) Fish Catchers. 12) Antelope.
13) Raven.
Descent, inheritance, marriage etc wie bei Minnitarees.

If a person to whom any article of property had been presented died with it in his possession, and the donor was dead, it reverted to the gens of the latter. Property made or acquired by a wife descended after her death to her children, that of a husband to his gentile kindred. If a person made a present to a friend and died the latter must perform some recognized act of mourning, such as cutting off the joint of a finger at the funeral or surrender the property to the gens of the donor. This act of mourning very common unter den Crows, auch as a religious offering when they hold a „Medicine lodge,“ a great religious ceremonial.

The Crows haben einen Ehegebrauch, den Morgan bei mindestens 40 andern Indian tribes gefunden: when a man marries the eldest daughter in a family he is entitled to all her sisters when they attain maturity. (Survival of custom of punalua)

Polygamy allowed generally by usage unter allen American aborigines, never prevalent in irgend bedeutendem Mass wegen inability of persons to support more than one family. [158–160]

III) Gulf Tribes.

1) Muscokees or Creeks. The Creek Confederacy consisted of 6 tribes, viz:
Creeks; Hitchetes; Youchees Yoochees; Alabamas; Coosatees u. Natches. Mit Ausnahme der letzteren, admitted in ihre confederacy after their overthrow durch French, spoke all dialects der same language.

Descent unter den Creeks in female line, sachemship u. property of deceased persons hereditary in gens, worin intermarriage prohibited; die andren tribes hatten auch gentile organization; jetzt die Creeks partially civilized, political system, in a few years traces of their gentile organization will have desappeared.|

55

 Fehler bei Morgan, S. 161. Soll sein: ca. 680 persons to gens
Schließen
1869 Creeks numbered about 15,000, average von 550 persons to gens
.

Gentes der Creeks. (22) 1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Skunk.
4) Alligator. 5) Deer. 6) Bird.
7) Tiger. 8) Wind. 9) Toad.
10) Mole 11) Fox 12) Raccoon
13) Fish 14) Corn 15) Potatoe
16) Hickory nut. 17) Salt. 18) Wild Cat.
19), 20) 21) 22) signification lost.

2) Choctas. Bei ihnen each phratry named; 2 phratries mit je 4 gentes, wie bei Iroquois.
Ist Phratry Divided People gentes: 1) Reed. 2) Law Okla. 3) Lulak. 4) Linoklusha.
IInd  " " Beloved People. 1) Beloved people. 2) Small people. 3) Large People. 4) Cray Fish.

Gentes of same phratry could not intermarry, but jede mit gentes der other; zeigt, dass wie bei Iroquois, the Choctas commenced mit 2 gentes, jedes jede davon nachher subdivided into 4. Descent in female line, Property and Sachemship hereditary in gens.

1869 – some 12,000, gives average per gens = 1500. 1820 residirten sie noch in their ancient territory, east of Mississippi, immigrated dann in Indian territory. – Nach Chocta usages property after the death of a man distributed unter his brothers and sisters and the children of his sisters, nicht under his children; could give his property to his children in his lifetime, then they could hold it against his gens.   Viele Indian tribes haben jezt considerable property in domestic animals, houses u. lands, owned by individuals; unter ihnen common practice to give it to their children during their live time life-time . Im Mass wie property wuchs, disheritance disinheritance of children began to arouse opposition to gentile inheritance u. in some of the tribes , u. a. bei den Choctas old usage abolished a few years since, right of inheritance exclusively vested in the children of defunct owner. Dies came, however, durch substitution of a political system in the place of gentile system, an elective council u. magistracy substituted to the old gvt by chiefs. Under previous usages wife inherited nothing from her husband and vice versa, nor he from her; but the wife’s effects divided among her children u. in default of them her sisters.

3) Chickasas. 2 phratries, Iste 4 gentes, IId 8.
Ist Panter Panther Phratry Gentes. 1) Wild Cat. 2) Bird. 3) Fish. 4) Deer.
IInd Spanish Phratry 1) Raccoon. 2) Spanish. 3) Royal. 4) Hush-ko-ni 5) Squirrel. 6) Alligator. 7) Wolf. 8) Blackbird.

Descent in female line, intermarriage in gens prohibited, sachemship and property hereditary in gens.

1869 they numbered 5000, average per gens about 400.

4) Cherokees, ursprünglich 10 gentes, wovon Acorn u. Bird now extinct.
Gentes: 1) Wolf 2) Red Paint 3) Long Prairie 4) Deaf (a Bird)                                             Descent in female line;
intermarriage in gens forbidden.
5) Holly. 6) Deer. 7) Blue 8) Long Hair

1869: 14,000, average per gens =750 1750. Jezt Cherokees u. Ojibwas exceed all the remaining Indians in U. St. in Anzahl of persons speaking the same dialect. Nicht wahrscheinlich, dass jemals in any part of North America 100,000 spoke same dialect; dies nur bei Aztecs, Tezcucans u. Tlascalans (tribes) u. selbst dies schwer zu beweisen  Bei Morgan, S. 164: at the epoch of the Spanish Conquest, upon trustworthy evidence
Schließen
upon Spanish evidence
. The unusual numbers of Creeks u. Cherokees due to possession of domestic animals u. welldeveloped well-developed field agriculture; now partially civilized, having substituted an elective constitutional gvt to the ancient gentes, unter dessen influence diese in raschem Verfall.

5) Seminoles: of Creek descent; said to be organized into gentes.
[160–164]

IV. Pawnee tribes.

Die Pawnees sollen nach Aussage des missionary Rev. Samuel Allis in 6 gentes organisirt sein: Bear, Beaver, Eagle, Buffalo, Deer, Owl.

If so, auch die Arickarees (deren village near dem der Minnitarees u. die die next congeners der Pawnees), die Huecos u. 2 od. 3 andre small tribes residing on the Canadian river: haben alle stets west von Missouri gelebt u. sprechen an independent stocklanguage. [164, 165] |

56

V. Algonkin Tribes.

Bei Entdeckung dieses great stock der American aborigines nahmen sie ein Area v. Rocky Mountains bis Hudson’s Bey Bay südlich vom Siskatchewun, u. dann östlich zum Atlantic, einschliesslich beider Ufer des Lake Superior except at its head u. beide Küsten des St. Lawrence,  Bei Morgan, S. 165: below
Schließen
südlich von
Lake Champlain. Südlich extended their area entlang der atlantischen Küste bis Nord Carolina u. down the East Bank des Mississippi in Wisconsin, Illinois bis Kentucky. Innerhalb der östlichen Section dieser immense region waren die Iroquois u. their affiliated tribes an intrusive people, einzige Conkurrenten der Algonkins innerhalb der boundaries dieser Section.

 Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen
a)
Gitchigamian Tribes (From the Ojibwa, gĭ-tchi’ (great) u. gä’-me (lake), the aboriginal name of Lake Superior u. other great lakes[)] .

1) Ojibwas. Sprechen selben Dialekt, organized in gentes,  Bei Morgan, S. 165: of which the names of twenty-three have been obtained without being certain that they include the whole number
Schließen
wovon Morgan 23 gefischt
. In ihrem dialect the symbol or devise device of gens heisst totem (ebenso oft pronounced dodaim); z. B. a Wolf das totem der Wolf Gens.  Bei Morgan, S. 165: From this Mr. Schoolcraft used the words “totemic system” to express the gentile organization

(„History of Indian Tribes“): Zusatz von Marx nach Morgan, S. 179. Marx vermerkte diesen Titel auch in seinen bibliographischen Notizen am Anfang des vorliegenden Hefts.
Schließen
Hence hat Schoolcraft („History of Indian Tribes“) die gentile organization „totemic organization“ getauft.

23 gentes  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(bekannt)
1) Wolf, 2) Bear, 3) Beaver 4) Turtle (mud) 5) Turtle (Snapping) 6) Turtle (little)
7) Reindeer 8) Snipe. 9) Crane 10) Pigeon Hawk 11) Bald Eagle. 12) Loon 13) Duck. 14) Duck. 15) Snake
16) Muskrat. 17) Marten. 18) Heron 19) Bull Head. 20) Carp 21) Cat Fish 22) Sturgeon u. 23) Pike.

Descent in male line, children belonging to their father’s gens. Ursprünglich female. Denn 1) die Delawares, anerkannt durch alle Algonkin tribes als einer der ältesten, von allen „Grandfathers“ genannt, haben noch descent in female line, wie ditto etsliche andre Algonkin tribes; 2) Evidence, dass noch 1840 descent in the female line with respect to the Sachem. 3) American u. missionary influence; den Missionaries, schien Erbfolge die den Sohn enterbte, ungerecht. –  Bei Morgan, S. 166, Fn. 2: An Ojibwa sachem, Ke-we’-kons, who died about 1840, at the age of ninety years, when asked by my Informant why he did not retire from office and give place to his son, replied, that his son could not succeed him; that the right of succession belonged to his nephew, E-kwä’-ka-mik, who must have the office. This nephew was a son of one of his sisters. From this statement it follows that descent, anciently, and within a recent period, was in the female line. It does not follow from the form of the statement that the nephew would take by hereditary right, but that he was in the line of succession, and his election was substantially assured.
Schließen
Wo wir das Wort »hereditary« anwenden, z. B. für nephew (seiner Schwester Sohn) eines Sachem, folgt nicht, dass letzterer »heriditary hereditary right« hatte im modernen Sinn, sondern dass er in line of succession (in der gens) u. his election substantially secured.

Property u. office hereditary in gens (worin intermarriage verboten); jetzt bekommen Kinder das meiste to the exclusion ihrer gentile kindred. Property u. effects der mother pass to the children, in their default to her sisters, own u. collateral. Ein Sohn kann jetzt seinem Vater folgen in office; wo several sons choice determined by election; the gentiles kann können nicht nur elect, sondern auch depose.

Jetzt Ojibwas some 16,000; gibt average für gens about 700.

2) Potawattamies. 15 Gentes. Alles andre wie bei Ojibwas. Die gentes sind:
1) Wolf. 2) Bear 3) Beaver 4) Elk. 5) Loon 6) Eagle 7) Sturgeon. 8) Carp. 9) Bald Eagle.  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
Loon = Tauchente.
10) Thunder. 11) Rabbit. 12) Crow 13) Fox. 14) Turkey. 15) Black Hawk.

3) Ojibwas, Otawas, u. Potawatamies Potawattamies subdivisions of an original tribe; when first known – confederated.

4) Crees; when discovered held northwest shore of Lake Superior, spread v. da zu Hudson’s Bey Bay u. dann westlich to the Red River to of the North; occupy später the region of the Siskatchevun Siskatchewun , ihre gentile organization lost; nearest related to the Ojibwas, gleichen ihnen closely in manners, customs, personal appearance. [165–168]

 Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen
b)
Mississippi Tribes. Western Algonkins, occupied eastern banks of Mississippi in Wiskonsin Wisconsin u. Illinois u. südlich bis Kentucky.

1) Miamis. 10 gentes. 1) Wolf. 2) Loon. 3) Eagle. 4) Buzzard. 5) Panther. 6) Turkey. 7) Raccoon 8) Snow
9) Sun. 10) Water

Ihre immediate congeners – Weas, Piankeshaws, Peorias, Kaskascias Kaskaskias early known unter collective name of Illinois, jetzt wenige, haben ihre alte Lebensart verlassen für settled agricultural life.

Die Miamis declining in numbers, changed condition, gentile organization quickly disappearing. When decline commenced, descent in male line,  Bei Morgan, S. 168: intermarriage in the gens was forbidden, and the office of sachem together with property were hereditary in the gens
Schließen
sonst wie vorher
.|

57

2) Shawnees (highly advanced); haben noch ihre gentes, obgleich sie substituted der gentile – civil organization. Ihre gentes erhalten sie für genealogical u. social purposes, sind:  Von Marx nachträglich nach Morgan, S. 179, hinzugefügt. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „(cf. über die Grandmother … oben p. 57)“, wo Marx auf diese Heftseite verweist.
Schließen
Shawnees formerly worshipped a female deityGo-gome-tha-mä’ (our Grandmother.[)⦘]

1) Wolf 2) Loon 3) Bear 4) Buzzard 5) Panther 6) Owl, 7) Turkey, 8) Deer 9) Raccoon. 10) Turtle. 11) Snake. 12) Horse 13) Rabbit.

Descent etc wie bei Miamis. 1867 1869 ihrer nur 700, about 50 per gens; früher 3–4000, was above the average of American Indian tribes.

Shawnees hatten a custom – wie auch die Miamis, ditto Sauks u. Foxes – of naming children in gens v. Vather Vater od. Mutter od. any other gens under certain restrictions.  Bei Morgan, S. 169: It has been shown that among the Iroquois […] – Marx verweist auf S. 35 des vorliegenden Hefts.
Schließen
Unter den Iroquois, sieh oben,
hatte jede gens its own special names für persons which no other gens had a right to use; in every tribe daher the name  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(special, personal)
indicated the gens. So unter den Sauks u. Foxes „Long Horn“ is a name belonging to the Deer Gens; Black Wolf to the Wolf gens; in the Eagle gens the following are  Bei Morgan, S. 169: specimen names
Schließen
special names
: Ká-po-nä („Eagle drawing his nest“); Ja-ka-kwä-pe („Eagle sitting with his head up“); Pe-ǎ-tä-na-kä-hok („Eagle flying over a limb[“]).

Unter den Shawnees these names carried mit sich the rights of the gens to which they belonged, so that the name determined the gens of the person. Der Sachem musste in allen Fällen zu seiner gens gehören; wahrscheinlich der change von female to male line commenced thus: in erster Instanz to enable a son (der zur gens der Mutter gehörte) to succeed to his father, u. zweitens, to enable children to inherit property from their father. Empfing ein Sohn den Namen seines Vaters, so konnte er  Bei Morgan, S. 169: place him in his father’s gens and in the line of succession
Schließen
ihm in office nachfolgen
, subject to election. Aber der father had no control over the question; it was left by the gens to certain persons, mostly matrons to be consulted when children were to be named, with power to determine the name when to be given. Durch dies arrangement between the Shawnee gentes these persons had this power, could so carry the person into the gens to which the name belonged.   Kommentar von Marx. Diese Bemerkung übernimmt Engels im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 33).
Schließen
Eingeborne casuistry of man to change things by changing names! u. Schlupfwinkel zu finden, um innerhalb der Tradition die Tradition zu durchbrechen, wo actual interest powerful motive dazu gab!⦘
Traces der archaic rule of descent existiren unter den Shawnees.

3) Sauks u. Foxes: diese tribes consolidated into one; alles andre wie Miamis; 1869 nur 700, about 50 per gens. Noch 14 gentes.

1) Wolf 2) Bear 3) Deer. 4) Elk 5) Hawk. 6) Eagle. 7) Fish. 8) Buffalo. 9) Thunder. 10) Bone. 11) Fox. 12) Sea 13) Sturgeon. 14) Big Tree

4) Menominees u. Kikapoos; diese tribes independent of each other, organized in gentes; property hereditary in the gens, but restricted to the agnatic kin in the female line. [168–171]

 Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen
c)
Rocky Mountain tribes. 1) Blood Blackfeet u. 2) Piegan Blackfeet. Jeder dieser 2 tribes in gentes getheilt, erster in 5, 2ter in 8.  Bei Morgan, S. 171: Several of the names […] are more appropriate to bands than to gentes;
Schließen
Namentlich unter den letzteren Namen (von gens), die mehr nach Bands als gentes riechen, wie
Web Fat, Inside Fat, Conjurers, Never Laugh, Starving, Half Dead Meat; aber nicknames for gentes superseded in some cases the original names. Descent in male line, intermarriage in gens prohibited. [171]

 Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen
d)
Atlantic Tribes.

1) Delawares, one of the oldest of the Algonquin Algonkin Tribes; when discovered, their home country region around and North of Delaware Bay [;] haben 3 Gentes: 1) Wolf; 2) Turtle. 3) Turkey, aber jede dieser gens gentes a phratry, da Wolf getheilt in 12  subgentes, each having some of the attributes of a gens; Turtle in 10 subgentes (2 fernere extinct ), Turkey in 12 subgentes. The names der subgentes are personal, u. meist, wenn nicht alle, female;  Bei Morgan, S. 172: The names are personal, and mostly, if not in every case, those of females. As this feature was unusual I worked it out as minutely as possible at the Delaware reservation in Kansas, in 1860, with the aid of William Adams, an educated Delaware. It proved impossible to find the origin of these subdivisions, but they seemed to be the several eponymous ancestors from whom the members of the gentes respectively derived their descent
Schließen
sind betrachtet by the Delawares selbst (jezt at the Delaware Reservation in Kansas) betrachtet als their several eponymous ancestors
.  Bemerkung von Marx.
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Dies zeigt zweierlei: 1) wie die ursprünglichen Thiernamen der gentes Platzmachen können Personennamen; ⦗die Namen der ursprünglichen Gentes bleiben hier Wolf, Turtle, Turkey; aber die Segmentation der gens in subgentes nach den specific (personal) Namen der Stammmütter der Theile (Unterabtheilungen der Gensfamilien); so werden die ursprünglichen Thiernamen der gentes Namen von Phratrien u. die der subgentes von Personen (Mütter), ohne dass dieser change (wie bei male descent der Antiken) anything mit heroworship (als Urahnen) zu thun hätte⦘ Zweitens:
 Bei Morgan, S. 172: It shows also the natural growth of the phratries from the gentes. – Siehe S. 173: the evidence of the segmentation of original gentes
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zeigt sich hier natural growth von Phratry durch segmentation einer gens in several subgentes.

Descent bei den Delawares in female line  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten.
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u. alles andre archaisch
. (So die 3 original gentes could not intermarry innerhalb selber gens; in recent years the prohibition limited to the subgentes; so in Wolf  Bei Morgan, S. 172: gens
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tribe
z. B. die of same name cannot intermarry, wohl aber die of different names.) Auch die practice of naming children into the gens |58 of their father aufgekommen bei den Delawares, has introduced the same confusion of descents wie unter Shawnees u. Miamis.  Kommentar von Marx. Diese Bemerkung übernimmt Engels im „Ursprung“ wie folgt: „Dadurch entstand heillose Verwinung, der nur abzuhelfen war, und theilweise auch abgeholfen wurde, durch Uebergang zum Vaterrecht. ‚Dies scheint überhaupt der natürlichste Uebergang.‘ (Marx.)“ (MEGA I/29. S. 33.)
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Dies scheint der natürliche Uebergang von female to male line: der confusion konnte nur durch den change Ende gemacht werden.⦘
American civilization u. intercourse gave shock to the institutions der Indians, ihr ethnic life so gradually breaking down.

Weil descent in female line, bei den Delawares wie Iroquois, office of Sachem v. Bruder to Bruder od. von  Zusatz von Marx.
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(mütterlichem)
Onkel zu Nephew  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Schwesterssohn)
[.] [171–173]

2) Munsees; offshot offshoot der Delawares, haben dieselben gentes: Wolf, Turtle, Turkey; female descent etc[.]

3) Mohegans; form part of the New England Indians, south of river Kennebeck, die all closely related in language, could understand each other’s dialects. Mohegans haben, wie Delawares u. Munsees – the Wolf, Turtle u. Turkey, each of which composed of a number of gentes, also break up v. original gens into several which remain united in a phratry. Die phratries bei den Mohegans cover the gentes of each u. die phratries must be stated, to explain the classification of the gentes. Descent in female line. ⦗auch so unter Pequots u. Narragansetts

I) Wolf Phratry 1) Wolf 2) Bear 3) Dog 4 Opossum
II) Turtle "  " 1) Little Turtle 2) Mud Turtle 3) Great Turtle 4) Yellow Eeel Eel.
III) Turkey "  " 1) Turkey 2) Crane [3) Chicken]

4) Abanakis Abenakis (bedeutet „rising sun [people]). Dies tribe more closely connected mit den Micmacs als den New England Indians south of the Kennebeck. 14 gentes, worin verschiedene the same as among the Ojibwas. Descent now in male line, prohibition of intermarriage in gens now much weakened, office of Sachem hereditary in gens. [173–175]

VI) Athapasco-Apache Tribes.

Ob die Athapascans des Hudson’s Bey Bay Territory u. die Apaches of New Mexico, die subdivisions eines original stock sind, organized in gentes, nicht definitely ascertained. – Hare and Red Knife Athapascans (in Hudson’s Bey Bay Territ.) – Slave Lake Athapascans in ditto.

Die Kutchin (Louchoux) der Yukon river Region  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 176, wo ein Brief von George Gibbs zitiert ist: the Northern Indians, the inhabitants of the Northwest Coast, extending from the Upper end of Vancouver’s Island into the Russian Possessions
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Northwest Territorium, British Northamerica, südlich von den ex-russischen Küstenniederlassungen⦘
sind Athapascans u. bei ihnen (nach Brief of late George Gibbs an Morgan): Unter den Kutchin „3 grades or classes of society (soll heissen totem, die aber in rank verschieden sein mögen[)]  Kommentar von Marx. – Zu seiner Verwendung von „caste“ bzw. „Kaste“ siehe Marx an Annenkov, 28. Dezember 1846 (MEGA III/2. S. 73); Das Kapital. Erster Band (MEGA II/6. S. 335, 360 und Fn. 82); L. Krader: The ethnological notebooks of Karl Marx. Assen 1972. S. 403/404 (Anm. 160).
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⦗u. in der Art, namentlich wo zum gens princip Eroberung hinzukömmt, können nach u. nach die gentes zur Kastenbildung Anlass geben? wo dann das Verbot der intermarriage zwischen verschiednen gentes ganz umkehrt die archaische rule der intermarriage innerhalb the same gens
a man does not marry into his own class, but takes a wife from some other; and that a chief from the highest may marry with a woman of the lowest without loss of caste.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Den Begriff der caste trägt der Briefschreiber hinein u. interpretirt sich so, dass ein Mann nicht in seiner eignen gens heirathen kann, wohl aber in gens einer andren brother- od. cousin phratry; zeigt aber, dass sobald difference of rank zwischen den blutsverwandten gentes entsteht, dieses in conflict mit dem gentilen Princip geräth u. die gens in ihr Gegentheil, caste versteinern kann.⦘
The children belong to the grade of the mother.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗welches also der Rangunterschied zwischen gentes , ? Brüder u. Schwester Schwestern aller gentes finden sich in gentes jedes Rangs. Das Verwandtschaftsband lässt keine fixirte Aristokratie aufkommen, fraternity bleibt u. Gleichheitsgefühl[.]
The members of the same grade in the different tribes do not war with each other.

Kolushes der Nordwestküste,  Bei Morgan, S. 175: who affiliate linguistically though not closely
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linguistisch closely related
mit den Athapascans, haben gensorganization; Gentes haben Thiernamen, descent in female line; right of succession in female line von uncle to nephew, except the principal Chief, who is generally the most powerful of the family. [175, 176] |

59

VII) Indian tribes of the Northwest Coast.

In einigen dieser tribes – ausser den Kolushes – prevails gentile organization. See: Dall: „Alaska and its resources“ , u. namentlich Bancroft: Pacific States, I, 109. [176, 177]

VIII) Salish, Sahaptin u. Kootenay Tribes.

Dies die principal stocks der tribes des Valley of the Columbia; ohne gentile organization. Dies war der initial point der migrations der Ganowánian family, spreading over both divisions des Continent; their  Bei Morgan, S. 177: their ancestors possessed
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possessors besassen
daher gentile organization, fell into decay and finally disappeared. [177]

IX) Shoshonee Tribes.

Die Comanches of Texas, zusammen mit Utah Ute tribes, Bonnacks Bonnaks  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Panacks?)
, Shoshonees u. some other tribes gehören dazu.

1859 (berichtet by Mathew Walker, a Wyandote halfblood, lived among the Comanches) hatten die Comanches 6 gentes:

Comanche tribe. Gentes. 1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Elk 4) Deer. 5) Gopher.  Zusatz von Marx.
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(amerik. Erdeichhörnchen)
6) Antelope

Da die Comanches gentes, so presumption, dass auch die other tribes dieses stock.

 Bei Morgan, S. 177: This completes our review of the social system of the Indian tribes of North America, north of New Mexico.
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Hiermit schliesst Morgan ab mit den Indians North of New Mexico.
Ihre grössere Anzahl zur Zeit der europ. Entdeckung in Lower Status of Barbarism, der remainder in Upper Status of Savagery. Organization into gentes u. descent in female line erscheinen ursprünglich universal. Ihr system purely social; unit die gens, phratry, tribe, confederacy the remaining members der organic series. Selbes bei Aryan u. Semitic tribes, when emerging from barbarism; also system universal in ancient society; inferentially had a common origin – the punaluan group, giving origin to the gentes; all – the Aryan, Semitic, Uralian, Turanian u. Ganowanian Ganowánian families of mankind point to a common punualuan punaluan stock – with organization of gentes engrafted upon it – of which all were derived, and finally differentiated into families. [177, 178]

X) Village Indians.

1) Moqui Pueblo Indians; still possessed in possession of their ancient communal houses, 7 in number, near the Little Colorado in Arizona, once a part of New Mexico; living under their ancient institutions, represent type of Indian life von Zuñi  Zusatz von Marx.
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(pueblo) (Neu Mexico)
bis Cuzco  Zusatz von Marx.
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(North Peru)
[.] Zuñi, Acoma, Taos u. several other New Mexico pueblos haben selbe Struktur, worin gefunden von Coronado (1540–1542). Bisher nichts Nennenswertes studirt über ihre innere Organization.

Die Moquis organized in gentes: (9), as follows:

1) Deer. 2) Sand. 3) Rain.│4) Bear. 5) Hare. 6) Prairie Wolf.│7) Rattlesnake. 8) Tobacco Plant. 9) Reed Grass│

Dr. Ten Broek Broeck , Assistant Surgeon, U.S.A., lieferte dem Mr. Schoolcraft die Moqui Legend  Bei Morgan, S. 179: of their origin which he obtained at one of their villages
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über origin of their villages
. [„]Ihre  Bei Morgan, S. 179: Great Mother
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Grandmother
from her home, in the West 9 races of men, first the Deer [race] u. so weiter die übrigen gentes.  Bei Morgan, S. 179, Fn. 1: The Shawnees formerly worshiped a Female Deity, called Go-gome-tha-mä’, “Our Grand-Mother”.

Marx verweist auf S. 57 des vorliegenden Hefts.
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(cf. über die Grandmother die der Shawnees, oben p. 57)
Nachdem sie selbe gepflanzt on the spot wo nun die villages, verwandelte sie selbe (nämlich Dear Deer, Sand, Rain, Bear etc) in men u. diese built up the different pueblos ; u. die distinction of races, Deer race, Sand race etc is still kept up. They believe in Metempsychosis u. say, nach Tod werden sie rückverwandelt werden in bears, deers etc.; government hereditary, aber nicht necessarily to the son of the incumbent; for if the they prefer any other blood relative, he is chosen.“  Bei Morgan, S. 179: Having passed, in this case, from the Lower into the Middle Status of barbarism, and found the organization into gentes in full development, its adaptation to their changed condition is demonstrated. Its existence among the Village Indians in general is rendered probable
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Here also gentile organization found in lower state of barbarism
, aber von diesem Punkt an, sowohl im remainder des North als im ganzen Süden keine definite information, except in regard to the Lagunas. Aber still traces left in the Early Spanish writers u. direct knowledge of it in a few later writers.

There are current traditions in many gentes, wie bei den Moquis, von transformation ihrer ersten progenitors aus dem animal, or inanimate object, which became the symbol of the gens  Zusatz von Marx.
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(totem)
, into men and women (so bei der Crane gens unter den Ojibwas). Ferner Anzahl von tribes, die abstain |60 from eating the animal, whose name they bear, doch dies far from universal. [178–180]

2) Lagunas. (New Mexico) Aus Address von Rev. Samuel Gorman an die „Historical Society of New Mexico“ 1860:

Each town is classed into tribes or families  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 180, vor dem Zitat: The Laguna Pueblo Indians are organiyed in gentes […] as appears from an address
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(read gentes)
, and each of these groups named after some animal, bird, herb, timber, planet, or one of the 4 elements. Im pueblo of Laguna, mit about 1000 inhabitants, 17 dieser tribes; some are called deer, some rattlesnake, some corn, some wolf, some water etc[.] Children of same tribe as their mother. And, according to ancient custom, 2 persons of the same tribe are forbidden to marry; recently diese Gewohnheit nicht mehr so rigorös beobachtet wie anciently.   Their land is held in common, but after a person cultivates a lot, he has a personal claim to it, which he can sell to any one of the same community; or else when he dies it belongs to his widow or daughter; or, if he were a single man, it remains it in his father’s family.“ That wife and daughter inherit from the father is doubtful. [180]

3) Aztecs, Tezcucans u. Tlacopans, ditto the remaining Nahuatlac tribes in Mexico – folgendes chapter. [181]

4) Mayas of Yucatan.

Herrera: „General History of America“ spricht oft von „kindred“ mit regard to the tribes in Mexico, Central America u. South America, dass gens daraus hervorguckt.  Bei Morgan, S. 181: The early observers noticed
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Er u. die andern early Spanish observers
noticed that large numbers of persons were bound together by the bond of kin u. mention daher the group als „kindred“, weiter forschten sie nicht.

Herrera sagt u. a. von den Mayas  Marx gibt hier irrtümlicherweise den Verweis, der bei Morgan zu dem vorher zitierten Satz gehört.
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(Lond. ed. 1726. Stevens transl. III, 299)
: „they were wont to observe their pedigrees very much, and therefore  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
thought themselves all related and were helpful to one another … They did not marry mothers, or sisters-in-law, nor any that bore the same name as their father, which was looked upon as unlawful.“ The pedigree of an Indian under their system of consanguinity could have no significance apart from a gens. Sagt Tylor in his: „Early History of Mankind“ : „The analogy of the North American Indian custom is therefore with that of the Australian in making clanship on the female side a bar to marriage, but if we go further down into Central America, the reverse custom, as in China, makes its appearance. Diego de Landa says of the people of Yucatan that no one took a wife of his name, on the father’s side, for this was a very vile thing among them; but they might marry cousins German german on the mother’s side.“ [181, 182]

XI. The South American Indian Tribes.

Traces of the gens found in all parts of South America, as well as the actual presence of the Ganowánian system of consanguinity, aber the subject nicht fully invested investigated.

Sprechend von den numeous numerous tribes der Andes sagt Herrera (General History of America): „this variety of tongues proceeded from the nations being divided in races, tribes or clans“.   Bei Morgan, S. 182: Here in the clans the existence of gentes is recognized.
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(der clan = gens)
Jene tribes of the Andes, von denen er spricht, brought by the Incas under a species of confederacy. –  Bei Morgan, S. 182: Mr. Tylor, discussing the rules with respect to marriage and descent, remarks that "further south, below the Isthmus, both the clanship and the prohibition re-appear on the female side. [..."]
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Nachdem E. B. Tylor gesprochen v. Yukatan wo die Descendenz in männlicher Linie u. entsprechendem Ehverbot, sagt er: „ Weiter südlich, unterhalb der Landenge erscheint die „clanship u. prohibition“ wieder (reappear) auf weiblicher Seite, so in Brit. Guiana bei den Arrawaks, bei den Guaranis u. Abiponen in Paraguay
 Zusatz von Marx. Marx zitiert hier aus der deutschen Ausgabe des Buchs von Tylor, die er besaß. Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1339). Siehe seine bibliographischen Notizen am Anfang des vorliegenden Hefts. Die zitierte Stelle hat er unterstrichen.
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(Deutsche Uebersetzung ( 363, 64.)
Brett („Indian tribes of Guiana“) remarks v. den Indian Tribes in Guiana: these tribesdivided into families  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 183, nach dem Zitat: In the family of this writer may at once be recognized the gens in its archaic form.
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(read gentes)
, each of which has a distinct name, as the Siwidi, Karuafudi, Onisidi etc … these all descend in the female line, and no individual of either sex is allowed to marry another of the same family name. Thus a woman of the Siwidi family bears the same name as her mother, but neither her father nor her husband can be of that family. Her children and the children of her daughters are prohibited from an alliance with any individual bearing the same name; though they may marry into the family of their father, if they choose etc.“

Mit Ausnahme der Andeans, die South American tribes, when discovered, either in lower status of barbarism or in Status of Savagery. Many of the Peruvian tribes concentrated unter the government established bei the Inca village Indians were in Lower State of Barbarism, if zu conclude von der imperfect |61 description des Garcillasso de la Vega .

 Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten.
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Wurzel der gens im status of savagery; letzte Entwicklungsphase bei Greeks u. Romans (Upper Status of Barbarism).
Wo die gentes bei einem tribe of mankind gefunden in their last form, their remote ancestors must have possessed them in the Archaic form. Das Wichtige wäre die Middle Phase (in Middle Status of Barbarism) genau zu kennen; existirte im 16t Jhdt bei den Village Indians,  Bei Morgan, S. 184: The golden opportunity was presented to the Spanish conquerers and colonists, and lost, from apparent inability to understand a condition of society from which civilized man had so far departed in his onward progress. Without a knowledge of the unit of their social system, which impressed its character upon the whole organism of society, the Spanish histories fail entirely in the portrayal of their governmental institutions
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aber Spanish colonists lost the golden opportunity – to understand a condition of society, deren unit (die gens) sie unfähig to pick up.
[182–184]



Pt. II Ch. VI VII The Aztec Confederacy.

Einziger stronghold der Aztecs war das Pueblo de Mexico, mit its capture their governmental fabric destroyed u. substituted die Rule der Spaniards. Diese sahen im Aztec government Analogon europ. Monarchie, fälschten so their whole historical narrations;  Bei Morgan, S. 186, Fn. 1: The histories of Spanish America may be trusted in whatever relates to the acts of the Spaniards
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sind nur »historisch« mit Bezug auf acts der Spanier;
acts u. personal characteristics der Aztecs; mit Bezug auf deren Waffen, implements u. ustensils, fabrics, food and raiment u. d.gl. Taugen nichts mit Bezug auf Indian society u. gvt. »they learned nothing and knew nothing of either«.

Aztecs u. their confederate tribes in middle Status of Barbarism: ohne iron u. iron tools; ohne money; traded by barter of commodities; sicher, dass sie prepared one meal each day, erst assen Männer für sich, dann Weiber u. Kinder für sich, hatten weder tables noch chairs.

 Bei Morgan, S. 187: They still held their lands in common.
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Commune tenure of lands
; Life in large households composed of a number of related families u. reasons for believing that they practiced communism in living in the household. Andrerseits: they worked the native metals, cultivated by irrigation, manufactured coarse fabrics of cotton, constructed joint-tenement houses of adobe-bricks, made earthenware of excellent quality.

Es existirte kein „Kingdom of Mexico“, wie es in den älteren descriptions heisst, noch „Empire of Mexico“, wie in den späteren getauft. Was die Spanier fanden, simply »Confederacy of 3 tribes«, dessen counterpart existirte in all parts of the continent. Das government administered by a Council of Chiefs mit cooperation eines General Commander of the military bands. (principal war-chief)

Die 3 tribes were: 1) Aztecs or Mexicans; 2) Tezcucans; 3) Tlacopans. [186–188]

Die Aztecs gehörten zu 7 tribes, migrated vom North, settled in u. near the valley of Mexico, were among the historical tribes dort at time of Spanish Conquest. Alle diese tribes nannten sich collectively »Nahuatlacs« in their traditions, sprachen dialects der Nahatluac Nahuatlac common (stock) language.  Siehe J. Acosta: The Naturall and Morall Historie of the East and West Indies … London 1604.
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Acosta (1585 auf visit in Mexico) erzählt
die current tradition ihrer successiven Niederlassungen.

1) Sochimilcas „Nation of the Seeds of Flowers“, settled beim Lake Xochimilco, auf südlichem slope des valley of Mexico.

2) Chalcas „People of Mouths“, kamen viel später, settled neben den 1) on Lake Chalco.

3) Tepanecans. „People of the Bridge“, settled at Azcopozalco, west of Lake Tezcuco, on the western slope of the valley.

4) Culhuas. „A crooked People“, settled on east side of Lake Tezcuco – afterwards known as Tezcucans.

5) Tlatluicans. „Men of the Sierra“, finding the valley appropriated around the Lake, passed over the Sierra, südlich u. settled on the other side.

6) Tlascalans. „Men of Bread“; lebten Zeitlang mit den Tepanicans Tepanecans , settled dann beyond the valley, eastward at Tlascala.

7) Aztecs, came last, occupied the site of the present city of Mexico.

Acosta bemerkt, dass sie  Zusatz von Marx.
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(die Aztecs!)
came from far countries lying toward the North, wo sie nun ein kingdom gestiftet, das sie Neu Mexico nennen. Selbe Tradition bei Clavigero u. Herrera.

Die Tlacopans nicht mentioned, wahrscheinlich subdivision der Tepanecans, remaining in the original area of that tribe, während der remainder to a territory immediately South of the Tlascalans, wo gefunden under name of Tepeacas.

Die tradition enthält 2 facts: 1) 7 tribes of common origin, speaking related dialects, 2) that they came from the North. They were originally one people, durch segmentation naturally fallen into several tribes.

Die Aztecs fanden die best situations des Thals occupirt u. nach verschiedentlichem Ortswechsel settled upon a small expanse of dry land in Mitte of marsh bordered with fields of pedegral pedregal u. mit natural ponds.  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Teich, Weiher)
Hier gründeten sie das Pueblo of Mexico (Tenochitlan Tenochtitlan [)] 1325 (nach Clavigero ), 196 J. vor Span. Conquest; waren schwach in number u. poor in condition. Aber entlang ihrem site flossen in Lake Tezcuco rivulets v. den Western Hills u. die outlets der Lakes Xochimilco u. Chalco. Vermittelst causeways  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Chausseen, Fahrdämmen)
und |62 Deichen umgaben sie ihr Pueblo mit artificial  Übersetzung von Marx.
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Teich
(pond) von large extent, das Wasser being furnished by the named sources. Da das Niveau des Lake Tezcuco höher als jezt war, gab er ihnen, nach vollendetem Werk, D. die sicherste position aller pueblos im Thal. Ihr mechanical engineering wodurch sie dies Resultat erreichten, one of the greatest achievements der Aztecs.

Zur Zeit der span. Erobrung, 5 der 7 tribes – Aztecs, Tezcucans, Tlacopans, Sochimilcans Sochimilcas u. Chalcans [–] residirten im valley; . Dies of limited area, about equal to the State of Rhode Island; es war a mountain or upland basin ohne outlet, oval in Form, längest von Nord to Süd, 120 miles in circuit, embracing about 1600 □ miles excluding the surface covered by water; das valley selbst surrounded by a series of hills, one range rising above [another] mit depressions between, encompassing the valley with a mountain barrier. Die tribes residirten in some 30 Pueblos, wovon Mexico the largest. Abundant evidence, dass der Rest des modernen Mexico’s besetzt durch zahlreiche tribes, die vom Nahuatlac verschiedne Sprachen redeten, u. deren Majorität unabhängig. Die remaining Nahuatlac tribes, die ausserhalb des Thals v. Mexico lebten, waren die Tlascalans, die Cholulans (supposed subdivision der former), die Huexotzincos, die Meztitlans (supposed subdivision der Tezcucans) die alle unabhängig, endlich die Tepeacas u. Tlatluicans, die abhängig. Bedeutende Anzahl andrer tribes, bildend about 17 territorial groups mit ebensoviel stock languages, hatten inne den Rest v. Mexico; fast dies genaue Wiederholung – in their state of disintegration u. independence der tribes der U. States u. British Americas, zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung, ein Jahrhundert od. mehr später. [189–191]

1426 die Aztec Confederacy formed; vorher wenig historisch wichtige events unter den valley tribes; uneinig, belligerent, ohne Einfluss jenseits ihrer unmittelbaren Lokalitäten. Um jene Zeit bei Aztecs preponderance of numbers u. strength. Unter ihrem war chief Itzcoatl overthrown die frühere Supremacy der Tezcucans u. Tlacopans u. als Folge der früheren wars gegeneinander errichtet league oder aber confederacy. Es war Defensiv- u. Offensive Alliance zwischen den 3 tribes, mit stipulation für Vertheilung unter ihnen der spoils in festgesetzten Proportionen u. der tributes of subjugated tribes. Jezt schwierig zu bestimmen, ob die Verbindung League (at pleasure verlängerbar u. auflösbar) od. confederacy, i.e. consolidated organization wie der Bund der Iroquois. Jeder tribe blieb independent in seinem local selfgovernment self-government ; die 3 ein Volk nach Aussen mit Bezug auf Angriff u. Vertheidigung. Jeder tribe hatte seinen eignen council of chiefs u. its own head war-chief, aber der Aztec war-chief war commander-in-chief der confederate bands; to be inferred davon, dass Tezcucans u. Tlacopans had a voice in election u. confirmation des Aztec warchief war-chief ; zeigt dass Aztec influence predominated bei Gründung der Confederacy. [192]

1426–1520 – 94 Jahre – die Confederacy had frequent wars mit adjacent tribes u. besonders mit den feeble Village Indians, südlich vom Thal v. Mexico to the Pacific u. östlich bis Guatemala. Sie begannen mit den nächsten, overcame them; the villages in dieser area were numerous, aber small, oft nur a single large structure of adobe-brick or of stone, in some cases – several such structures grouped together. Diese forages forays wiederholt mit avowed object of gathering spoil, imposing tribute, capturing prisoners for sacrifice, bis die principal tribes in dieser area subdued (mit some exceptions) u. tributary gemacht, incl. die scattered villages der Totonacs nahe bei present Vera Cruz.

Die Aztecs, wie die northern Indians, neither exchanged or released prisoners; the stake their doom bei den Northern Indians unless saved by adoption. Unter den erstern –  Bei Morgan, S. 193: under the teachings of the priesthood
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unter Pfaffeneinfluss
– offered as sacrifice to the principal god worshipped. Unter den American aborigines erscheint organized priesthood erst im Middle Status of Barbarism, connection mit der invention of idols u. human sacrifices as a means of acquiring authority over mankind. Wahrscheinlich selbe Geschichte in the principal tribes of mankind.

Mit Bezug auf Gefangne 3 successive usages, in den 3 sub-periods of Barbarism; in 1st Period burned at the stake, in 2ter  den gods geopfert, in 3ter wurden sie zu Sklaven gemacht;  Bei Morgan, S. 193, Fn. 1: All alike they proceeded upon the principle that the life of the prisoner was forfeited to his captor. This principle became so deeply seated in the human mind that civilization and Christianity combined were required for its displacement.
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bei allen 3 das zäh bis tief in s.g. Civilization sich erhaltende Princip dass prisoner forfeited to his captor.

Die Aztec confederacy versuchte nicht in selbe die subdued tribes zu absorbiren; unter gentile institutions machte das barrier of language impossible; they were left to the government of their chiefs u. ihren alten customs. Manchmal a collector of tribute resided amongst them. Member of government konnte man |63 nur durch gens werden, aber Aztecs nicht far advanced enough – wie Romans z. B. – to remove the gentes of the subdued tribes in ihren eignen Sitz u. incorporating them.  Bei Morgan, S. 194: Neither could colonists for the same reason, if sent among them, have so far assimilated the conquered tribes as to prepare them for incorporation in the Aztec social system.
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Aus demselben Grund – u. wegen des Sprachhindernisses – konnten Colonists of Aztec confederacy nicht assimilate the conquered tribes.
Aztec confederacy gewann daher nicht Kraft durch ihren terrorism od. by holding these tribes under burdens, inspired mit enmity u. stets ready for revolt. Eben die remaining Nahuatlac tribes nicht in der Confederacy; die Xochimilcans Xochimilcas u. Chalcans waren nominell unabhängig, keine members der confederacy, aber tributary. [193, 194]

Die confederacy was confronted durch hostile u. independent tribes, so die Mechoacans im Westen, die Otomies im Northwest (scattered bands dieser near the valley had been placed under tribute), die Chichimecs or wild tribes im North der Otomies, die Meztitlans im Nordosten, die Tlascalans im Osten, die Cholulans u. Huexotzincons Huexotzincos im Südosten, u. über diese hinaus, die tribes der Tobasco Tabasco , der Chiapas u. der Zapotecos (Zapotecs). In diesen verschiednen Richtungen erstreckte sich die dominion der Aztec Confederacy nicht 100 miles beyond the valley of Mexico u. a portion der surrounding area unzweifelhaft neutral ground trennend die confederacy von perpetual enemies. Aus diesen limited materials fabricated the kingdom of Mexico der spanischen Chroniken, später magnified in das Aztec Empire of of current history. [194, 195]

Die Bevölkerung des valley u. Pueblo of Mexico excessiv angeschlagen auf 250,000 Persons: gäbe für □ mile about 160 persons,  Bei Morgan, S. 195: nearly twice
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fast 3mal
die present average population des State of New York u. about equal to the average population of Rhode Island. Sie hatten weder flocks noch herds, noch field agriculture. Von jener Population für Pueblo v. Mexico vielleicht to be assigned 30,000.

 Bei Morgan, S. 195: Any estimate must be conjectural.
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Phantasiezahlen
: Zuazo (visiting Mexico in 1521 [)] giebt ihm 60,000 Einwohner, ebenso der anonymous conqueror, who accompanied Cortes (H. Ternaux-Compans, X, 92); Gomora u. Martyr verwandeln die 60,000 Einwohner in 60,000 Häuser u. dies angenommen durch Clavigero, Herrera und last, Prescott („Conquest of Mexico“). Solis macht aus den 60,000 Einwohnern des Zuazo60,000 families, würde geben population of 300,000, während London damals nur 145,000 Einw. hatte (Black’s London). Torquemada, cited by Clavigero , macht aus 60,000 houses – 120,000  Ausrufezeichen von Marx.
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!
The houses im Pueblo of Mexico were zweifelsohne in general large communal, or joint-tenement houses, wie die in Neu-Mexico zur selben Periode, gross genug zu accomodiren von 10 bis 50 u. 100 families in each. [195–196]

Die Aztec confederacy  Bei Morgan, S. 196: and probably not equal in plan and symmetry with that
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– in plan and symmetry – unter der
der Iroquois.

Das Pueblo of Mexico war largest in America; romantisch gelegen mitten in einem künstlichen See, large joint-tenement houses plastered over mit gypsum, wodurch sie brilliant weiss,  Bei Morgan, S. 196: it presented to the Spaniards, in the distance, a striking and enchanting spectacle. It was a revelation of an ancient society […] to awaken curiosity and inspire enthusiasm
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schlug es v. weitem span. Imagination
; hence die extravagance of opinion.

Bei den Aztecs found: ornamental gardens, magazines of weapons u. military costumes, improved apparel, manufactured fabrics of cotton of superior workmanship, improved implements u. ustensils u. increased variety of food; picture writing, mainly to indicate the tribute in kind every subjugated village had to pay (these tributes enforced mit system u. rigour of execution were manufactured fabrics u. horticultural products); a calendar for measuring time, open markets for barter of commodities, ferner Administrative offices to meet the demands of a growing municipal life; priesthood, with a temple worship u. a ritual including human sacrifices. Office of head war-chief had risen into increased importance etc. [196, 197]

1) Gentes u. Phratries.

 Bei Morgan, S. 197: the early Spanish writers did not discover the Aztec gentes
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Spanish writers (contemporär der Erobrung) sahen die Aztec Gentes nicht
; aber for more than 200 years sahen  Bei Morgan, S. 197: our own people
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die Anglo-Americans
sie nicht bei den Iroquois; sie bemerkten früh Existenz of clans mit besondren Thiernamen, aber nicht als social unit, worauf tribe u. confederacy aufgebaut.  Bei Morgan, S. 197/198: Reference has been made to the frequent use of the term “kindred” by Herrera, showing that groups of persons were noticed who were bound together by affinities of blood. This, from the size of the group, seems to require a gens. The term “lineage” is sometimes used to indicate a still larger group, and implying a phratry.
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Herrera (etc) spricht of „kindred“ als of group (gens) u. „lineage“ (dies phratry bei einigen writers, bei anderen gens)
[.]

Das pueblo of Mexico geographisch getheilt in 4 quarters, jedes occupied by a »lineage« (phratry) u. jedes quarter »subdivided«; each subdivision occupied by a community of persons bound together by some common tie (gens).  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗In Mexico nur 1 tribe; der der Aztecs

Selbes erzählt v. Tlascalans ( Herrera , Clavigero ): their pueblo divided in 4 quarters, each occupied by a »lineage«; each had its own Teuctli (head war chief), distinctive military costume, its own standard u. blazon … The warchiefs war-chiefs were ex officio members of the Council. ( Clavigero ) Ebenso Cholula getheilt in 6 quarters.

Da die Aztecs in their social subdivisions had arranged unter sich selbst the parts of the pueblo they were severally to occupy, from this their mode of settlement resulted geographical districts.|

64

Nach Acosta giebt Herrera short sketch of the building of Mexico, erst „a chapel of lime and stone for the idol“. Idol befiehlt dann dem Priester, dass sein  Zusatz von Marx.
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(des idol’s)
Haus in Mitte bleiben soll; die chief men sollen divide themselves, with their kindred und followers, into 4 four wards or quarters, and each party to build as they liked best; dies diequarters of Mexico, nun called St. John, St. Mary the round, St. Paul u. St. Sebastian. Nachdem diese divisions made, befahl das idol wieder unter sich zu distribuiren die gods he should name, and each ward to appoint peculiar places where the gods should be worshipped … So every quarter had several smaller wards in it according to the number of their gods this idol called them to adore … Nach dieser partition, die, die sich injured dachten, mit kindred and followers, went away to seek some other place, nämlich Tlatelulco, das in der Nähe.

 Bei Morgan, S. 199: It is a reasonable interpretation of this language that they divided by kin, first into four general divisions, and these into smaller subdivisions, which is the usual formula for stating results
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Diese Erzählung procedirt, wie Mode, nach fertigen fertigem Resultat: erst kin in 4 divisions getheilt u. diese in smaller subdivisions
.

The actual process ist genau das Gegentheil: erst each body of kindred  Zusatz von Marx.
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(gens)
located into an area by themselves, u. die several bodies  Zusatz von Marx.
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(phratries)
in such a way as to bring those most nearly related in geographical connection mit einander.

Also wenn lowest division a gens each quarter occupied by a phratry, composed of related gentes. (Grecian u. Roman tribes settled in dieser Art in town towns or cities) Each gens of the same phratry (die 4 quarters v. Mexico) in the main locally by itself. Da husband u. wife of different gentes u. die children of gens des Vaters od. der Mutter, je nachdem gens in male or female line, the preponderating number in each locality would be of the same gens. [197–199]

Their military organization based upon these social divisions. In den Mexican Chronicles by the native author Tezozomok Tezozomoc (Morgan erhielt dies von A. F. Bandelier, of Highland, Illinois, engaged upon translation dieses Buchs), referring to a proposed invasion of Michoacan, sprach Axaycatl  Bei Morgan, S. 200: to the Mexican captains Tlacatecatl und Tlacochcalcatl
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zu den 2 Mexican captains etc
u. all den andern u. fragte „ob alle Mexicans were prepared, after the usages u. customs of each ward; if so, they should begin to march u. that all were to reunite at Matlatzinco Toluca“; dies indicates military organization nach gentes u. phratries. [199, 200]

Auch die land tenure zeigt hin auf gentes. Clavigero sagt: „the lands called Altepetlallialtepetl = pueblo⦘, that is those of the communities of cities and villages, were divided into as many parts as there were districts in a city, and every district possessed its own part entirely distinct from, and independent of every other. These lands could not be alienated by any means whatever.“

Jede dieser communities war a gens, whose localization war nothwendige Consequenz ihres socialen systems. Die community machte den District ( Clavigero puts the district for the community) and which owned the lands in common.

Das element of kin, which united the community, ausgelassen v. Clavigero, ist ergänzt durch Herrera . Er sagt:

„There were other lords, called major parentsSachems⦘ whose landed property all belonged to one lineagegens⦘, which lived in one district and there were many of them when the lands were distributed at the time New Spain was peopled; and each lineage received its own, and have possessed them until now; and these lands did not belong to any one in particular, but to all in common, and he who possessed them could not sell them, although he enjoyed them for life and left them to his sons and heirs; and if a house  Bei Morgan, S. 201: (alguna casa, another feudal feature)
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(alguna casa, feudal expression des Spaniers)
died out, they were left to the nearest parent to whom they were given and to no other, who administered the same district or lineage.“

 Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 201: In this remarkable statement our author was puzzled to harmonize the facts with the prevailing theory of Aztec institutions. He presents to us an Aztec lord who held the fee of the land as a feudal proprietor […] But in obedience to truth he states the essential fact that the lands belonged to a body of consanguinei of whom he is styled the major parent, i.e., he was the sachem, it may be supposed, of the gens, the latter owning these lands in common. The suggestion that he held the lands in trust means nothing. They found Indian chiefs connected with gentes, each gens owning a body of lands in common, and when the chief died, his place was filled by his son, according to Herrera. […] and the misconception resulted from a want of knowledge of the nature and tenure of the office of chief. In some cases they found the son did not succeed his father, but the office went to some other person; hence the further statement, “if a house (alguna casa, another feudal feature) died out, they [the lands] were left to the nearest major parent;” i.e., another person was elected sachem […] What little has been given to us by the Spanish writers concerning Indian chiefs, and the land tenure of the tribes is corrupted by the use of language adapted to feudal institutions that had no existence among them.
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Die feudalen Vorstellungen des Spaniers u. die indianischen Verhältnisse, die er sah, laufen hier durch einander – aber trennbar. Der Aztec »Lord« was der Sachem, civil chief of a body of consanguinei of whom he is called »the major parent«. Die lands gehörten jenem body (gens) in common; when the chief died, his place (according to Herrera) ging über auf seinen Sohn; was überging, war in diesem Fall das office of Sachem, nicht das land, das niemand in trust »possessed«; hatte er keinen Sohn „the lands were left to the nearest major parent“, d.h. another person was elected Sachem.

»Lineage« kann hier nichts anders sein wie gens u. office hereditary in the gens, wie bei den andern Indians, elective unter den members der gens; wenn descent in male line, choice would fall on one of the sons of the defunct Sachem, own or collateral, or upon a brother, own or collateral etc[.]

The »lineage« of Herrera u. the »communities« of Clavigero offenbar selbe organizations – gentes. Der Sachem |65 had no title over lands u. konnte sie transmit to nobody.  Bei Morgan, S. 202: he was thought to be the proprietor
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Spanier betrachteten die Sache so
, weil he held an office perpetually maintained u. weil there was a body of lands perpetually belonging to a gens over which he was a sachem; dieser (ausser seinen functions of chief der gens) hatte so wenig authority über die persons (die ihm die Spanier zuschreiben) wie über die lands.

Was sie über inheritance sagen, ebenso confus u. contradictory; nur wichtig hier, soweit sie show bodies of consanguinei u. the inheritance of the children from their fathers, im welchem Fall descent in male line. [200–203]

2) Existence u. Functions des Council of Chiefs.

Für Existenz eines Aztec Council – evidence; fast nichts über seine Function u. Anzahl seiner Glieder.

Brasseur de Bourbourg sagt „nearly all the towns or tribes divided into 4 clans or quarters, whose chiefs constitute the great council“; später sagt er, der Aztec Council habe aus 4 bestanden: .( Bourbourg, Popol Vuh )

Diego Duran – (schrieb seine „History of the Indies of New Spain and Islands of the Main Lands“ 1579–1581 , also vor Acosta u. Tezozomoc ) – sagt: „In Mexico, nach Wahl eines Königs wählten sie 4 lords of the brothers or near relations of this king whom they gave the titles of princes, and from whom they had to choose the king … These 4 lords or titles after being elected princes, they made them the royal council, like the presidents and judges of the supreme council, without whose opinion nothing could be done.“

Accosta Acosta nennt die same 4 offices ⦗Tlacachcalcatl, Tlacatecal, Ezuauacatl, u. Fillancalque⦘, nennt die tenants dieser officers offices „electors“ u. [remarks that] „all these 4 dignities were of the great council, without whose advice the king might not do anything of importance.“

Herrera places diese offices in 4 grades, sagt dann: „These 4 sorts of noblemen were of the supreme council, without whose advice the king was to do nothing of moment, and no king could be chosen but what was [of] one of these 4 orders.“ »King« für principal war chief u. »princes« für Indian chiefs. Als die Huexotzincos delegates nach Mexico sandten zum Vorschlag einer Allianz gegen die Tlascalans, sagte ihnen – nach Tezozomoc Montezuma : „Brothers and sons, you are welcome, rest yourselves awhile, for although I am king indeed I alone cannot satisfy you, but only together with all the chiefs of the sacred Mexican senate.“ Hier material point wie in den obigen accounts: Existence of a supreme council, with authority over the action of the principal warchief war-chief . Die limitation des Council to 4 unwahrscheinlich; so würde der Council represent nicht den Aztec tribe, sondern the small body of kinsmen aus welchen der military commander was to be chosen. Aber im indianischen System (und everywhere else unter gentile institution) jeder chief represents a constituency u. die chiefs together represent the tribe. Manchmal gemacht a selection from them to form a general council; dann aber stets durch an organic provision fixing the number, and providing for their perpetual maintenance.

Der Tezcucan Council of 14 members ( Ixtlilxochitl , Hist. Chichimeca, Kingsborough, Mexican Antiq. IX, p. 243); der Council at Tlascala was a numerous body; wir finden ebenso a Cholulan u. a Michoacan council, aber Clavigero sagt mit Bezug auf Aztecs: „In the history of the conquest we shall find Montezuma in frequent deliberation with his council on the pretensions of the Spaniards. We do not know the number of each Council, nor do historians furnish us with the lights to illustrate such a subject.“

Sofern der Aztec Council limited to 4 members, all of the same lineage, it is presented in unwahrscheinlicher Form.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Mögen Spanier dem Tribal Council, aus den Chief Chiefs der gentes bestehend, nicht fälschlich untergeschoben haben die gens aus der principal war chief u. vielleicht 4 andre offices zu wählen? Ganz wie z. B. der wampum keeper aus bestimmter gens bei Iroquois zu wählen? Amt konnte hereditary an gens gekommen sein.⦘

Jeder tribe in Mexico u. Central America had its Council of chiefs.

Die Aztec Confederacy scheint keinen General Council gehabt zu haben, composed of the principal chiefs of the 3 tribes, im Unterschied v. dem separate council jedes tribes.  Bei Morgan, S. 206: A complete elucidation of this subject is required before it can be known whether the Aztec organization was simply a league
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In diesem Fall wäre Aztec Confederacy nur League gewesen
, offensive u. defensive, u. as such under the primary control of the Aztec tribe. Dies noch to elucidate. [203–206]

3) Tenure u. Functions des Office of Principal Warchief War-chief.

Der Name des office des Montezuma– Teuctli, war-chief; als member des Council of chiefs er manchmal genannt Tlatoani (= speaker). This office of a general military commander the highest known to the Aztecs, war sonst same als der Haupt war-chief der Iroquois Confederacy. Das office machte seinen Träger ex officio member of the council of chiefs. The title of Teuctli added als a sort of surname wie: Chichimeca-Teuctli, Pil-Teuctli etc. |66 Bei Clavigero heissts: „The teuctli took precedency of all others in the Senate, both in the order of sitting and voting, and were permitted to have a servant behind them  Bei Morgan, S. 206, Fn. 1, nach dem Zitat aus Clavigero: This is a re-appearance of the sub-sachem of the Iroquois behind his principal.
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(der subsachem sub-sachem der Iroquois)
with a seat, which was esteemed a privilege of the highest honour.“

Die Spanish writers brauchen nie das Wort »teuctli«, verwandeln es in king für Montezuma u. dessen successors. Ixtlilxochitl , of mixed Tezcucan u. Spanish descent[,] nennt die head warchiefs war-chiefs of Mexico, Tezcuco u. Tlacopan nur »warchief« »war-chief« teuctli u. [mit] andrem Wort to indicate the tribe. (teuctli = warchief war-chief = general) Obiger Ixtlilxochitl sagt, sprechend von der division of power zwischen den 3 chiefs, when the confederacy was formed etc:

„The king of Tezcuco was saluted  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 206/207, vor dem Zitat.
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⦗durch die assembled chiefs der 3 tribes⦘
by the title of Aculhua Teuctli, also by that of Chichimecatl Teuctli which his ancestors had worn and which was the mark of the empire  Bei Morgan, S. 207, nach dem Zitat: As the title was that of war-chief, then held by many other persons, the compliment consisted in connecting with it a tribal designation.
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⦗das Beiwort: tribal designation⦘
; Itzcoatzin (Itzcoatl), his uncle, received the title of Culhua Teuctli, because he reigned over the Toltecs-Culhuas  Bei Morgan, S. 207, nach dem Zitat.
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⦗war warchief war-chief of the Aztecs, when the confederacy was formed⦘
; and Totoquihuatzin den of Tecpanuatl Teuctli, which had been the title of Azcaputzalco. Since that time their successors have received the same title.“

Die Spanier stimmen überein, dass das office Montezuma held was elective with the choice confined to a particular family, u.  Bei Morgan, S. 208: They were unable, however, to explain why it did not in some cases pass
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was sie wundert, nicht
von Vater auf Sohn, sondern v. Bruder zu Bruder, oder von Onkel auf Neffen. Unter der immediate notice der conquerors fanden 2  Bei Morgan, S. 208: successions
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Wahlen
statt; dem Montezuma folgte sein Bruder (unbekannt, ob own od. collateral) Cuitlahua ; nach Tod dieses elected sein Neffe Guatemozin (own or collateral nephew?) Schon bei früheren Wahlen Bruder dem Bruder gefolgt od. Neffe dem Onkel. ( Clavigero )  Bei Morgan, S. 208: An elective office implies a constituency; but who were the constituents in this case?
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Aber wer wählte?
Duran (sieh oben) bringt 4 chiefs as electors, denen zugefügt 1 elector von Tezcuco u. 1 von Tlacopan, zus. 6, invested with power to choose from a particular family the principal war-chief.  Bei Morgan, S. 208: This is not the theory of
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Dies entspricht nicht dem System of
an elective Indian office.

Sahagun ( „Historia General etc“ , ch. XVIII) sagt: „When the king or lord died, all the senators called Tecutlatoques, and the old men of the tribe called Achcacauhti, and also the captains and old warriors called Yautequioaques, and other prominent captains in warlike matters, and also the priests called Tlenamacaques, or Papasaquesall these assembled in the royal houses. Then they deliberated upon and determined who had to be the lord, and chose one of the most noble of the lineage of the past lords, who should be a valiant man, experienced in warlike matters, daring and brave. … When they agreed upon one they at once named him as lord, but this election was not made by ballots or votes, but all together conferring at last agreed upon the man … the lord once elected they also elected 4 others which were like senators, and had to be always with the lord, and be informed of all the business of the kingdom.“

Hatten die Aztecs gentes, the office hereditary in a particular gens, but elective among its members; would pass  Bei Morgan, S. 210: precisely as it did among the Aztecs
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(wie der Sahagun von den Aztecs oben erzählt)
by election within the gens, von brother to brother od. von uncle to nephew, aber nie von Vater to son (nämlich bei descent in female line, wie bei den Iroquois)[.]  Bei Morgan, S. 210: it is difficult to resist the conclusion, from these facts alone,
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Diese succession bei der Wahl der Aztecs v. warchiefs war-chiefs beweist
dass sie gentes hatten u. with respect to this office wenigstens noch descent in female line.

Morgan conjecturirt: office held by Montezuma hereditary in a gens (the eagle was the blazon or totem on the house occupied by Montezuma), deren members ihn aus ihrer Zahl wählten; diese nomination then submitted separately to the 4 lineages (phratries) of the Aztecs for acceptance or rejection; auch den Tezcusans u. Tlacopans, direct interested in Wahl des general commander. Nachdem sie severally considered u. confirmed the nomination each division appointed a person to signify their concurrence; hence the 6 miscalled »electors«; die 4 high chiefs der Aztecs, mentioned as electors, wahrscheinlich the 4 war-chiefs of the 4 »lineages« od. phratries der Aztecs, like the 4 war-chiefs of the 4 lineages of the Tlascalans; ihre function nicht to elect, sondern to ascertain durch Conferenz mit einander, ob die choice made by the gens had been concurred in, and if so to announce the result. [206–210]

Absetzungsrecht folgt v. Wahlrecht, where the term was for life. Als Montezuma, durch intimidation, sich von seiner Residenz nach Quartier des Cortez geleiten lässt, wo er placed under confinement, the Aztecs zunächst paralyzed. – In den West Indias hatten  Bei Morgan, S. 211, Fn. 1: the Spaniard
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die Herrn Spanier
entdeckt, dass wenn der cazique eines tribe caught u. als Gefangner gehalten, die Indians  Bei Morgan, S. 211, Fn. 1: demoralized
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paralyzed
refused to fight. Im Besitz dieser Kenntniss, |67 sobald sie auf’s Festland kamen, suchten sie den principal chief to entrap, by force or fraud, u. hielten ihn gefangen bis ihr Zweck erreicht war. So Cortez mit Montezuma; so Pizaarro Pizarro when he seized Atahuallpa . Unter den Indians selbst prisoner put to death; if a principal chief, the office reverted to the tribe u. was at once filled. The Action des people  Zusatz von Marx.
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(durch Spaniards)
paralyzed by novel circumstances; prisoner hier alive u. in possession of his office. Cortez put the Aztecs in this position. Erst warteten sie einige Wochen, hoffend die Spaniards would retire; dann aber setzten sie Montezuma ab for want of resolution, wählten seinen Bruder an seine Stelle, assaulted gleich darauf die Spanish quarters mit great fury u. vertrieben sie schliesslich aus ihrem Pueblo. Cortez sent Marina zu Montezuma ihn zu fragen ob er glaube, sie hätten government in hands von new commander gegeben? (Alles dies Herrera ) Der replied: „they would not presume to choose a king in Mexico whilst he was living“, geht dann auf’s Dach des Hauses, addressirt his countrymen u. (nach Clavigero) erhielt Antwort von an Aztec warrior: „Hold your peace, you effeminate scoundrel, born to weave and spin; these dogs keep you a prisoner, you are a coward“; sie schossen dann mit arrows auf ihn u. stoned ihn, er starb kurz nachher von der Demüthigung; der warchief war-chief , in diesem assault der Aztecs commandirend, war sein Bruder Cuitlahua . [210–212]

Kein Grund anzunehmen, vielmehr alles dagegen, dass Montezuma had any power on over the civil affairs der Aztecs. Aber functions of a priest u., wie Herrera sagt, auch of a judge, attached to his office of principal war chief Bei Morgan, S. 212/213: the presence of a council with power to depose from office […] The elective principle with respect to war-chief, and which we must suppose existed with respect to sachem and chief, and the presence of a council of chief […] The Aztec organization presented itself plainly to the Spaniards as a league or confederacy of tribes. Nothing but the grossest perversion of obvious facts could have enabled the Spanish writers to fabricate the Aztec monarchy out of a democratic organization.
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Council hatte also Recht, wie to elect, so to depose. – Die Spanier selbst erst anerkennen, dass die Aztec confederacya league or confederacy of tribes. Wie konnten sie daraus Aztec monarchy fabriciren?
[212, 213]



Pt. II. Ch. VIII. The Grecian Gens.

About 850. B.C. begins civilization unter Asiatic Greeks mit Homeric poems; unter den European Greeks about century later mit Hesiodic poems. Period vorher v. several 1000nd years, während deren Hellenen advancing durch lower Status of Barbarism; ihre ältesten traditions finden sie schon established in Grecian peninsula, auf eastern border of Mediterranean u. den intermediate u. adjacent islands. Aeltere branch desselben Stock, wovon Pelasgians die chief representatives, hatten vorher grösseren Theil derselben Area occupirt, in time either hellenized od. forced durch Helenen Hellenen into emigration.

Pelasgian Pelasgians u. Hellenes organized in gentes, phratries  Morgan (S. 216) verweist auf die englische Übersetzung der letzteren zwei Bände: C[arl] O[tfried] Müller: The history and antiquities of the Doric race. Transl. from the German by Henry Tufnell a--nd George Cornewall Lewis. Vol. 1.2. Oxford, London 1830. Vol. 2. S. 82.
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(nicht common to the Dorian tribes. Müller’s „Dorier“ )
u. tribes; in einigen Fällen die organic series nicht complete, aber überall gens die unit of organization; Council of chiefs; agora od. assembly of the people; u. βασιλευς βασιλεύς or military commander. Modifications  Bei Morgan, S. 216: by the irresistible demands of an improving society
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mit Entwicklung
forced upon gens, nämlich: 1) change von female to male descent; 2) intermarriage in gens permitted in case of female orphans u. heiresses; 3) children had gained an exclusive inheritance of their fathers father’s [property]. Hellenes were in fragmentary tribes  Bei Morgan, S. 216: as the barbarous tribes in general
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analog to Indians etc.
[215, 216]

Griechische society comes first under notice about 1sst 1st  Olympiade (776 B.C.); von da bis legislation of Cleisthenes (509 B.C.)  Bei Morgan, S. 217: a fundamental change in the plan of government […] The people were seeking to transfer themselves out of gentile society; […] into political society based upon territory and upon property, which had become essential to a career of civilization. In fine, they were striving to establish a state […] Ancient society rested upon an organization of persons […] but the Grecian tribes […] began to feel the necessity of a political system.
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vorgehend Uebergang von gentile in political (civil) Organization.
 Kommentar von Marx. Marx bezieht sich auf die Auffassung des Aristoteles, dass der Mensch ein ζῷον πολιτικόν, d.h. ein auf (die Polis-)Gemeinschaft angelegtes Wesen sei (Politica, 1253a, 1–18).
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⦗Er hätte sagen sollen dass political hier Sinn des Aristoteles hat = städtisch u. politisches animal = Stadtbürger.⦘
Die Township, mit dem fixed property it contained u. the people who inhabited [it] for the time being, was to become the unit of organization; gentilis transformed into  Bei Morgan, S. 217: a citizen
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civis
. The relations of the individual to his gens, which were personal, had to be transferred to the township and become territorial; der demarch  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Vorsteher der deme)
der township taking in some sense the place of the chief of the gens.

Property was the new element that had been gradually remoulding Grecian institutions to prepare  Bei Morgan, S. 218: the way for political society
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for this change
; nachdem several centuries elapsed in  Bei Morgan, S. 218: the first attempts were made to found the new political system […] After experience had demonstrated that the gentes were incapable of forming the basis of a state,
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Versuchen ihn auf Basis der gens auszuführen.
Distinct schemes verschiedner Art of legislation tried in the various Grecian communities who copied more or less each other’s experiments, all tending to the same result.

Unter Athenians legislation of Theseus (Tradition); 624 B.C. Draco ; 594 B.C. Solon ; 509 B.C. Cleisthenes . [216–218]

Bei Beginn der historischen Periode die Jonians of Attica divided in 4 tribes: Geleontes, Hopletes, Aegicores u. Argades. [218, 219]

Aus:
G[eorg] F[riedrich] Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1. S. 134–136.
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert
 Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 623 (φῡλή), 618 (φράτρα, φράτρη, φρᾱτρία; φρᾱτορία) und 619 (φράτωρ); Bd. 1. S. 215 (γένος). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).
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Stamm φυλή; dann φρατρία od. φρατορία; φράτωρ Glied einer phratry; Γένος Geschlechtauch: Nation u. Stamm⦘.
»Die Geschlechterphylen gewöhnlich in Unterabtheilungen – Phratrien, diese wieder in Geschlechter;  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 1. S. 214 (γενεά). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).
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⦗Ausser Γένος (τό) (Γενω) kommt aber bei Homer Γενεά, jonisch γενεή u. zwar für Stamm, Geburt, Familie, Nachkommenschaft [vor].⦘
die Geschlechter wieder abgetheilt in οἴκοι οἶκοι (Häuser od. Familien); die Unterabtheilungen dagegen der topischen Phylen sind Gaue (δημοι δῆμοι) od. Ortschaften (κῶμαι) … ursprünglich, auch wo Geschlechterphylen waren, |68 wohnten die Genossen eines Stammes zusammen im selben Theil des Landes, ebenso die Genossen einer Phratrie u. eines Geschlechts, so dass auch hier mit der Eintheilung des Volks zugleich eine Eintheilung des Landes in grössere od. kleinere Districte verbunden war. – Bei den topischen Phylen kamen lediglich die Wohnsitze in Betracht. Später dies doch nicht so streng gehalten, dass Verlegung des Wohnsitzes aus einem Phylendistrict in andern nothwendig auch Versetzung in andre Phyle herbeigezogen hätte.«  Marx besaß beide Bände von Schoemanns „Griechische Alterthümer“. Sie gehörten zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte. Siehe Marx’ von Februar bis Dezember 1864 benutztes Notizbuch, in dem die vollständige Liste überliefert ist (MEGA IV/18. S. 11–17); Marx an Engels, 18. November 1864 (MEGA III/13. Br. 30.73). Der Verbleib ist nicht bekannt. Auf S. 133 erwähnt Schoemann die vier ionischen Stämme Geleontes, Hopletes, Argadeis, Aigikoreis (siehe auch S. 320).
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(134, 135. Schoemann. I. [)]
Einer Phyle, u. in derselben einer Phratrie od. [einem] δέμος δῆμος (Gau) anzugehören war überall wesentliches Merkmal u. Bedingung des Bürgerthums … wovon die nicht in jenen Abtheilungen begriffenen Landeseinwohner ausgeschlossen. Nähres über letztere ib. p. 135 sq.⦘

Die 4 Attischen tribes – Geleontes, Aegicores, Hopletes, Argades – selben Dialekt sprechend, occupying a common territory, had coalesced into a nation, waren vorher aber wahrscheinlich blosse confederacy. ⦗ Hermann (Political Antiquities of Greece) mentions the confederacies of Athens, Aegina, Prasia, Nauplia etc.[⦘] Each Attic tribe composed of 3 phratries, each phratry of 30 gentes, hence 4 (tribes) × 3 phr. od. 12 × 30 gentes = 360 gentes; phratries u. tribes constant, aber Anzahl der gentes variirt.

Dorians generally found in 3 tribesHylleis, Pamphili Pamphyli u. Dymanes at Sparta, Argos, Sicioyn Sicyon, Corinth, Troezen etc wo sie verschiedne nations bildeten u. jenseits des Peloponnes in Megaris Megara etc. 1 or more non-Dorian tribes in some cases united mit ihnen wie in Corinth, Sycion Sicyon, Argos.

In all cases der Grecian tribe presupposes gentes, selben Dialekt redend; Phratrie kann fehlen. In Sparta die ὠβή  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 666 (ὠβάζω, f[uturum] ξω; ὠβάτης). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).
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(ὠβάξω lakonisch in ὠβάς eintheilen, ὠβάτης Glied einer ὠβή)
.  Bei Morgan, S. 219: each tribe contaning ten [obés (ὠβαί)], which were analogous to phratries; but concerning the functions of these organizations some uncertainty prevails.
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Jeder tribe enthielt 10 ὠβαί (?) Phratrien? Von ihrer Function nichts bekannt
; in der ancient Rhetra des Lykurg die tribes u. obês directed to be maintained unaltered. [219]

Social system der Athenians: 1) Γένος gens, founded upon kin; dann φρατρία, auch φράτρα, from segmentation of an original gens, brotherhood of gentes; dann φῦλον, später φυλή, tribe composed of several phratries; dann people or nation composed of several tribes. Confederacy of tribes kommt früh vor (die tribes occupying independent territories), led to no important results. Likely dass die 4 tribes, erst confederated, dann coalesced, after having collected in one territory under pressure from other tribes.

Grote , in his „History of Greece“ stellt Sache so dar: „Phratries u. gentes seem aggregations of small primitive unities into larger … independent of, and do not presuppose the tribe … basis of the whole the house, hearth or family  Zusatz von Marx.
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(οἴκος οἶκος)
, a number of which, greater or less, composed the Gens (Γένος) – clan, sept, or enlarged, and partly  Bei Morgan, S. 221 (wie bei Grote): factitious
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fictitious
, brotherhood, bound together by:

1) Common religious ceremonies, and exclusive privilege of priesthood, in honour of the same god supposed to be the primitive ancestor, characterized by a special surname;
2) Common burial place. {  Und doch, wer würde sich wohl die Bestattung von fremder Leute Kindern in seinem Erbbegräbnisse gefallen lassen? (Übers. Anton Westermann.)
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»καίτοι τίς ἔστιν ὅστις ἃν εἰς τὰ πατρῷα
μνήματα τοὺς μηδὲν ἐν γένει τιθέντας ἐάσαι.« Demosth. Eubulides.
3) mutual rights of succession to property.
4) reciprocal obligations of help, defence, and redress of injuries.
5) mutual right and obligation to intermarry in certain determinate cases, especially where there was an orphan daughter or heiress.
6) Possession in some cases at least of common property; an archon and treasurer of their own.

Phratric union, binding together several gentes, less intimate … doch auch mutual rights u. obligations of an analogous character; especially a communion of particular sacred rites, and mutual privileges of prosecution in the event of a phratror phrator being slain … All the phratries of the same tribe enjoyed a certain periodical communion of sacred rites under the presidency of a magistrate called the Phylo-Basileus or tribe-king selected from the Eupatrids.“

 Bei Morgan, S. 222: The similarities between the Grecian and the Iroquois gens will at once be recognized.

Engels zitiert die Formulierung von Marx im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 54).
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Durch die Grecian gens guckt der Wilde (Iroquois z. B.) aber auch unverkennbar durch.
[220–222]

Sonst eigenthümlich to the Grecian gens:

7) limitation of descent to male line; 8) prohibition of intermarriage in the gens ausser in case of heiresses; 9) Right of adopting strangers in the gens; 10) right of electing u. deposing its chiefs.

ad 7)  Bei Morgan, S. 123: It is precisely like the family among ourselves
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In unsrer eignen modernen Familie
, those descended from males bear the family name, constitute a gens, obgleich in a state of dispersion u. ohne bond of union ausser den nearest in degree. Die females lose mit Heirath their family name, werden mit their children transferred to other  Bei Morgan, S. 223: family
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gens
.  Bei Morgan, S. 224 (wie bei Hermann): Every infant was registered in the phratria and clan (γένος) of its father.
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Hermann sagt: „Jedes Kind wurde einregistrirt in die Phratrie wie Geschlecht (Γένος) seines Vaters.“
|

69

ad 8)  Bei Morgan, S. 224: This obligation may be deduced from the consequences of marriage. […] The prohibition of intermarriage in the gens was fundamental in the archaic period […] with the exception of heiresses and female orphans for whose case special provision was made. […] The special provision jn respect to heiresses tends to confirm this supposition.
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Interduction Interdiction of intermarriage in gens geht hervor schon aus der Ausnahme, for heiresses, wo dies erlaubt.⦘

Wachsmuth : „Die Jungfrau, die ihres Vater’s Haus verlässt, ist nicht länger Theilnehmer am väterlichen Opferherd, sondern enters the religious communion ihres Mannes, u. this gave sanctity to the marriage tie.“ Hermann sagt: „Jedes neu verheirathete Frauenzimmer, herself a citizen, was on this account enrolled in the phratry of her husband.“ Sacra gentilicia common in griech. u. röm. Gens. Scheint nicht, dass bei Griechen – wie bei Römern – the wife forfeited her agnatic rights by marriage; sie doubtless counted herself of the gens of her father.

 Zusammenfassung und Zusatz in Klammern von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 224: The prohibition of intermarriage in the gens was fundamental […] Although a tendency to free marriage, beyond certain degrees of consanguinity, would follow the complete establishment of the monogamian family, the rule requiring persons to marry out of their own gens would be apt to remain
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Rule, die intermarriage in gens verbietet, dauert fort, selbst nach Gründung der monogamian Ehe ⦗die solche limits auf nearest degrees to limit sucht⦘
, solang gens basis des social system bleibt. Becker sagt in Charicles : „relationship was, with trifling limitations, no hinderance to marriage, which could take place within all degrees of ἀγχιστεία, or συγγένεια, though naturally not in the γένος itself.“

ad 9) Adoption später practicirt, mindestens in families, doch mit public formalities u. limited to special cases.

ad 10) Das right to elect and depose its chiefs gehörte unbedingt den Grecian gentes in early period; each gens had its ἀρχός, the common name for a chief.  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 225.
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Dass das office erblich auf son in homeric period nicht anzunehmen, considering the free spirit der Athenian gentes down to Solon u. Cleisthenes . Presumption stets gegen hereditary right, wo nicht decisive evidence, da der stärkste Widerspruch gegen die archaic rule.
[223–226]

 Bei Morgan, S. 226: Recurring now to the quotation from Mr. Grote, […] An exception must be taken to his position
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Was abgeschmackt
bei Grote , dass die Basis des social system der Greeks  Zusatz von Marx.
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der οἶκος
„the house, hearth, or family“.  Bei Morgan, S. 226: The form of the family in the mind of the distinguished historian was evidently
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Er verlegt offenbar
die Roman family under the ironclad rule of a pater familias in’s homerische Zeitalter der griech. Familie. Gens in origin älter als monogamian u. syndasmyan syndyasmian families, essentially contemporaneous mit punaluan family; aber gens nicht founded upon either. Jede family, archaic or not, ist halb in, halb ausser gens, weil husband u. wife belong to different gentes.  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 227: the family springs up independently of the gens with entire freedom to advance from a lower into a higher form, while the gens is constant as well as the unit of the social system
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⦗aber gens entspringt nothwendig aus einer Promiscuous group; sobald innerhalb dieser schon intermarriage zwischen Brüdern u. Schwestern entfernt (stopped) zu werden beginnt, kann gens gepfropft werden auf die group, nicht vorher; Voraussetzung der gens, dass Brüder und Schwestern (own u. collateral) bereits von andern consaguinei geschieden sind. Die gens einmal da, bleibt sie unit des social system, während die Familie grosse changes durchläuft.[⦘]

Gens geht ganz ein in phratry, diese in tribe, diese in nation, aber family geht nie ganz ein in gens,  Bei Morgan, S. 227: because husband and wife must belong to different gentes
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sobald letztere einmal existirt; sie geht immer nur halb ein in gens des Mannes u. halb in gens der Frau.

Nicht nur Grote sondern Niebuhr , Thirlwall , Maine , Mommsen etc –  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 227: and many other able and acute investigators
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alle von klassischer Schülergelehrsamkeit –
nehmen selben Stand mit Bezug auf monogamische Familie of patriarchal type als integer around which society integrated in the Grecian u. Roman systems.  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 227: Nothing whatever was based upon the family in any of its forms, because it was incapable of entering a gens as a whole. The gens was […] the natural basis of a social system. A family of the monogamian type might have become individualized and powerful in a gens, and in society at large; but the gens nevertheless did not and could not recognize or depend upon the family as an integer of itself. The same remarks are equally true with respect to the modern family and political society.
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Family konnte ebensowenig – selbst die monogamische – natural basis of gentile society bilden, wie heutzutage in bürgerlicher Gesellschaft
the family is not the unit of the political system. Der Staat recognizes the counties woraus er zusammengesetzt, diese its townships, but the township takes no note of the family; so die nation recognized its tribes, the tribes its phratries, the phratries its gentes, but the gens took no note of the family.

 Bei Morgan, S. 228: There are a number of valuable observations by Mr. Grote, upon the Grecian gentes, which I desire to incorporate […]; although these observations seem to imply that they are no older than the then existing mythology, or hierarchy of the gods from the members of which some of the gentes claimed to have derived their eponymous ancestor. In the light of the facts presented, the gentes are seen to have existed long before this mythology was developed […] – Engels zitiert den, wie er meint, von Marx „eingefügten“ Satz im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 57).
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Herrn Grote ferner zu bemerken, dass obgleich die Griechen ihre gentes aus der Mythologie herleiten, jene älter sind als die von ihnen selbst geschaffne Mythology mit ihren Göttern u. Halbgöttern.
[226–228]

In the organization of gentile society, the gens is primary, forming both the basis u. unit des systems; die family auch primary u. älter als die gens; the consanguine u. punaluan families having pre-existed in time; but it is not a member of the organic series. [230, 231]

Groote Grote sagt:Primitive religious and social union der attischen Bevölkerung – im Unterschied v. der political union, die wahrscheinlich  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
späterer introduction, represented at first durch die trittyes u. naukraries, u. später die 10 Kleisthenean tribes, subdivided into trittyes u. demes. In the former personal relation is the essential u. predominant characteristic, – local relation being subordinate; in the latter, property and residence become the chief considerations u. das personal element counts only as measured along with these accompaniments. … the festival of Theoenia (Attic) u. Apaturia (common to all the Ionian race) annually brought together the members of these phratries u. gentes for worship, festivity u. maintenance of special sympathies … |

70

The gentes both at Athens u. in other parts of Greece bore a patronymic name, the stamp of their believed common paternityAsklepiadae in many parts of Greece; Aleuadae in Thessaly; Midylidae, Psalychidae, Belpsiadae, Euxenidae, at Aegina; Branchidae at Miletus, Nebridae at Kôs, Iamidae u. Klytiadae at Olympia, Akestoridae at Argos, Kinyradae at Cyprus, Penthilidae at Mitylene, Talthybiadae at Sparta –, Kodridae, Eumolpidae, Phytalidae, Lykomêdae, Butadae, Euneidae, Hesychidae, Brytiadae etc in Attica. To each corresponded a mythical ancestor, passing for the first father as well as the eponymous hero of the gens Kodrus, Eumolpus, Butes, Phytalus, Hesychus etc … In Athen, mindestens nach der Revolution des Kleisthenes, der gentile name nicht employed; a man described first by his own single name, dann by name of his father u. next by that of the deme to which he belonged, wie Aeschines son of Atromêtus , a Kothôkid … gens a close corporation, both as to property and to persons. Bis Solon’s Zeit keine power of testamentary disposition. Wenn er ohne Kinder starb, succeedes succeeded his gennêtes in sein Eigenthum, u. dies selbst nach Solon, if he died intestate. … If a man murdered, first his nearest relations, dann his gennêtes u. phrators beide allowed u. required to prosecute the crime at law; while his fellow demots, or inhabitants of the same deme, did not possess the like right of  Bei Morgan, S. 230 (wie bei Grote): prosecuting
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persecuting
. All that we hear of the most Ancient Athenian laws based upon the gentile and phratric divisions which are treated throughout as extensions of the family  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!?)
… this division is completely independent of any property qualification – rich men as well as poor being comprehended in the same gensDifferent gentes unequal in dignity, arising chiefly from the religious ceremonies of which each possessed the hereditary and exclusive administration, and which, being in some cases considered of pre-eminent sanctity, were therefore nationalized. Thus the Eumolpidae and Kerykes , who supplied the hierophant and superintendent of the mysteries of the Eleusinian Demeter – and the Butadae, who furnished the priestess of Athene Polias, as well as the priest of Poseidon Erechtheus in the Acropolis – seem to have been reverenced above all the other gentes.“ [228–230]

Gens existed in the Aryan family when the Latin, Greek u. Sanskrit speaking tribes one people (gens, Γένος u. ganas); derived it from their barbarous ancestors u. more remotely from their savage progenitors. If the Aryan family became as early separated as the Middle Period of Barbarism, u. dies wahrscheinlich, the gens must have been transmitted to them in its Archaic formCf. gens of the Iroquois, in the lower Status of Barbarism mit gens der Grecian in Upper Status, schlagend dieselbe Organization, dort in its archaic form, hier in its ultimate form. The differences between them forced upon the gens by the exigencies of human progress.

Mit diesen mutations in gens parallel mutations in the rule of inheritance … When Solon allowed the owner of property to dispose of it by will, in case he had no children, he made the first inroad upon the property rights of the gens. [231, 232]

Herr Grote , nachdem er remarked that „ Grote bezieht sich vermutlich auf Iulius Pollux: Onomasticon, VIII, 111.
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Pollux
informs us distinctly that the members of the same gens at Athens were not commonly related Zusatz von Marx. Engels zitiert diese Wendung im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 58). Bei Morgan, S. 232 (wie bei Grote): the gens, at the unknown epoch of its formation
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erklärt den Ursprung der Gens als Schulgelehrter Philister so
: „Gentilism is a tie by itself; distinct from the family ties, but presupposing their existence and extending them by an artificial analogy, partly founded in religious belief, and partly on positive compact, so as to comprehend strangers in blood. All the members of one gens, or even of one phratry, believed themselves to be sprungfrom the same divine or heroic ancestor … Doubtless  Grote verweist auf B[arthold] G[eorg] Niebuhr: Römische Geschichte. Th. 1. 2., völlig umgearb., Aufl. Berlin 1827. S. 317–337.
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Niebuhr
is right in supposing the acient ancient Roman gentes were not real families, procreated from  Bei Morgan, S. 232 (wie bei Grote): any
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one
common historical ancestor
. Still it is not less true … that the idea of the gens involved the belief in a common first father, divine or heroic – a genealogyfabulous, but consecrated and accredites accredited among the members of the gens itself; it served as one important bond of union between them … The natural families of course |71 changed from generation to generation, some extending … others diminished, or died out; but the gens received no alterations, except through the procreation, extinction and subdivision of these component families. Accordingly the relations of the families  Bei Morgan, S. 233 (wie bei Grote): with the gens
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mit den gentes
in perpetual course of fluctuation, and the gentile ancestrial ancestorial genealogy, adapted as it doubtless was to the early condition of the gens, became in  Bei Morgan, S. 233 (wie bei Grote): in process
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progress
of time partially obsolete and unsuitable. We hear of this genealogy but rarelyonly brought before the public in certain cases preeminent and venerable. But the humbler gentes had their common rites  Bemerkung von Marx. Von Engels zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 58).
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(Sonderbar dies, Mr. Grote?)
, and common superhuman ancestor and genealogy, as well as the more celebrated:  Kommentar von Marx. Von Engels auf Deutsch zitiert im „Ursprung“: „(wie gar sonderbar dies, Herr Grote, bei geringeren Gentes!)“ (MEGA I/29. S. 58.)
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(how very strange this on the part of humbler gentes! Is it not, Mr. Grote?)
the scheme and ideal  Kommentar von Marx. Von Engels auf Deutsch zitiert im „Ursprung“: „(werther Herr, nicht ideal, sondern carnal, germanice fleischlich!)“ (MEGA I/29. S. 58.)
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(dear Sir, not ideal, but carnal, germanice fleischlich)
basis was the same in all.“

The system of consanguinity pertaining to gens in its archaic form – u. die  Bei Morgan, S. 233: and which the Greeks probably once possessed

Bei Engels im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 58): und die Griechen hatten diese einst besessen wie andre Sterbliche
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Griechen hatten diese once besessen like other mortals
preserved a knowledge of the relationships of all the members of the gentes a gens to each other.  Bemerkung von Marx. Von Engels zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 58).
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⦗Lernten dies für sie entscheidend Wichtige durch Praxis v. Kindesbeinen⦘
This fell into desuetude with the monogamic family. The genteel gentile name created a pedigree beside which that of a family was insignificant. It was the function of this name to preserve the fact of the common descent of those who bore it; but the lineage of the gens so ancient that its members could not prove the actual relationship between them, ausser in beschränkter Zahl von cases through recent common ancestors. Der name itself evidence of a common descent and conclusive, except as it was liable to interruption through the adoption of strangers in blood into in the previous history der gens.  Bei Morgan, S. 234: The practical denial of all relationship between its members made by Pollux and Niebuhr, which would change the gens into a purely fictitious association, has no ground to rest upon.

Von Engels mit Abweichung zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 58). Bei Engels: à la Grote und Niebuhr
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Dahingegen das practical denial aller relationship zwischen its members à la Pollux u. Niebuhr , changing the gens into a purely fictitious creation würdig idealer i.e. stubenhockerischer Schriftgelehrter.
 Kommentar von Marx.

Von Engels zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 58/59).
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⦗Weil die Verkettung der Geschlechter, namentlich mit Anbruch der Monogamie, in die Ferne gerückt u. die past reality im mythological Phantasiebild reflectirt erscheint, hence schlossen u. schliessen Philister-Biedermäner Biedermänner, dass die Phantasiegenalogie Phantasiegenealogie wirkliche gentes schuf!⦘
Grosse Proportion v Gliedern der Gens konnten ihre Abstammung weit zurück nachweisen u. bei dem remainder the gentile name they bore sufficient evidence of common descent for practical purposes. The Grecian gens meist small body; 30 families to a gens, abgesehn v. den wives der Familienhäupter, would give average of 120 persons by gens.

In gens the religious activity der Greeks originated, expanded over the phratries, culminated in periodical festivals common to all. (De Coulanges) [232–234]  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Das lumpige religiöse Element wird Hauptsache bei gens, im Mass wie real cooperation u. common property alle werden; der Weihrauchduft, der übrig bleibt.⦘



Pt. II) Ch. IX The Grecian Phratry, Tribe and Nation.

Die griech. phratry [:] its natural foundation in bond of kin, gentes die subdivisions einer  Bei Morgan, S. 235: original
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common
gens
gebildet. Says Grote : „All the contemporary members of the phratry of Hekatäus had a common god for their ancestor at the 16th degree“;  Bei Morgan, S. 235/236: the several gentes comprised in the phratry of Hekataeus, were supposed to be derived by segmentation from an original gens. […] The gentes thus united were brother gentes, and the association itself was a brotherhood as the term imports.
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the gentes were brother gentes literally ⦗originally⦘ u. hence their organization – phratry.
 Bei Morgan, S. 235/236: Dikaearchus supposed that the practice of certain gentes in supplying each other with wives, led to the phratric organization for the performance of common religious rites. This is a plausible explanation

(!) Zusatz von Marx.
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Die Existenz der letzteren erklärt sich schon Dikaearchus rationalistisch so: the practice of certain gentes in supplying each other with wives, led to the phratric organization for (!) the performance of common religious rites.
A fragment dieses Dikaearchus preserved durch Stephanus of Byzantium . Er braucht πάτρα für gens, wie Pindar oft u. Homer manchmal. Stephanus berichtet so:

Patry is one of 3 forms of social union among Greeks, according to Dikaearchus , which we call respectively patry, phratry and tribe. The patry comes into being when relationship, originally solitary, passes over into the second stage ⦗relation of parents with children and children with parents⦘, and derives its eponym from the oldest and chief member of the patry, as Aicidas , Pelopidas. But it came to be called phatria or |72 phratria when certain ones gave their daughters to be married into another patry. For the woman who was given in marriage participated no longer in the paternal sacred rites, but was enrolled in the patry of her husband; so that for the union,  Bei Morgan, S. 236: formerly subsisting
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formerly existing
by affection between sisters and brothers, there was established another union based on community of religious rites, which they denominated a phratry; and so that again, while the patry took its rise in the way we have previously mentioned, from the blood relation between parents and children, and children and parents, the phratry took its rise from relationship between brothers. But tribe and tribesmen were so called from the coalescence into communities and nations so called, for each of the coalescing bodies  Bei Morgan, S. 236: was called a
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was a
tribe
.“ (Wachsmuth: „Hist. Antiquitäten der Griechen“)

Marriage out of the gens here anerkannt als custom, u. wife enrolled in the gens (patry) rather than the phratry of her husband.

Dikäarchus , ein Schüler des Aristoteles , lebte zur Zeit wo gens existed chiefly as a pedigree of individuals, its powers having been transferred to new political  Bei Morgan, S. 237: bodies
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powers
. Intermarriages, mit common religious rites, konnten nicht gründen, wohl aber cement the phratric union. Griechen wussten v. ihrer eignen Geschichte nichts ausser bis in Status of Upper Barbarism hinein.

Sieh in array of military forces phratries u. tribes bei Homer .  Zusatz von Marx. Marx verweist auf Morgan, S. 98, Fn. 1 und auf S. 40 des vorliegenden Hefts.
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(Sieh oben!)
Aus dem advice des Nestor an Agamemnon geht hervor, dass the organization of armies by phratries u. tribes had then ceased to be common. ⦗Gens v. vorn herein too small a basis for organization of an army.⦘   Zusatz von Marx.

»nec fortuita […] propinquitates.«: nicht eine zufällig zusammengewürfelte Masse bildet den Reitertrupp oder den Keil, sondern die Siedlungsgemeinschaften und Sippen. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Marx zitiert die Stelle, auf die Morgan nur als „Tacitus, Germania, cap. vii“ (S. 238, Fn. 1) verweist, nach der Ausgabe in seinem Besitz (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1296): C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 417. Dort hat er die Stelle mit Blaustift unter- und angestrichen. Erwähnt war diese Ausgabe in Marx’ Verzeichnis römischer Autoren in einem seiner Bonner Hefte von 1842 (MEGA IV/1. S. 341), in einem Verzeichnis seiner Bücher in seinem Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1844 bis 1847 (MEGA IV/3. S. 6.29) und in dem von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellten Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.29).
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Tacitus, De moribus Germaniae , sagt v. den Germanen im Krieg, caput 7: »nec fortuita conglobatio turmam aut cuneum facit, sed familiae et propinquitates.«

Obligation of blood revenge – turned später in duty of prosecuting the murderer before the legal tribunals – rested primarily upon the gens of the slain, aber shared auch by phratry, u. became a phratric obligation. The extension der obligation v. gens zu phratry implies a common lineage of all the gentes in a phratry. – Unter den Athenern überlebte phratric organization the overthrow of the gentes as the basis of a system; retained, in der new polit. society, some control over the registration of citizens, the enrollment of marriages u. the prosecution of the murderer of a phrator before the courts.

Greek gentes u. phratries liessen als legacy to the new society they were destined to found: their institutions, arts, inventions u. mythological (polytheistic) system.

Wie an Spitze der gens ἀρχός, so an Spitze der Phratry Phratriarch (φρᾱτριάρχος), presided at its meetings u. officiated in the solemnization of religious rites. Sagt Coulanges : „The phratry had its assemblies and its tribunals, and could pass decrees. In it, as well as in the family, there was a god, a priesthood, a legal tribunal and a government.“ The religious rites of the phratries were an expansion of those of the gentes of which it was composed. [235–240]

A number of phratries composed the tribe; the persons in each phratry, of same common lineage, spoke the same dialect. The concentration of such Grecian tribes as had coalesced into a people, in a small area, tended to repress dialectical variations, which a subsequent written language tended still further to arrest.

When die several phratries of a tribe united in the commemoration of their religious observances, so in ihrer quality qua tribe; as such under the presidency of a phylo-basileus, the principal chief of the tribe; he possessed priestly functions, always inherent in the office of basileus, u. übte a criminal  Bei Morgan, S. 241: jurisdiction
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justice
aus in cases of murder;  Bei Morgan, S. 241: But the absence of civil functions […] is sufficient to render the term king, so constantly employed in history as the equivalent of basileus, a misnomer
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dagegen absence of civil functions; also king schlechter misnomer für »basileus«
. Unter den Athenern der tribe-basileus, dann selber term for the general military commander of the 4 tribes. Gentile institutions essentially democratical, monarchy incompatible with gentilism. Every gens, phratry, tribe a completely organized self-governing body; wo several tribes coalesced into a nation the resulting government constituted in harmony with the principles animating its constituents constituent parts. [240–242]

Tribes, coalesced into a nation, wie die tribes der Athenians u. Spartans, simply a more complex duplicate of a tribe.  Bei Morgan, S. 242: There was no name for the organism which was simply a society (societas)
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There was no name (social one) for the new organism
⦗wo tribes took the same place in the nation as phratries in the tribe, gentes in the phratry⦘; Aristoteles , Thucydides  Bei Morgan, S. 242, Fn. 1: and other writers
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u. andre »moderne«
nennen die governments der heroic period Bei Morgan, S. 242, Fn. 1: βᾶσίλειᾶ
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βασίλειᾱ βασιλεία
; statt dessen sprang up name for the people or |73 nation. So bei Homer Athenians, Locrians, Aetolians etc, aber auch v. city od. country they came from. So, vor Lykurg u. Solon , 4 stages of social organization: gens, phratry, tribe u. nation. So gentile Grecian society a series of aggregates of persons, with whom the government dealt through their personal relations to a gens, phratry or tribe. [242, 243]

Im heroic age bei Athenian nation 3 co-ordinate departments or powers: 1) the council of chiefs (βουλή); 2) ἀγορά, assembly of the people; 3) βασιλεύς, general military commander.

1) Council of chiefs  Zusatz von Marx.
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had permanence as a feature of their social system; its powers ultimate and supreme; wahrscheinlich  Zusatz von Marx.
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auch hier
composed of the chiefs of gentes; selection must have been made, da ihre Anzahl meist kleiner als die der gentes; Council auch legislative body representing the principal gentes; seine importance mag abgenommen haben mit wachsender Wichtigkeit des office of βασιλεύς u. the new offices created in their military u. municipal affairs with their increase in numbers u. wealth; but it could not be overthrown without a radical change of institutions. Hence every office of the government muss dem Council accountable geblieben sein for its official acts.

 Auch dies war ein griechischer Brauch: alle Könige, die die väterliche Herrschaft übernahmen, sowie alle, die das Volk selbst als Führer eingesetzt hatte, hatten einen Rat bestehend aus den Besten, wie Homer und die ältesten Dichter bezeugen. Die Herrschaft der Könige alter Zeiten war nicht selbstgefällig und beruhte nicht allein auf der Meinung eines Einzelnen. (Übers. Nicolas Wiater.)
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Dionysius, 2, XII sagt: »Ἑλληνικὸν δὲ ἄρα καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἔθος ἦν. τοῖς γοῦν βασιλεῦσιν, ὅσοι τε πατρίους ἀρχὰς παραλάβοιεν καὶ ὅσους ἡ πληθὺς αὐτὴ καταστήσαιτο ἡγεμόνας, βουλευτήριον ἦν ἐκ τῶν κρατίστων, ὡς Ὅμηρός τε καὶ οἱ παλαιότατοι τῶν ποητῶν ποιητῶν μαρτυροῦσι· καὶ οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς καθ’ ἡμᾶς χρόνοις αὐθάδεις καὶ μονογώμονες ἦσαν αἱ τῶν ἀρχαίων βασιλέων δυναστεῖαι

In Aeschylus »Ἑπτὰ ἐπὶ Θήβας« (»Seven against Thebes«),  Zusatz von Marx.
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wo beide fallen,
Eteokles in command von Thebai u. sein Bruder Polynices als einer der 7 chiefs, die die Stadt belagern,  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 244: a herald says: […]

Marx bezieht sich auf Aeschylus: Septem adversus Thebas, 1007–1010 nach der Ausgabe von Christian Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit, scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus] Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797), obwohl er zwei andere Ausgaben der Tragödien von Aeschylus besaß (von Johann Heinrich Voss. Wohlfeile Ausg. Heidelberg 1839) und einen Band der von Karl Tauchniz verlegten Stereotypausgabe (Aeschylus: Tragoediae. Editio stereotypa. Lipsiae 1810). (Siehe das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.12, 20) sowie oben, die Sachanmerkung zu „δοκοῦντα καὶ …“.) Bei einem anderen Zitat nach Aeschylus im vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich Marx explizit auf Schütz’ „Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2, S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Die Stelle scheint verdorben …“ .

mit das Gutachten u. Schluss des Raths δοκοῦντα (was Rath facienda esse censuit) u. δόξαντα (quae decrevit), δήμου τῆς Καδμείας πόλεως προβούλοις, der Stadtrath von Theben: Bei Schütz, Bd. 1, S. 399: δόξαντα sunt ea quae facienda esse censuit senatus, quae decrevit; (das Gutachten und den Schluss) δήμου τ. κ. π. προβούλοι, Thebanorum senatus.

was Rath facienda esse censuit: was nach Meinung des Rats zu tun sei

quae decrevit: was er beschlossen hat
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kommt Herald des Raths u. theilt dem Chorus ⦗sonst answered Antigone u. Ismene⦘ mit das Gutachten u. Schluss des Raths δοκοῦντα (was Rath facienda esse censuit) u. δόξαντα (quae decrevit), δήμου τῆς Καδμείας πόλεως προβούλοι, der Stadtrath von Theben, zusammengesetzt aus den Chiefs seiner vornehmsten gentes.
 Zusatz von Marx.
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Die Stelle bei Aeschylus:

 Morgan zitiert die englische Übersetzung im Text und das Original auf S. 244, Fn. 1 mit anderer Zeilenzählung (1005), der Marx beim Zitieren der Passage zuvor gefolgt war (siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „δοκοῦντα καὶ …“). Marx zitiert hier dagegen offensichtlich nach der Ausgabe von Schütz, der die Zeilenzählung 1007–10 benutzt (siehe Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit, scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus] Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797. Vol. 1, Text. S. 272; und oben, die Sachanmerkung zu „kommt Herald …“). Bei einem anderen Zitat nach Aeschylus im vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich Marx explizit auf Schütz’ „Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2, S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Die Stelle scheint verdorben …“.
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v. 1007–10:
 Urtheil und Ausspruch kundzuthun, verpflichten mich Des hohen Raths Vorsteher hier in Kadmos Stadt. (Eteokles, weil er werth geachtet hat das Land, Ein Grab empfahn soll er im theuren Erdenschooß […]) (Übers. Johann Heinrich Voß.)
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»Δοκοῦντα καὶ δόξαντ’ ἀπαγγέλλειν με χρὴ
Δήμου προβούλοις τῆσδε Καδμείας πόλεως·
Ἐτεοκλέα μὲν τόνδ’ ἐπ’ εὐνοίᾳ χθονὸς
Θάπτειν ἔδοξε γῆς φίλαις κατασκαφαῖς«
 Zusatz von Marx.
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etc.

2) ἀγορά established in der  Bei Morgan, S. 245: legendary
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heroic
period – an assembly of the people.  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Homerus: Ilias, I, v. 490–491.

(den Mann ehrend): Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 1. S. 605: (κῡδιάνειρα). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).

»Er ging weder … in die Schlacht«: Übersetzung von Marx.

Vermutlich hatte Marx auch den Text von Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer (Bd. 1. Berlin 1855) zur Hand. Bei Schoemann, S. 26: sehen wir in der Ilias, wie Achilleus […] eine Versammlung des Heeres beruft […] – S. 27: das Volk nur als Masse in Betracht kommt, […] „weder im Kriege zu rechnen noch im Rathe“, wie Odysseus sich ausdrückt. – Schoemann bezieht sich auf Il. II, 202, allerdings zitiert Marx gerade die folgenden Zeilen aus S. 27 auf der nächsten Manuskriptseite. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Mit Bezug auf die Agora …“.
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⦗In Agora gehn u. in Krieg; bei Homer heisst’s vom grollenden Achilles: I, 490, 91 Il.: »Οὔτε ποτ’ εἰς ἀγορὴν πωλέσκετο κυδιάνειραν, (den Mann ehrend)
οὔτε ποτ’ ἐς πόλεμον«. πόλεμὸν πόλεμον«.
»Er ging weder in die ruhmvolle (den Mann ehrende) Agora,
Noch in die Schlacht«.⦘

Die agora – spätere Einrichtung als der Council of chiefs   Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 245: it is not as ancient as the council. The latter came in as the institution of the gentes; but it is doubtful whether the agora existed, with the functions named, back of the Upper Status of barbarism. It has been shown that among the Iroquois, in the Lower Status, the people presented their wishes to the council of chiefs through orators of their own selection, and that a popular influence was felt in the affairs of the confederacy – Siehe auch Morgan, S. 117.
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⦗der früher wie bei Iroquois mit ἀγορά sofar verbunden, als die Volksleute (auch Weiber) dort reden konnten u. immer Masse anwesend⦘
, hatte power to adopt or reject public measures submitted by the council. Die agora – bei Homer u. in Greek Tragedians – has same characteristics which it afterwards maintained in the ecclesia der Athenians u. der comitia curiata der Romans.  Bei Morgan, S. 245: In the heroic age certainly, and far back in the legendary period
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Im heroic age
agora a constant phenomenon among the Greek tribes.  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗ditto Germans in Upper Status of Barbarism⦘
Jeder konnte sprechen in Agora; sie machte in ancient times meist ihre decision kund durch show of hands.

In den »Schutzflehenden« des Aeschylus fragt χορός:  Wohin entscheidend traf im Volk das Mehr der Hand?
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»Δήμου κρατοῦσα χεὶρ ὅποι πληθύεται;«
Antwortet Δαναός :  Ab stimmten Argos Bürger, nicht zwiefach getheilt,
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»Ἔδοξεν Ἀργείοισιν, οὐ διχοῤῥόπως,
v. 610–623.
 Denn von des Gesamtvolks Händen, die man recht benennt, Starrt’ auf der Äther, als bekräftigt ward der Spruch […] (Übers. Johann Heinrich Voß.)

Marx zitiert nach der Ausgabe von Christian Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit, scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus] Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797. Vol. 3, Text. S. 165). Siehe die Sachanmerkungen zu „v. 1007–10:“ , „δοκοῦντα καὶ …“ und „kommt Herald…“. Bei einem anderen Zitat nach Aeschylus im vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich Marx explizit auf Schütz’ „Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2, S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Die Stelle scheint verdorben …“ .
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Πανδημίᾳ γὰρ χερσὶ δεξιωνύμοις
Ἔφριξεν αἰθὴρ, τόνδε κραινόντων λόγον«
 Zusatz von Marx.
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etc.



3) Der Basileus.   Bei Morgan, S. 246: Modern writers […] translate basileus by the term king […] – S. 247: writers accustumed to monarchical government and privileged classes
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Die europäischen Gelehrten, meist geborne Fürstenbediente, machen aus dem βασιλεύς Monarch im modernen Sinn.
 Zusatz von Marx.
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Dagegen Morgan , Yankee Republican; er sagt sehr ironisch, aber true, vom öligen Gladstone
: »Mr. Gladstone … presents to his readers ⦗in ›Juventus Mundi‹ ⦘ the Grecian chiefs of the heroic age as kings and princes, with the superadded quality of ›gentlemen‹, selbst er muss aber zugeben   Zusatz von Marx (Wortspiel für Gladstone).
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(der „Gutstein“)
„on the whole we seem to have the custom or law of primogeniture |74 sufficiently, but not oversharply defined“.«]

  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1. S. 27.

niemals die Rede: Bei Schoemann: nirgends die Rede.
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Mit Bezug auf die Agora bei Homer sagt Schömann I, 27: »Von förmlicher Abstimmung des Volks ist niemals die Rede: nur durch lautes Geschrei giebt die Versammlung ihren Beifall oder ihr Missfallen über das Vorgetragene zu erkennen, u. wenn es sich um eine Sache handelt, zu deren Ausführung die Mitwirkung des Volkes erforderlich ist, so verräth uns Homer kein Mittel, wie dasselbe gegen seinen Willen dazu gezwungen werden könne.«⦘

Frage: Ging das office of basileus durch hereditary right von Vater auf Sohn über? Im Lower Status of Barbarism das office of chief hereditary in a gens, d.h. vacancy, when occurring, filled from the members of the gens. When descent in female line – wie bei den Iroquois – an own brother meist  Bei Morgan, S. 248: selected
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elected
to succeed the deceased chief; wenn in der male line – wie bei Ojibwas u. Omahasthe oldest son. In the absence of objections to the person, such became the rule; aber das elective principle remained. Also blosse faktische Nachfolge des ältesten Sohns od. eines der Söhne  Zusatz von Marx.
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(wenn mehre)
beweist also nicht »hereditary right«; because by usage he was in the probable line of succession by a free election from a constituency. Presumption daher für die Grecians, entsprechend ihren gentile institutions, either für free election od. a confirmation of the office by the people through their recognized organizations, wie bei Roman rex. In diesem Fall konnte der s.g. Nachfolger office nicht antreten ohne Election od. confirmation, u. die power (Seitens des Volks) to elect or confirm schloss ein right to depose.

 Bei Morgan, S. 248: The illustration of Mr. Grote, drawn from the Iliad, is without significance on the question made.
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Was die berühmte Stelle in Ilias , l. II, v. 203–6 angeht (worauf auch Grote seine »royalistische« Anschauung gründet)
:

 Nicht doch werden wir all’ hier Könige seyn, wir Achaier! Nimmer Gedeihn bringt Vielherrschaft; nur einer sey Herrscher, Einer nur Fürst, dem schenkte der Sohn des verborgenen Kronos Zepter zugleich und Gesetze, damit er gebiete den Andern. (Übers. Johann Heinrich Voß.)
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»Οὐ μέν πως πάντες βασιλεύσομεν ἐνθάδ’ Ἀχαιοί·
Οὐκ ἀγαθὸν πολυκοιρανίη· εἷς κοίρανος ἔστω,
Εἷς βασιλεὺς, ᾧ ἔδωκε Κρόνου παῖς ἀγκυλομήτεω
⦗Σκῆπτρόν τ’ ἠδὲ θέμιστας, ἵνα σφίσιν ἐμβασιλεύῃ.⦘«
,

 Bei Morgan, S. 248: Ulysses, from whose address the quotation is taken, was speaking of the command of an army before a sieged city.
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so erstens zu bemerken: Agamemnon – für den Odysseus in obiger Stelle spricht – erscheint in Ilias nur als der principal warchief, commanding an army before a besieged city.
Der Vers in bracket’s brackets not found in several Ms., z. B. nicht im commentary v. Eustasius Eustathius .  Umschreibung von Marx mit Exzerpten aus Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1. S. 21–24.

Ulysses hält […] im Kriegsdienst: Bei Morgan, S. 249: There was no occasion for Ulysses to discuss or endorse any plan of government, but he had sufficient reasons for advocating obedience to a single commander of the army before a besieged city.

Die Prädicate […] (hier Zeus): Zusatz von Marx. Bei Schoemann, S. 22: das Königthum gilt als göttliche Stiftung, Zeus hat die Könige ursprünglich eingesetzt, sie stehen unter seiner besonderen Obhut und Fürsorge, sie stammen selbst von ihm oder von andern Göttern ab, weswegen sie διογενεες, διοτρεφεες heissen und ihre Würde geht regelmässig vom Vater auf den Sohn über.

selbst die persönlich Unfreien […] beigelegt; etc.: Zusatz von Marx. Bei Schoemann, S. 23: der Name ἥρως […] auch jedem Eherenmanne aus dem Volke gegeben, [Fn. 3: z. B. dem Herolde Mulios, Od. XVIII, 423 und dem blinden Sänger Demodokos] […] selbst persönlich Unfreie, wie der Sauhirt Eumäus und der Rinderhirt Philoitios δῖοι u. θεῖοι […] genannt werden, [Fn. 4: Od. XIV, 48 […] und sonst an vielen Stellen]

Κοίρανος […] im Krieg dort.: Bei Morgan, S. 248/249: Koiranos and basileus are used as equivalents, because both alike signified a general military commander.

Βασιλεία […] Demokratie: Bei Morgan, S. 249: basileia was adopted by Grecian writers, because it carried the idea of a generalship which had then become a conspicuous feature in the government. With the council and the agora both existing with the basileus, if a more special definition of this form of government is required, military democracy expresses it with at least reasonable correctness; while the use of the term kingdom […] would be a misnomer.

Engels zitiert die ganze Passage im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 61/62).
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Ulysses hält hier keine Vorlesung über eine Regierungsform, königliche od. andre, sondern verlangt »Gehorsam« an chief-warrior im Kriegsdienst. Considering, dass die Griechen vor Troja nur qua Heer erscheinen, geht’s in der Agora demokratisch genug zu. Achilles , wenn er von »Geschenken«, i.e. Austheilung der Beute spricht, macht stets zum Vertheiler weder den Agamemnon, noch einen andern βασιλεύς, sondern »die Söhne der Achäer«, das Volk. Die Prädicate »διογενεῖς« od. »διοτρεφεῖς« beweisen auch nichts, da jede gens von einem Gott herstammt, die tribe-chiefs gens schon von »vornehmerem« Gott. (hier Zeus); selbst die persönlich Unfreien – wie der Sauhirt Eumäus u. Rinderhirt Philoitios sind δῖοι u. θεῖοι, u. dies in Odyssee , also in viel späterer Zeit als die der Ilias; der Name ἥρως wird in selber Odyssee auch dem Herold Mulios , dem blinden Sänger Demodokos beigelegt; etc. Κοίρανος, was Odysseus v. Agamemnon neben βασιλεύς anwendet, heisst auch nur Befehlshaber im Krieg dort. Βασιλεία, angewandt v. den griech. Schriftstellern für das homerische Königthum (weil generalship his chief feature) mit βουλή u. agora ist – Sorte militärischer Demokratie.

Im heroischen Zeitalter lebten die Grecian tribes in walled cities; Bevölkerungszahl stieg durch field agriculture, Manufacturindustrie, flocks u. herds; new offices required u. some separation of their functions; a new municipal system was growing; period of incessant military strife for the possession of the most desirable areas; mit increase of property wuchs the aristocratic element in society, was Hauptursache der disturbances in Athenian Society von Zeit des Theseus bis zu Solon u. Cleisthenes .

Während dieser Periode u. bis zur final abolition des βασιλεύς-office einige Zeit vor der 1sten Olympiade (776 B.C.) wurde office des βασιλεύς more prominent u. powerful than das irgendeiner andern Person in ihrer früheren Erfahrung. Functions of Priest u. Judge attached to or inherent in the office; er scheint ex officio a member of the council of chiefs. Powers of general in Feld u. Garnison in der walled city, gab ihm Mittel ebenso Einfluss in civil affairs zu gewinnen; scheint aber nicht dass er civil functions besass. Auf Seite des βασιλεύς entwickelt sich nothwendig tendency to usurp additional powers, in beständigem |75 Kampf mit dem council of chiefs, representative of the gentes. ⦗Hence endlich das office abgeschafft v. den Athenern.⦘

Unter den Spartan tribes früh Einrichtung des Ephorats to limit power of  Bei Morgan, S. 250: basileis
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βασιλεις βασιλεῖς
.  Bei Morgan, S. 250: With the simultaneous existence of the agora […] the council […] was supreme over gentes
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⦗Die βουλή blieb die supreme power, unterstützt durch agora
im homer. Zeitalter⦘

 Als aber Hellas mächtiger wurde und zu mehr Wohlstand denn früher gelangte, so kamen mit Vermehrung der Einkünfte in manchen Städten Zwingherrschaften auf, wo zuvor Erbfürstenthümer mit bestimmten Vorrechten gewesen waren. Auch gründete sich Hellas eine Seemacht, und man widmete sich mehr der Schiffahrt. (Übers. Christian Nathanael Osiander.)

Bei Morgan (S. 251): “Now when the Greeks were becoming more powerful, and acquiring possession of property still more than before, many tyrannies were established in the cities, from their revenues becoming greater; whereas before there had been hereditary basileia with specified powers.” (πρότερον δὲ ἦσαν ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς γέρασι πατρικαὶ βασιλεὶαι)

(Einkünfte): Übersetzung von Marx.

(mit festgesetzten powers): Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 251.

(gentiles): Übersetzung von Marx.

Marx zitiert den griechischen Wortlaut nach: Thucydides: De bello Peloponnesiaco libri octo. Ad optimorum librorum editi. T. 1.2. Lipsiae: Tauchnitsius, 1815 [als editio stereotypa danach noch mehrmals nachgedruckt]. T. 1. S. 11. Marx besaß die Tauchnitz-Ausgabe (siehe das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.13–14)). Anscheinend gehörte sie zu den Büchern, die er Anfang 1861 aus Köln zurückerhielt (siehe seinen Brief an Ferdinand Lassalle vom 29. Mai 1861 (MEGA III/11. Br. 302.30–32)). Auszüge daraus enthält sein Heft VII, London 1859–1863 (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 91a, S. 172). Er zitierte eine der exzerpierten Stellen danach vollständig in einer eigenen deutschen Übersetzung in seinem Ökonomischen Manuskript 1861–1863 (MEGA II/3.1. S. 255) und im ersten Band des „Kapital“ (MEGA II/5. S. 298/299). Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt. Marx besaß zudem die Übersetzung von Osiander (Thucydides: Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Krieges. Übers. von C[hristian] N[athanael] Osiander. Bdchen. 1–7. (Abth. 1.2.) Stuttgart 1826–1829.) (Siehe das von Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.2.) Er hatte daraus 1842 in „Debatten über Preßfreiheit“ zitiert (MEGA I/1. S. 169). Es scheint, dass er auch diese Übersetzung 1861 zurückerhielt. Bei der Übertragung der erwähnten Stelle ins Deutsche benutzte er wahrscheinlich auch Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 368 (πρόσοδος) und S. 397 (ῥητός). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31). Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
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Thucydides sagt I, c. 13: »Δυνατωτέρας δὲ γενομένης τῆς Ἑλλάδος, καὶ τῶν χρημάτων τὴν κτῆσιν εἲς ἔτι μᾶλλον πρότερον ποιουμένης, τὰ πολλὰ τυραννίδες ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι καθίσταντο, τῶν προσόδων (Einkünfte) μειζόνων γιγνομένων· (πρότερον δὲ ἦσαν ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς γέρασι (mit festgesetzten powers) πατρικαὶ (gentiles) βασιλεῖαι) ναυτικά τε ἐξηρτύετο Ἑλλὰς,καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης [ μᾶλλον ] ἀντείχοντο.«

 Das sind also die Formen des Königtums, vier an der Zahl, die erste das des Heroenzeitalters (es bestand über frei Zustimmende, aber mit beschränkten Kompetenzen; denn der König war Feldherr, Richter und Verwalter der religiösen Dinge), zweitens das barbarische (eine erbliche und gesetzlich begründete despotische Herrschaft), drittens die der sogenannten Aisymneten (eine gewählte Tyrannis) und endlich als viertes das spartansche (das nichts anderes als ein erbliches Feldherrenamt ist). (Übers. Olof Gigon.)

Zu den von Marx in Klammern eingefügten Übersetzungen siehe die Wiedergabe der Passage in englischer Sprache bei Morgan, S. 251.
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Aristoteles. Politics. III, c. X 14: »βασιλείας μὲν οὖν εἴδη (Arten) ταῦτα τέτταρα τὸν ἀριθμόν, μία μὲν περὶ τοὺς ἡρωϊκοὺς χρόνους· αὕτη δ’ ἦν ἑκόντων [μέν] (von Freien, over a free people), ἐπὶ τισὶ δὲ (in einigen aber) ὡρισμένων· στρατηγὸς γὰρ ἦν καὶ δικαστὴςβασιλεὺς καὶ τῶν πρὸς [τοὺς] θεοὺς κύριος (Hauptpriester). Δευτέρα δὲ ἡ βαρβαρική αὕτη δ’ ἐστὶν ἐκ γένους ἀρχὴ δεσποτικὴ κατὰ νόμον. Τοίτη Τρίτη (die 3te Form) δὲ ἣν αἰσυμνητίαν αἰσυμνητείαν προσαγορεύουσιν· αὕτη δὲ δ’ [ ἐστὶν ] αἱρετὴ τυραννίς (Wahltyrannei). Τετάρτη δ’ ἡ Λακωνικὴ [ τούτων ]· αὕτη δ’ ἐστὶν, ὡς εἰπεῖν θ’ ἁπλῶς, σρατηγία στρατηγία (generalship) κατὰ γένος ἀϊδιος« (erbliche generalship) [«].
Aristoteles giebt dem βασιλεύς keine civil functions.  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗Was die richterliche function angeht, muss sie wie bei den alten Germanen gedeutet werden, als Vorsteher des Gerichts, welches Versammlung ist; der Vorsitzer stellt die Frage, ist aber nicht der Urtheilfinder

 Bei Morgan, S. 253: the tirranies […] were governments imposed by force
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Die Tyrannis war usurpation,
erhielt nie a permanent footing in Greece, galt stets ihnen als illegitim; seine Tödtung galt für verdienstvoll.

Cleisthenes rejected the  Bei Morgan, S. 254: office of chief executive magistrate
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βασιλεύς office
; hielt council of chiefs bei in elective senate u. die agora im  Bei Morgan, S. 254: popular assembly
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people (ecclesia)
; elective archon folgte bei den Athenern dem βασιλευς βασιλεύς ; dieser selbst, in Upper Status of Barbarism, was in dessen Middle Status Teuctli (Great War Soldier verbunden mit functions of Priest) in der Aztec Confederacy; dieser hinwiederum in Lower Status of Barbarism der Great War Soldier wie z. B. der Iroquois Confederacy u.  Bei Morgan, S. 254: It [the office of chief executive magistrate (king, emperor, president) of modern political society] can be traced from the common war-chief, first to the Great War Soldier, as in the Iroquois Confederacy; secondly, to the same military commander in a confederacy of tribes more advanced, with the functions of a priest attached to the office, as the Teuctli of the Aztec Confederacy; thirdly, to the same military commander in a nation formed by a coalescence of tribes, with the functions of a priest and of a judge attached to the office, as in the basileus of the Greeks; and finally, to the chief magistrate in modern political society.
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dieser selbst entsprang aus dem common warchief war-chief des tribe.
[243–255]



Pt. II. Ch. X. Institution of Grecian Political Society.

Aus der failure der gentile institutions to meet the now complicated wants of society, gradually all civil powers entzogen den gentes, phratries u. tribes u. diese übertragen auf new constituencies. Das eine system went gradually out, das andere gradually in, the two for a part of the time existing side by side.

Stockaded village usual home of the tribe in Lower Status of Barbarism; im Middle Status joint-tenement houses of adobe bricks and stone, in the nature of fortresses; im Upper Status cities surrounded mit ring embankments,  Bei Morgan, S. 257: It was a great step forward when the thought found expression in action of surrounding an area
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schliesslich
mit walls of dressed stone, mit towers, parapets, gates, designed to protect all alike and to be defended by the common strength . Cities of this grade imply the existence of a staple stable u. developed field agriculture, possession of domestic animals in flocks and herds, of merchandise in masses u. of property in houses u. lands. A necessity generally arose for magistrates u. judges, military u. municipal offices officers of different grades, with a mode of raising and supporting military levies which would require public revenues.  Bei Morgan, S. 257: Municipal life and wants must have greatly augmented the duties and responsibilities of the council of chiefs, and perhaps have overtaxed its capacity to govern. […] The military power
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Dies alles machte dem »council of chiefs« das Regieren schwer. – Die Militairgewalt
, erst devolved upon βασιλεύς jezt auf generals u. captains under greater restrictions; judicial power jezt bei Athenians exercised durch archons u. dicasts; die magisterial powers devolved upon municipal magistrates. Nach u. nach several powers by differentiation taken von der sum of powers des original council of chiefs, soweit sie vom Volk auf letzteren übergegangen waren.

 Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 258: Unnumbered disorders existed, both from the conflict of authority, and from the abuse of powers not as yet well defined. The brief and masterly sketch by Thucydides of the condition of the Grecian tribes in the transitional period, and the concurrent testimony of other writers to the same effect, leave no doubt that the old system of government was failing […] and [needed] […] the substitution of written laws, enacted by competent authority, in the place of usages and custom
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Diese Zeit des Uebergangs erscheint bei Thucydides (lib. I, 2–13) u. other writers als Zeit fortwährender disorders von conflict of authority u. abuse of powers not yet well defined u. als failure des old systems of government; auch Bedürfniss v. written law für blose usages u. customs dadurch nöthig geworden
. Diese transition |76 dauerte centuries.

Dem Theseus v. den Athenern first attempt to subvert the gentile organization zugeschrieben; man muss ihn betrachten als Namen für eine Periode od. Series of events. [256–258]

  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1. S. 315.
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[⦗]Die Bevölkerung v. Attica (Böckh) in seiner blühenden Zeit about ½ Million; davon mehr als ⅔, – nämlich 365,000 Sklaven, ausserdem etwa 45,000 angesiedelte Fremde, bleibt für die freie bürgerliche Bevölkerung – 90,000!

  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1. S. 317/318.
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⦗Nach Schömann: Attika in mehre kleine Fürstenthümer getheilt; die Alten ( Strabo l. IX, Plutarch: Theseus c. 24, 32, 36[)] nennen 12 Staaten; in manchem dieser 12 nicht eine, sondern mehrere Stadt u. Städtchen. Die Sage lässt den Theseus Land u. Volk unter der Regierung eines einzigen Fürsten vereinen, Athen zum Sitz der Centralgewalt machen, den Theilregierungen Ende machen.⦘

  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe: Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bdchen. 1. S. 10. Dort, unter der Überschrift „Theseus“: König von Athen in der zweiten Hälfte des 13ten Jahrhunderts vor Chr. Geburt. – Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind „Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.)
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Theseus angeblich Basileus v. Athen in der 2. Hälfte des 13 Jhdts B.C.

Vor Theseus  Zusatz von Marx.
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(sie sieh Schoemann )
lebte Attic Volk in cities  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1. S. 317–321.
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⦗12 angegeben nach Schömann, als ebensoviel independent Wohnsitze u. Territorien der 12 phratries
, bildeten independent tribes, jeder mit eignem Territorium wo the people localized, eignen council houses u. prytaneums, aber confederated for mutual protection u. elected Basileus als general commander of their common forces. Aber (sieh Thucydides , u. ähnlich bei Plutarch [)], sobald Theseus Basileus wurde, überredete er sie to break up the council-houses u. magistracies ihrer verschiednen Städte, u. come into relation with Athens, mit einem council-house (βουλευτήριος) u. einem πρυτανεῖον.  Zusatz von Marx. Marx zitiert hier die Erläuterung von Klaiber in: Plutarch’s Werke. Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1‒19, 37‒41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827‒1859. Bdchen. 1. S. 34, Fn. *. Wahrscheinlich verwendete er einen Band, der sich in seinem Besitz befand (siehe MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4).
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⦗Letzteres ein öffentliches Gebäude, worin das heilige Feuer unterhalten wurde, u. die Prytanen od. Vorsitzenden des Senats wohnten.⦘
So die  Zusatz von Marx.
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4
 Tribes brought unter Theseus to calesce coalesce into one people. [258, 259]  Zusatz von Marx, der hier Plutarchus Chaeronensis (Vitae parallelae. Theseus, 24 und 25) nach der Übersetzung von Johann Gottfried Klaiber zitiert (Plutarch’s Werke. Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Bdchen. 1. S. 34 und 35/36). Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind „Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.)

Morgan, S. 259, Fn. 1, zitiert aus dem 24. Kapitel auf Englisch: Plutarch speaks nearly to the same effect: “He settled all the Inhabitants of Attica in Athens, and made them one people in one city, who before were scattered up and down, and could with difficulty be assembled on any urgent occasion for the public welfare. […] Dissolving therefore the associations, the councils, and the courts in each particular town, he built one common prytaneum and court hall, where it stands to this day. The citadel with its dependencies, and the city or the old and new town, he united under the common name of Athens.” – Plutarch. Vit. Theseus, cap. 24.

(dies zeigt, dass sie confederirt waren, bevor sie coalesced): Bemerkung von Marx.

u. suchte ihre Einstimmung zu erhalten etc: Im folgenden Zitat notiert Marx die hier ausgelassene Passage. Siehe unten, „Die Aeusserung v. Plutarch, dass »die Niedrigen u. Armen […] folgten«“.

(lies Verein der Attischen tribes): Bemerkung von Marx.

Phantasie des Plutarch, gab damals keine solche »Mengen«⦘: Bemerkung von Marx.

besetzen (?): Fragezeichen von Marx. Bei Klaiber, S. 35: bekleiden
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⦗Sagt Plutarch in „Theseus“ c. 24: »Die Bewohner Atticas wohnten bisher zerstreut u. konnten nur mit Mühe für gemeinsame Angelegenheiten zusammengebracht werden (dies zeigt, dass sie confederirt waren, bevor sie coalesced), ja bisweilen waren sie in Streit u. Fehden mit einander gerathen. Theseus vereinigte nun alle in einer Stadt u. bildete aus ihnen eine einzige Gemeine eines einzigen Staats. Zu diesem Zweck reiste er bei den einzelnen Gemeinen u. Geschlechtern umher, u. suchte ihre Einstimmung zu erhalten etc . Den Mächtigen versprach er Aufhebung der kgl. Gewalt etc[«] u. c. 25: »Um die Stadt noch mehr zu vergrössern, rief er Jederman unter der Zusicherung gleicher Rechte hinzu, u. er liess dabei, wie man sagt, den bekannten Heroldsruf: ›Hieher kommt all’ ihr Völker!‹ verkünden; denn er wollte in Athen einen allgemeinen Völkerverein (lies Verein der Attischen tribes) stiften. Damit aber die herbeigeströmte gemischte Menge ⦗Phantasie des Plutarch, gab damals keine solche »Mengen«⦘ nicht Unordnung u. Verwirrung in den Freistaat brächte, theilte er das Volk zuerst in Edle, Landbauern u. Handwerker. Den Edlen übertrug er die Aufsicht über die religiösen Angelegenheiten, u. das Recht, öffentliche Aemter zu besetzen (?), er ernannte sie zu Lehrern der Gesetze, zu Auslegern der göttlichen u. menschlichen Rechte, stellte sie aber den übrigen Bürgern gleich, indem die Edlen zwar durch Ansehen, die Landbauern aber durch Nützlichkeit u. die Handwerker durch Menge den Vorzug zu haben schienen. Dass er zuerst wie Aristoteles sagt, „sich zum Volk hinneigte“ u. die Alleinherrschaft aufgab, scheint auch Homer zu bezeugen, welcher im Schiffsverzeichniss (2t Buch der Ilias) die Athener eine Gemeine, Demos, nennt.«⦘

Theseus theilte Volk in 3 classes, irrespective of gentes, Eupatridae (well-born), Geomori (husbandmen) u. »Demiurgi« [(]artisans[)]. Die principal offices assigned to first class, both in the civil administration u. priesthood. Diese classification nicht nur recognition of property u. aristocratic element im government der society, sondern direct movement gegen die governing power der gentes. Intention offenbar to unite the chiefs of the gentes mit ihren Familien u. die men of wealth in the several gentes in a class by themselves, with the right to hold the principal offices in which the powers of society were lodged. Die separation des remainder in 2 grosse classes wieder Verletzung der gentes. Aber gelang nicht. Die jetzt s.g. Eupatrides waren wahrscheinlich die men der gentes vorher called into office. Dies scheme brach down, weil es in fact no transfer of power von gentes, phratries u. tribes zu den classes u. weil such classes inferior den gentes as a basis of a system. [260]

  Kommentar von Marx.

Die Aeusserung v. Plutarch, dass »die Niedrigen u. Armen […] folgten«: Siehe: Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bdchen. 1. S. 34. Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind „Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.) Im vorherigen Zitat hatte Marx die Passage ausgelassen. Siehe oben: „[…] u. suchte ihre Einstimmung zu erhalten etc“.

der von ihm citirte Ausspruch des Aristoteles, dass Theseus »sich zum Volk hinneigte«: Bei Klaiber, S. 36.
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⦗Die Aeusserung v. Plutarch, dass »die Niedrigen u. Armen bereitwillig der Aufforderung des Theseus |77 folgten« u. der von ihm citirte Ausspruch des Aristoteles , dass Theseus »sich zum Volk hinneigte« scheinen aber trotz Morgan darauf hinzuweisen, dass die chiefs der gentes etc durch Reichthum etc bereits in Interessenconflict mit der Masse der gentes gerathen, was unvermeidlich bei Privateigenthum in Häusern, lands, Heerden, verbunden mit monogamischen Familien.⦘

Vor 776 B.C. (erste Olympiade) Amt des Basileus in Athen abgeschafft, an dessen Stelle archonship, wie es scheint erblich in gens, die ersten 12 archons genannt Medontidae, von Medon , angeblichem Sohn des Kodrus , des letzten Basileus.  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(Nach Morgan lebenslänglich die archonship, hereditary in gens, also nicht hereditary im modernen Sinn.)

711 B.C. Archonship beschränkt auf 10 Jahre, bestowed by free election auf die würdigst gehaltne Person; hier Anfang der historischen Periode, mit election to highest office in the gift of the people.

683 B.C. Office of archon made elective annually, their number increased to nine, blieb so bis Ende der athen. Demokratie;

1) Archon Eponymus, von seinem Namen die designation des Jahrs was derived; er determined all disputes relative to the family, gentile u. phratric relations; was legal protector of orphans u. widows.

2) Archon Basileus; had competence in complaints respecting offences against the religious sentiments and homicide.

3) Archon Polemarch (in times prior to Kleisthenes ) leader of military force u. judge in disputes between citizens u. non-citizens.

4) Die 6 andern Archonten hiessen Thesmotetae Thesmothetae .

Erst war der  Zusatz von Marx.
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attische
archon chief of gens u. his office hereditary in gens; when descent changed v. female to male line the sons of the deceased chief the sons of the deceased chiefs  Bei Morgan, S. 261: within the line of succession
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in the lines of the election
; Athener gaben später dann den alten Titel des chief of gens – Archon – dem highest magistrate, machten office elective, irrespective of gens etc., erst lebenslänglich, dann 10, dann 1 Jahr. [260–262]

624 B.C. Draco had framed a code of laws for the Athenians; shows that usages u. customs were to be superseded by written laws. Athenians were in the stage wo lawgivers appear and legislation is in a scheme or in gross, under the sanction of a personal name. [263, 264]

594 B.C. Solon comes into Archonship. – In seiner Zeit had schon come in existence der Areopagus, bestehend aus den Ex-archons mit power to try criminals u. censorship over morals, zugleich mit Anzahl neuer offices in military, naval u. administrative services. – Wichtigste event: Errichtung der ναυκραρίαι (Naukraries), 12 in jedem tribe, 48 in all: jede Naukrarie a local circumscription of householders, aus der levies drawn into military u. naval service u. from which taxes wahrscheinlich collected. Die naucrary was the incipient deme or township. Nach Böckh bestand sie schon vor Solon’s Zeit, da die presiding officers der naucraries (πρυτάνεις τῶν ναυκράρων) schon mentioned früher. Aristoteles schreibt sie dem Solon zu, weil dieser sie in seine Constitution aufnahm. – 12 naucraries bildeten a τριττύς (trittys) a larger territorial circumscription, nicht necessarily contiguous; bildete germ of the »county«  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
. Council of chiefs  Zusatz von Marx.
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(βουλή)
dauerte fort, aber jetzt daneben agora, der Court des Areopagus u. die 9 archons. It doubtless had the general administration der finances.

Als Solon zur archonship came, social state bösartig, in Folge des struggle for the possession of property. Ein Theil der Athener in Sklaverei gefallen, durch Verschuldung, die Person des Schuldners being liable to enslavement in default of payment; andre had mortgaged their lands u. were unable to remove the encumbrances. Ausser body von Gesetzen, wovon einige neu, but corrective of the principal financial difficulties, erneuerte Solon Project des Theseus die Gesellschaft in classes zu theilen, diesmal aber nicht nach callings, sondern nach amount of their property; er theilte das Volk in 4 classes, nach measure of wealth. [262–264]

Aus:
Plutarch’s Werke. Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bdchen. 2. S. 247/248.
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert
  Zusatz von Marx, der hier Plutarchus Chaeronensis (Vitae parallelae. Solon, 18) nach der Übersetzung von Johann Gottfried Klaiber anführt. (Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bdchen. 2. S. 247/248.) Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind „Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.)

(Gewöhnliches Mass [...] (etwas mehr als 33 Berliner Quart).): Siehe Klaiber, S. 247, Fn., und S. 130, Fn. 

500 hert-Scheffler: Bei Klaiber, S. 247: Fünfhundertscheffler.

v. einer der beiden Früchte: Bei Klaiber, S. 247: von beiderlei Früchten.

Zweispänner (ζευγῖται), wohl vom Gespann Maulthiere, das sie hielten: Siehe Klaiber, S. 247, Fn. **.

(Dadurch bekamen sie entscheidende Macht um so mehr): Bei Klaiber: Auch soll der dunkle und vieldeutige Ausdruck seiner Gesetze die Mach der Gerichtshöfe vergrößert haben.
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Nach Plutarch „Solon“ c. 18: Iste Classe: Grundertrag = 500 Mass trockner u. flüssiger Früchte. (Gewöhnliches Mass des Getreides ein Medimnus (etwas über 15/16 des Berliner Scheffels), der Flüssigkeiten ein Metretes (etwas mehr als 33 Berliner Quart[)].) Wer dazu gehörte 500 hert-Scheffler. IIte Classe: die 300 Mass erndteten; hiessen zur Ritterschaft Steuernde. IIIte Klasse: die 200 Mass v. einer der beiden Früchte[;] Zweispänner (ζευγῖται [)], wohl vom Gespann Maulthiere, das sie hielten. (Dies geschah nachdem er Schätzung der Bürger verordnet.) Alle andern die IVte Klasse der Fröhner (Theten). Erhielt den 3 ersten Klassen, i.e. den Vermögenden, den Zugang |78 »zu allen obrigkeitlichen Aemtern«; Theten (4t Kl.) hatten kein Amt zu verwalten, hatten aber an der Regierung Theil als Mitglieder der Volksversammlungen u. Gerichtshöfe. (Dadurch bekamen sie entscheidende Macht um so mehr) »da Solon auch bei solchen Sachen, worüber die Obrigkeiten zu erkennen hatten, eine Berufung an das Volksgericht erlaubte.«[)]

Gentes weakened hierdurch, u. ihre decadence eingeleitet. Aber sofern classes composed of persons substituted for gentes composed of persons, government still founded upon persons u. upon relations purely personal. Die erste Classe war allein eligible to the high offices, 2te zum Reiterdienst, 3te zur Infantrie, 4te zu leicht bewaffneten soldiers; letzte die Majorität; they paid no taxes, aber in der popular assembly hatten sie vote bei Wahl aller Magistrate u. Officiere, mit power to bring them to an account; could adopt or reject all public measures. Alle freemen, wenn auch nicht connected with a gens u. tribe, now brought, to a certain extent, into the government, became citizens u. members of the public assembly.

 Bei Morgan, S. 265: the first class in the unpatriotic position of appropriating to themselves the principal offices of the government, and taking no part in the military service
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Die Iste (vornehmste Klasse) nicht liable to military service.

 Zusatz von Marx, der sich hier auf Putarchus Chaeronensis (Vitae parallelae. Solon, 19) nach der Übersetzung von Johann Gottfried Klaiber bezieht (Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bdchen. 2. S. 249/250). Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind „Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.)
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⦗Neben dem Areopag einRath (Plutarch lässt ihn falsch v. Solon gründen, er nahm nur die alte βουλή in seine Constitution auf, worin er aus jedem der 4 tribes 100 Männer wählen liess, Vorberather des Volks, so dass nichts ohne ihre vorherige Prüfung an die Gemeine gelange).⦘

Das territorial element was partially incorporated durch die naucraries, wo wahrscheinlich was an enrollment of citizens u. of their property to form a basis for military levies u. taxation. – Die gentes, phratries, tribes blieben in full vitality, though mit diminished powers – a transitional condition. [264–266]

Von der disturbed condition der Grecian tribes u. den unavoidable movements des people in der traditionary time vor Solon , viele Persons transferred themselves v. one nation to another, lost so connection mit ihrer eignen gens ohne Verbindung mit einer andern zu gewinnen; dies wiederholt von Zeit zu Zeit, durch personal adventure, spirit of trade, exigencies of warfare, bis considerable number with their posterity in every tribe unconnected with any gens. All such persons without the pale of government. Says Grote : „The phratries and gentes probably never at any time included the whole population of the country – and the population not included tended to become larger and larger in the times anterior to Kleisthenes , wie nach ihm.“ Schon zur Zeit des Lykurg bedeutende immigration nach Griechenland von den Inseln des Mittelmeers u. den Ionischen Städten seiner östlichen Küste; wenn sie mit families kamen, brachten sie a fragment of a new gens mit sich; blieben aber aliens unless the gens admitted into a tribe, was wahrscheinlich häufig geschah; explains the unusual number of gentes in Greece. The poorer class would not be admitted either as a gens in einen tribe od. adopted in eine gens eines tribes. Zur Zeit des Theseus schon, aber mehr speciell in der des Solon Zahl der unattached class – exclusive of slaves – had become large; diese class of persons a growing element of dangerous discontent. Wurden durch Theseus u. Solon admitted to citizienship through the classes, aber blieben excluded von den verharrenden gentes u. phratries. In den Council konnten nur kommen 400, je [100] aus einem der 4 tribes (den new prebouleutic probouleutic or pre-considering senate); selbe conditions nach old custom of eligibility für die 9 Archonten, also auch für Areopag. ⦗die tribes bestanden nur of gentes u. phratries; wer also ausser diesen, ausser tribe⦘ Also nur in public assembly (ecclesia) konnte ein Athenian, [der] nicht ein member jener tribes Zulass erhalten, aber eben dadurch war er citizen, nahm Theil an Wahl der Archonten, nahm Theil in der jährlichen decision ihrer accountability, konnte claim redress for wrong von den archons in his own person, während ein alien dies nur konnte durch intervention of an avouching citizen or Prostatês.  Bei Morgan, S. 268: all persons not included in the four tribes
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Alle persons
, whatever their grade or fortune, befanden sich  Bei Morgan, S. 268: in respect to political privilege
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politisch
auf level with der 4ten Klasse der thetes. Zugleich tended the policy of Solon to invite industrious settlers from other parts of Greece to Athens. Dies one of the reasons of the failure of gentile organization.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Diese settlers alle Griechen; mit written language hatte der dialectic Unterschied nicht mehr Macht zur Barrière v. Scheidung (Unverständlichkeit) zu werden; andrerseits migration, Seefahrt u. alle mit commerce verbundne Personenbewegung – nicht fassbar in auf gens gegründete society.⦘

Andrerseits: Schwierigkeit gens, phratry u. tribe local zusammenzuhalten. Früher hatte die gens its lands in common, the phratries certain lands in common for religious purposes u. wahrscheinlich auch die tribes other lands in common. Wenn sie sich established in town or country, settled sie neben einander by gentes, |79 phratries, tribes, gemäss ihrer social organization. Jede gens in the main by itself, nicht alle ihre Glieder, denn 2 gentes representirt in jeder Familie, but the body who propagated the gens. The gentes derselben Phratry suchten local zusammenzubleiben, u. so die several phratries einer tribe. Aber zur Zeit des Solon lands u. houses owned by individuals in severalty, mit power of alienation of lands, but not of houses, out of the gens. So immer schwieriger to keep the members of a gens locally zusammen, wegen der shifting relations of persons to land u. von der creation of new property by its members in other localities. The unity of their social system was becoming unstable in place u. in character.  Kommentar von Marx.
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Abgesehn v. locality: Die Eigenthumsdifferenz in selber gens hatte Einheit ihrer Interessen in Antagonismus ihrer members verwandelt; ausserdem war neben Land u. Vieh Geldcapital entscheidend wichtig geworden, auch die Entwicklung der Sklaverei!⦘

Nur die unsettled condition u. incessant warfare der  Bei Morgan, S. 269: of the Athenian tribes
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tribes (Attic)
, from their settlement in Attica bis zur Zeit des Solon hatten die alte gentile Organization so long aufrecht erhalten können. – The township mit its fixed property u. its inhabitants for the time being yielded the element of permanence now wanting in the gens.

Zur Zeit des Solon Athenians already a civilized people, had been so for 2 centuries: bedeutend development of useful arts, commerce at sea became a national interest, advancement of agriculture u. manufacture, commencement of written composition in verse; aber ihre institutions of government still gentile, of the type of the Later Period of Barbarism; beinah ein Jahrhundert nach Solon full of disorders. [266–270]

 Zusammenfassende Umschreibung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 270: Out of the naucrary, a conception of a township as the unit of a political system was finally elaborated; but it required a man […] to seize the idea in its fullness, and give it an organic embodiment. That man finally appeared in Cleisthenes (509 B. C.), who must be regarded as the first of Athenian legislators […] Cleisthenes […] placed the Athenian political system upon the foundation on which it remained to the close of the independent existence of the commonwealth.
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509. B.C. Kleisthenes’ constitution, (Kern derselben lag in der naucrary) dauerte bis zu Verlust der Unabhängigkeit Athens.
Theilte Attica in 100 demes or townships (wards), jedes umschrieben by metes u. bounds, u. distinguished by a name. Jeder citizen hatte sich selbst einzuregistriren u. to cause an enrollment of his property in the deme wo er resided. Dies enrollment evidence u. foundation of his civil privileges. The deme displaced the naucrary; its inhabitants had powers of local self-government. Diese demotae wählten einen δήμαρχος who had the custody of the public register, also the power to convene the demotae for the election of magistrates and judges, for revising the registry of the citizens, u. enrolling such as became of age during the year. Sie elected a treasurer u. provided for the assessment and collection of taxes u. for furnishing the quota of troops required from the deme für state service. They also elected 30  discasts dicasts or judges, trying all causes arising in the deme below a certain sum; ausserdem had deme its own temple, religious worship u. own priest, der also elected by the deme. All registered citizens free u. equal except equal eligibility to higher offices.

Second member der organic territorial series: 10 demes, united in a larger geographical district, was called a local tribeφῦλον τοπικόν. (So wurde die römische tribus – ursprünglich ⅓ of the people composed of 3 tribes – verwandelt aus numerical quality in a local designation.) Each district named after an Attic hero; einige der 10 demes waren waren detached (nicht locally contiguous) wahrscheinlich in consequence of the local separation of portions des original consanguine tribe who desired to have their deme incorporated in the district of their immediate kinsmen.  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1. S. 133/134 und 367/368. Siehe auch S. 321.

Morgan nennt die topischen Phylen counties: Bei Morgan, S. 271: Each district was named after an Attic hero, and it was the analogue of the modern county.

Klisthenes: So bei Schoemann.
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Morgan nennt die topischen Phylen counties, Schoemann aber nennt die Unterabtheilung Unterabtheilungen der topischen Phylen, auf Wohnsitze u. Theile der Stadt u. Landschaft gegründet, ihre Unterabtheilungen Gaue (δῆμοι) oder Ortschaften (κῶμαι). Er sagt von Kleisthenes : Er theilte das gesammte Land in 100 Verwaltungsbezirke, hiessen δῆμοι u. die einzelnen Demen wurden theils nach den kleinen Städten od. Flecken, theils nach ausgezeichneten Geschlechtern benannt; die nach Geschlechtern benannten Demen vorzugsweis in dem Theil des Landes, der der Phyle der Geleonten zugewiesen (Hauptstadt Athen u. ihre nächste Umgebung, wo also die meisten u. bedeutendsten Adelsfamilien lebten, wo ihre Güter gelegen[)]. Lang vor Klisthenes gab es Bezirke, Städte u. Flecke, die sich Demen nannten. Zahl der Demen stieg zuletzt auf 174; doch erinnerte an die ursprüngliche Zahl die 100 Heroen, die Eponymen der 100 Demen. Die Phylen Verbände von 10 Demen.⦘

Jede Phyle od. District [named] nach an Attic Hero. Die Einwohner wählten einen φύλαρχος, der die Cavallerie commandirte, ταξίαρχος commandirte foot-soldiers u. στρατηγός commandirte both; jeder District 5 triremes zu liefern, wählten wahrscheinlich as many τρῐήραρχος to command them. Clisthenes Cleisthenes increased Senate to 500, assigned 50 to each district; elected by its inhabitants.  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Attica kaum 40 □ miles gross.)
|

80

Third u. last member der territorial series der Athenische Staat, aus 10 local tribes bestehend, represented by Senate, ecclesia, court of Areopagus, archons, judges, elected military u. naval commanders.

Um Staatssbürger zu sein, musste man Mitglied eines Deme sein; um in Senat gewählt zu werden od. zum Commando einer Division v. army or navy,  Bei Morgan, S. 272: from the larger district of his local tribe
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durch a topic phyle gewählt werden
. The relations to gens or phratry ceased to govern the duties of an Athenian as a citizen. The coalescence of the people into bodies politic in territorial areas now complete.

Also deme,  Bei Morgan, 272: local tribe
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phyle
, u. Staat
an Stelle von Gens, phratry, tribe etc. Sie blieben  Zusatz von Marx.
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(letztre)
jedoch for centuries as a pedigree of and lineage u. fountains of religious life.

No executive officer existed under the system. The president of the Senate, elected by lot for a single day, presided over the popular assembly ⦗konnte during the year nicht zur selben Würde wiedergewählt werden⦘ and held the keys of the citadel and the treasury.

Sparta retained the office of Basileus in period of civilization; a dual generalship, hereditary in a particular family; the powers of government co-ordinate co-ordinated between the Gerousia or Council, popular assembly, 5 Ephors (elected annually, die Ephores Ephors mit powers analogous den Roman tribues tribunes). Die Basileis commanded the army and als chief priests offered the sacrifices to the gods. [270–275]



Part II. ch. XI. The Roman gens.

Aus:
G. F. Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1.
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert

⦗Mit Bezug auf die 4 tribes des attischen Volks: 1) Geleontes; 2) Hopletes  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 168 (ὁπλίτης; ὅπλον; ὅπλομαι) und 167 (ὁπλίζω). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).
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(ὁπλίτης schwerbewaffneter Infanterist, Soldat mit Panzer u. Schild, der den ganzen Körper deckt. ὅπλον Zeug, Werkzeug, Geräth, bes. zur Ausrüstung der Soldaten: Waffe, ferner: der grosse Schild u. Panzer der Schwerbewaffneten; heisst auch männliches Glied; ὅπλομαι = ὁπλίζομαι u. ὁπλίζω zubereiten, in Stand setzen v. Speisen u. Getränken; sieh Homer : ausrüsten von Schiff (Odyssee), waffnen etc)
[;]

3) Aegikoreis  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 1. S. 27 (αἴξ), 28 (ἀίσσω), 23 (Αἰγικορεῖς, αἰγικορεύς) und 586 (κορέννῡμι). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).
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, Ziegenhirte von αἴξ (gen. αἰγός Ziege, von ἀίσσω sich schnell bewegen) u. κορέννυμι = (Αἰγικορεῖς, αἰγικορεύς der Ziegenhirt) jonisch = κορέω sättigen, satt machen
;

4) Argadeis  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 1. S. 378/379 (ἐργάδεις; ἐργάτης; ἐργάω, ἐργάζομαι; ἔργον). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31). Siehe auch Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1. S. 320: die drei letzten [Namen] […] Bewaffnete oder Krieger, Ziegenhirten und Arbeiter bedeuten.
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, ἐργάδεις = ἐργάται ( Plutarch ) ἐργάτης Arbeiter, Feldarbeiter, Taglöhner. ἐργάω u. medium = ἐργάζομαι (ἔργον Werk, That) ich arbeite, bin thätig, bes. treibe Ackerbau.

Nach Schömann : Hopletes Phyle, die hellenischen Einwandrer, die einst unter Xuthus für die Attiker gegen die euböischen Chalcotondiden Chalkodontiden gestritten u. dafür die Tetrapolis auf der nach Euböa schauenden Küste u. beträchtlichen Theil des angrenzenden Landes zum Wohnsitz erhielten; –  Bei Schoemann, S. 320: Das benachbarte Hochland, mit dem Brilessos und Parnes bis zum Kithäron, ist unbedenklich als der Sitz der eigentlich so genannten Aegikoreis zu betrachten, weil hier die Beschaffenheit des Landes Viehzucht zur Hauptbeschäftigung machte
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das benachbarte Hochland mit Brilessos u. Parnes bis zum Kithäron: der Phyle der Aegikoreis: Sitz, weil hier die Beschaffenheit des Landes Viehzucht zur Hauptbeschäftigung machte
, in diesem Bezirk also Ziegenhirten die zahlreichsten.

Argadeis Phyle: auf dem vom Brilessos nach West u. Süd sich hinstreckende hinstreckenden Theil des Landes, wo die 3 grossen Ebnen liegen, die thriasische, das Pedion od. die Pedias u. die Mesogäa. (Auch die Phyle der Geleontes hatte hier ihren Sitz. Der Hauptsitz des Adels  Bei Schoemann, S. 321: die Hauptstadt und ihre nächste Umgebung
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Athen
( „Edelgeborene (wurden) die Bewohner der Stadt selbst (genannt).“ – Marx zitiert nach Schoemann, S. 321, Fn. 2.
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»εὐπατρίδαι οἱ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄστυ οἰκοῦντες«)
.  Zusatz von Marx.
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Was Schoemann weiter sagt: dass
»Hauptstadt u. nächste Umgebung« bekamen daher den Namen Geleontes; er hiess der Geleontenbezirk, und alle, die in diesem Bezirk wohnten, ob Adliche od. Unadliche, wurden der Phyle der Geleonten zugezählt, –  Kommentar von Marx.
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so zeigt dies, welchen Begriff dieser Schulmeister von der Natur einer Phyle od. tribe hat.

Als nach Sturz der Pisistratiden der Adel unter Isagoras eine Zeitlang den Sieg gewann, das Volk in Gefahr, seine Freiheit zu verlieren, wenn Khlistenes Klisthenes nicht die Adelspartei besiegt. (Darauf bezieht sich Herod. V 69.  „Das vorher von allem ausgeschlossene Volk“

(vor Klist. unter Isagoras): Zusatz von Marx.
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»τὸν δῆμον πρότερον (vor Khlist. Klist. unter Isagoras) ἀπωσμένον πάντων«
)

Kleisthenes vermehrte erst die Zahl des Volks durch Einbürgerung vieler in Attica ansässiger Nichtbürger od. Metöken, wozu auch die Freigelassenen gehörten. ( Arist. Polit. III, 1, 10.) Seine Abschaffung der Eintheilung in 4 Geschlechtsphylen,  Zusatz von Marx.
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tribes
, theils nöthig, weil in die alte Eintheilung die Neuaufgenommenen nicht einrangirt werden konnten, andrerseit aber verlor dadurch Adel den Einfluss, den er bisher  Zusatz von Marx.
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(als chiefs of gentes)
in den ländlichen Districten geübt. Khlistenes Klisthenes besetzte mehre u. zwar bedeutende Aemter, namentlich das Collegium der 9 Archonten statt wie |81 bisher durch Volkswahl – durch Loos, aber diese Losung fand nur unter Bewerbern statt aus den 3 oberen u. für Archonten nur aus der ersten Klasse statt.

Kurz nach den Reformen des Khleistenes Kleisthenes Perserkriege, worin sich die Athener aller Klassen ruhmvoll bewährt. Aristides setzte nun durch, dass fortan die Schranken aufgehoben, wodurch die ärmeren   Zusatz von Marx.
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(rather niedrigiren niedrigeren )
Bürger von den Staatsämtern ausgeschlossen. Plutarch, Aristides c. 22:   er schlug also vor, die Staatsrechte gleich zu machen und die Archonten aus allen Athenern zu wählen. (Übers. Johann Gottfried Klaiber.)
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»γράφει ψήφισμα, κοίινὴν εἶναι τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐξ Ἀθηναίων πάντων αἱρεῖσθαι.«
 Bei Schoemann, S. 340, Fn. 3: Wegen des Ausdruckes αἱρεῖσθαι, den Grote als Beweis für seine Meinung miss braucht, verweise ich, ausser dem in der Verfassungsgesch. Ath. S. 75. gesagten noch auf Isocr. Areop. §. 38. Plutarch. Demetr. c. 46. Pausan. I, 15, 4, wo ebenfalls αἱρεῖσθαι in allgemeiner Bedeutung steht, nicht in der engeren, der Losung entgegengesetzte.
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(Dies letztere Wort, nach Schömann, hier nicht wählen, sondern losen, so auch bei Pausanias I, 15, 4.)
Doch blieben gewisse Aemter nur den Pentakosiomedimnen,  Zusatz von Marx, der die Bedeutung des Begriffs fehlerhaft erklärt. Siehe Schoemann, S. 331, der die erste Vermögenclasse wie folgt beschreibt: diejenigen in sich, welche von ihrem Landbesitz mindestens 500 Medimnen Getraide, oder Metreten Weins oder Oels gewannen
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den 500 Schefflern
, zugänglich. In der 4ten Klasse auch Wohlhabende, die nur nicht so viel Landbesitz hatten als der Census der 3 oberen Klassen erforderte. Und diese Art des Wohlstands seit Solon’s Zeit bedeutend gewachsen: Handel u. Gewerb in rascher Entwicklung, gewannen nicht weniger Bedeutung als Landbau. Ausserdem hatte Krieg – Attika wiederholt v. den Perserschaaren verheert – namentlich viele Landbesitzer ruinirt, manche verarmt, unfähig ihre niedergebrannten Höfe wieder aufzubauen, mussten sich ihres Besitzthums entäussern, waren so in 4te Klasse gesunken; auch diesen die Aenderung des Aristides zu gut kommend. On the whole aber hatte sein Gesetz die Wirkung die einseitige Bevorzugung der ländlichen Grundbesitzer aufzuheben u. Gewerbtreibenden u. Kapitalisten ohne Landbesitz Zutrtitt zu den Aemtern zu gewähren.

Pericles : Solange nichts bezahlt für den Besuch der Volkversammlungen hielten die Aermeren sich meist gern davon fern.  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Schoemann, S. 342: Aber gerade unter den wohlhabenderen Classen war die Bereitwilligkeit zu solchen Anstrengungen und Kämpfen weniger zu finden: sie wollten Ruhe und Frieden, und waren um diesen Preis auch zu manchen Concessionen an die Gegner geneigt, wogegen die Aermeren weit leichter auf die Absichten des Perikles eingingen, die Macht des Staates zu behaupten oder zu erweitern, wobei für sie selbst nur Gewinn, nicht Verlust zu erwarten war. Deswegen war es dem Perikles darum zu thun, ihrer eine grössere Anzahl in die Versammlungen zu bringen, von denen die Entscheidung über öffentliche. Massregeln abhing, und dies war der Grund, weshalb die Besoldungen eingeführt wurden, die übrigens anfangs nur sehr mässig waren, für den Besuch der Volksversammlungen und die Function in den Gerichten nicht mehr als ein Obol, bis spätere Demagogen nach Perikles sie auf das dreifache erhöhten […] – Siehe S. 343: Die Athener waren aber zu Perikles Zeiten gewissermassen mit einem stehenden Heeren zu vergleichen […] Die Bundesgenossen gaben Geld, stellten auch wohl Mannschaft; aber die Hauptsache, die meiste Arbeit des Krieges, lag doch immer den Athenern ob
Schließen
Von Pericles an die Zahlung; erst – unter ihm – für Besuch in Volksversammlung u. Funktion in Gerichten nur ein Obol, spätere Demagogen erhöhten sie aufs 3fache. Die wohlhabenden Klassen waren für Frieden, die Aermeren gingen leichter auf die kriegerische Politik des Perikles ein.

Ephialtes – selber Richtung wie Perikles – entzog dem Areopag sein bisheriges Oberaufsichtsrecht über die ganze Staatsverwaltung, liess ihm nur die Blutgerichtsbarkeit. Der Areopag gehörte grössten Theils zur ruheliebenden u. conservativen Partei; statt seiner eingesetzt zur Beaufsichtigung u. Controlle des Raths, der Volksversammlung u. der Magistrate eine neue Behörde – Collegium von 7 Nomophylakes od. Gesetzwächtern;  Bei Schoemann, S. 343/344: durch die Beseitigung des Areopag als Oberaufsichtsbehörde auch über die öffentliche Zucht das Volk einer aristokratischen Schranke entledigt wurde, die man wohl als heilsam und nothwendig betrachten, und deswegen ihre Beseitigung beklagen durfte
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das Volk wurde mit dem Areopag einer aristokratischen Zuchtbevormundungsbehörde entledigt
.⦘



Pt. II. Ch. XI. The Roman Gens.

Bei Einwandrung in Italien v. Latinern, Sabeller Sabellern, Osker Sabellern u. Umbriern, wahrscheinlich als one people, sie in Besitz of domestic animals u. wahrscheinlich bekannt mit cultur v. cereals u. plants; jedenfalls well advanced in Middle Status of barbarism, u. als sie historisch erscheinen in Upper Status, an Schwelle von Civilization.

Nach Mommsen : „barley, wheat, and spelt gefunden wild growing an der rechten Bank des Euphrat’s, northwest von Anah. Das growth v. barley u. wheat in wild state in Mesopotamien schon erwähnt durch den babylonischen historian Berosus .“ Fick in: „Primitive Unity of Indo-European Languages“, Göttingen, 1873 , sagt: „Pasturage foundation … but very slight beginnings of agriculture. Sie waren bekannt mit a few grains, deren Cultivation carried on incidentally in order to gain a supply of milk and flesh. Die material existence des people rested nicht on agriculture. Wenige primitive words beziehn sich auf Agricultur. Diese Words: yava, wild fruit; varka (hoe) (od. plow), rava (sickle); pio (pinsere) bake u. mak, Greek μάσσω which indicates threshing out u. grinding of grain.[“]

Zur Zeit des Romulus  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(754–717 B.C. od. 1–37 der Stadt Rom)
 Bei Morgan, S. 278, Fn. 1: The use of the word Romulus, and of the names of his successors, does not involve the adoption of the ancient Roman traditions. These names personify the great movements which then took place with which we are chiefly concerned.
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Romulus bedeutet hier nicht Person, sondern Zeitperiode, wie bei seinen Nachfolgern
) Latin tribes – on Alban hills u. ranges of the Appenines östlich von Rom – durch Segmentation bereits in 30 independent tribes zerfallen, still united in loose confederacy für mutual protection; ebenso Sabellians, Oscans, Umbrians. Alle, wie ihre nördlichen Nachbarn, Etrusker, organized in gentes. [277, 278]

Zur Zeit v. Rom’s Stiftung (about 753 B.C.) had become agricultural mit flocks of domestic animals, monogamian family, confederacy in form of League. – The Etruskan tribes confederated.

Die Latin tribes, possessed of numerous fortified towns u. country strongholds, spread over the surface of the country for agricultural purposes.

Unter den institutions der Latin tribes bei Beginn der historischen Periode: gentes, curiae u. tribes. Latin gentes |82 of same lineage, Sabine u. other gentes cognate, except Etruscans. Zur Zeit des Tarquinius Priscus , 4ter von Romulus, the organization brought to a numerical scale: 10 gentes to curia, 10 curiae to a tribe, 3 tribes, giebt 30 curiae u. 300 gentes.

Statt confederacy of tribes, composed of gentes u. occupying separate territories makes Romulus them concentrate u. coalesce in one city; dies worked out in 5 generations. Auf u. um Mons Palatinus vereinigte Romulus 100 gentes, organized as a tribe, die Ramnes; dann large body of Sabines added, deren gentes, nachher increased to 100, organized as a 2nd Tribe, Tities  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 199 und 310.
Schließen
(angeblich auf Quirinal)
; unter Tarquinius Priscus 3d tribe, Luceres, 100 gentes drawn from the surrounding tribes, inclus. Etruscans. – Senate (Council of Chiefs), comitia curata curiata (assembly of the people) u. military commander (rex).  Bei Morgan, S. 280/281: Under the constitution of Romulus, and the subsequent legislation of Servius Tullius […] new and antagonistic element, Roman senate, was now incorporated in the centre of the social system, which conferred patrician rank
Schließen
Unter Servius Tullius wurde Senat »patrician«, patrician rank being conferred
upon its members u. their posterity; dadurch privileged class created, intrenched first in the gentile u. dann political system, ultimately overthrew the democratic principles inherited von gentes. [278–281]

Niebuhr, Hermann, Mommsen etc regard the gens as composed of families,  Bei Morgan, S. 281: whereas it was
Schließen
während gens family
composed of parts of families, u. gens, nicht family unit des social system.

 Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 281/282: It may be difficult to carry the investigation much beyond the point where they have left it; but information drawn from the archaic constitution of the gens may serve to elucidate some of its characteristics which are now obscure. […] it is desirable to know the nature of the organization; […] and the relations of the gentes to each other, as members of a social system […] After collecting the accessible information from various sources upon these subjects it will be found incomplete in many respects
Schließen
Man weiss wenig über ältere »social« history of Rom; weil
power of gentes bereits übertragen auf new political bodies bevor römische Geschichtschreibung beginnt. Gajus – Institutiones III. 17 – sagt:  Wer aber die Gentilen sind, das haben wir im ersten Kommentar berichtet, und da wir dort erwähnt haben, das ganze Gentilitätsrecht (ius gentilitium) sei gewohnheitsrechtlich abgekommen, so ist es überflüssig, auch hier darüber weitläufiger zu handeln. (Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad Beckhaus.)
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»Qui sint autem gentiles, primo commentario retulimus rettulimus; et cum illic admonuerimus, totum gentilicium jus in desuetudinem abisse, supervacuum est, hoc quoque loco de ea re curiosius tractare.«

Cicero, topica 6.  „Stammverwandte sind solche, die den gleichen Familiennamen tragen.“ – Das reicht nicht, also: „die von Freien abstammen.“ – Auch das ist noch nicht genug: „unter deren Vorfahren niemand Sklave war.“ – Auch jetzt ist der Punkt noch nicht getroffen; dazu: „die in ihrem Bürgerrecht nicht geschmälert sind.“ – Das genügt vielleicht; denn ich sehe, daß der Pontifex Scaevola zu dieser Definition nichts mehr hinzugefügt hat. (Übers. Hans Günter Zekl.)

(totem!): Zusatz von Marx.
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»Gentiles sunt, qui inter se eodem nomine (totem!) sunt. Non est satis. Qui ab ingenuis oriundi sunt. Ne id quidem satis est. Quorum majorum nemo servitutem servivit. Abest etiam nunc. Qui capite non sunt deminuti. Hoc fortasse satis est. Nihil enim video Scaevolam, Pontificem, ad hanc definitionem addidisse

Festus:  Geschlechtsgenosse wird sowohl einer genannt, der aus demselben Geschlecht stammt, als auch der, der den gleichen Namen trägt.
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»Gentilis dicitur et ex eodem genere ortus, et is qui simili nomine appellatur

Varro: »De lingua latina« lib. VIII, c. 4.  Wie es bei den Menschen gewisse Verwandtschaften durch Abstammung in männlicher Linie und die Zugehörigkeit zu einer Gens gibt, so auch bei den Worten. Wie nämlich von einem Aemilius die Menschen namens Aemilius abstammen und die Mitglieder des Geschlechts dieses Namens, so sind aus dem Namen des Aemilius durch Beugung die Ausdrücke in der Wort-Gens hervorgegangen. Was nämlich im Nominativ als Aemilius gesetzt ist, daraus sind entstanden Aemilii, Aemilium, Aemilios, Aemiliorum; und ebenso die anderen Ausdrücke desselben Ursprungs.
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»Ut in hominibus quaedam sunt agnationes ac gentilitates, sic in verbis; ut enim ab Aemilio homines orti Aemiliani Aemilii , ac gentiles; sic ab Aemiliani Aemilii nomine declinatae voces in gentilitate nominali; ab eo enim, quod est impositum recto casu Aemilius, [orta Aemilii,] Aemilium, Aemilios, Aemiliorum; et sic reliqua, ejusdem quae sunt stirpis

Durch andre Quellen constatirt dass die nur zur gens gehörten who could trace their descent durch males exclusively from an acknowledged ancestor in der gens;  Bei Morgan, S. 283: Cicero omitted the material fact that those were gentiles who could trace their descent through males exclusively from an acknowledged ancestor within the gens. It is in part supplied by Festus and Varro […] But Cicero’s definition also shows that a gentilis must bear the gentile name.
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musste den »gentile name« haben (dies Cicero )
.

445 B.C. In address des Roman Tribun Canulejus , on his motion das Gesetz abzuschaffen das verbot intermarriage zwischen patricians u. plebejans, sagte er: (Livius IV, c. 4)  Was ist denn am Ende anderes daran, wenn ein Patrizier eine Plebejerin oder ein Plebejer eine Patrizierin heiratet? Welches Recht wird denn da verändert? Die Kinder haben doch immer den Rechtsstatus ihres Vaters. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
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»Quid enim in re est aliud, si plebejam patricius duxerit, si patriciam plebejus? Quid juris tandem mutatur? nempe patrem sequuntur liberi.«
(Dies involvirt descent in male line) Als praktische Illustration, dass descent in male line: Julia, Schwester des Cajus Julius Caesar , married Marcus Attius Balbus . Ihr Name zeigt, dass sie gehörig zur Julian gens. Ihre Tochter Attia nahm gentile name of her father, belonged to Attian gens. Attia married Cajus Octavianus Octavius , ward Mutter des Cajus Octavianus Octavius (i.e. der spätre Augustus ). Ihr Sohn nimmt Name des Vaters, belongs to the Octavian gens.

Nach Adams, Roman Antiquities : War nur eine Tochter in family, so called nach Name der gens; so Tullia , Tochter des Cicero ; Julia , Tochter des Caesar; Octavia , Schwester des Augustus etc. Sie behielten denselben Namen bei nach Verheirathung. Wenn 2 Töchter, die eine called Major, die andere Minor  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(wie bei Savages)
[.] Wenn mehr als 2, unterschieden durch ihre Zahl in Prima, Secunda, Tertia, Quarta, Quinta, oder softer Tertulla, Quartilla, Quintilla. … Während des blühenden Zustands der Republik, die names der gentes [,] u. surnames der families, blieben fix u. certain. They were common to all the children der family, descended to their posterity. Changed |83 u. confounded nach subversion of liberty.

 Bei Morgan, S. 284: In the Roman gens descent was in the male line from Augustus back to Romulus, and for an unknown period back of the latter
Schließen
So lange wir v. Römern wissen, descent in male line
. In allen oben citirten cases persons married out of the gens. [281–285]

Folgende rights u. obligations der Roman gentes:

1) Mutual right rights of succession to the property of deceased gentiles; 2) Possession of common burial place; 3) common religious rites; sacra gentilicia; 4) Obligation not to marry in gens; 5) Common Possession of lands, 6) Reciprocal obligations of help, defence, and redress of injuries; 7) Right to bear the gentile name; 8) Right to adopt strangers into the gens. 9)  Bei Morgan, S. 285: The right to elect and depose its chiefs; query.
Schließen
Right to elect and depose chiefs?
[285]

ad 1) 451. B.C. Law of 12 tables promulgated; ancient rule der inheritance unter gentiles bereits superseded; passed to sui heredes (children) u. in default of children to lineal descendants des defunct through males. Gajus , Inst. l. III, 1 u. 2. (wife was co-heiress mit children) Die living children took equally, die children of deceased sons the share of their father equally; the inheritance remained so in the gens; the children of female descendants of the intestate, who belonged to other gentes, were excluded. Wenn no »sui heredes« (ib. lib. III, 9) by same law – the inheritance passed to the Agnates; agnatic kindred all persons able to trace descent though through males from same common ancestor with the intestate; vonwegen dieses descent all bore the same gentile name, females wie males, u. were nearer in degree to the deceased als die remaining gentiles. Die Agnates, nearest in degree, hatten Vorzug; 1) brothers u. unmarried sisters; 2) paternal uncles u. unmarried aunts des intestate u.s.w. Aber die children of married sisters ausgeschlossen – weil zu andrer gens gehörig Bei Morgan, S. 286: and the preference given to gentile kinsmen so remote that their relationship to the intestate could not be traced at all, and only existed in virtue of an ancient lineage preserved by a common gentile name
Schließen
eben by gentile kinsmen (agnatic), dass ihre relation to intestate nur noch nachweisbar in gentile name
; the gentile right predominated  Bei Morgan, S. 286: over greater nearness of consanguinity
Schließen
über consanguinity
, weil das principle, retaining the property in the gens, fundamental.  Bei Morgan, S. 286: It is a plain inference from the law of the Twelve Tables that inheritance began in the inverse order, and that the three classes of heirs represent the three successive rules of inheritance; namely:
Schließen
Die Reihenfolge (historische) ist natürlich grade die umgekehrte von der, wie sie in den 12 Tafeln erscheint.
1) die gentiles; 2) die Agnates, worunter die Kinder des intestate nach change of descent v. weiblicher in male line; 3) die Kinder, mit Ausschluss der [übrigen] Agnaten.

Durch Heirath erlitt a female deminutio capitis; i.e. forfeited her agnatic rights; an unmarried sister could inherit, nicht a married, would have transferred the property in andre gens.

 Bei Morgan, S. 287: That the Roman gens had passed from the archaic into its historical form is partially indicated by the
Schließen
Von dem Archaischen erhielt sich am längsten in Rom
reversion of property in certain cases to the gentiles (bemerkt auch  Morgan (S. 287, Fn. 1) verweist, ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 245, note) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
Schließen
Niebuhr
. – The freedman  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(Emancipirte)
erwarb nicht gentile rights in his master’s gens durch manumission, aber allowed to adopt the gentile name of his patron, so Cicero’s freedman Tyro called: M. Tullius Tyro . Das Gesetz der 12 Tafeln gave the estate eines freedman,  Bei Morgan, S. 287, Fn. 1: to his former master, who by the act of manumission became his patron, provided he died intestate
Schließen
der intestate starb, to his former patron
[)] .[285–287]

ad 2) Im Upper Status of Barbarism – a burial place for the exclusive use of members of the gens. So unter den Romans. z. B. Appius Claudius , chief der Claudian gens, removed from Regili, town der Sabini, nach Rom, wo er Senator wurde, mit seiner gens u. vielen Clienten.  Das patrizische Geschlecht der Claudier … erhielt auch noch ein Stück Land jenseits des Anio für seine Klienten und einen Platz am Fuße des Kapitols für eine Grabstätte, alles aus dem Land, das dem Staat gehörte.

Marx zitiert nach Morgan, S. 288, Fn. 1, und setzt in Klammern die englische Übersetzung von Morgan, S. 287/288, hinzu.
Schließen
Suet. [,] vita Tiberius , c. I sagt: »Patricia gens Claudia … agrum (Theil der state lands) insuper trans Anienem (upon the Anio) clientibus locumque sibi ad sepulturam sub Capitolio, publice accepit.«
Er received burial place for the gens nach damaliger custom.

Das family tomb hatte in Zeit v. Julius Caesar noch nicht ganz das der gens superseded: Beweis Quintilius Varus , had lost his army in Germany, destroyed himself, sein Körper fiel in die Hände der Feinde, half burnt.  Den halbverbrannten Leichnam des Varus riss der Feind in seiner Roheit in Stücke; sein Kopf wurde abgehauen und dem Maroboduus und von diesem dem Cäsar geschickt und [schließlich] in der Grabstätte seines Geschlechts ehrenvoll beigesetzt.
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Vellejus Paterculus II, 119: »Vari corpus semiustrum hostilis laceraverat feritas; caput ejus abscisum, latumque ad Maroboduum , et ab eo missum ad Caesarem, gentilitii [tandem] tumuli sepultura honoratum est.«

Cic. de Legibus II, 22.  Außerdem ist die Achtung vor den Grabstätten so groß, daß sie es zu einer Freveltat erklären, wenn dort eine Bestattung ohne entsprechende Kulthandlungen und Zugehörigkeit zum Familienverband vorgenommen wird, und so hat es bei unseren Vorfahren Aulus Torquatus im Falle des Familienverbandes der Pupillier entschieden. (Übers. Rainer Nickel.)

(so gross die Heiligkeit der Begräbnisse): Übersetzung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 288: the sacredness of burial places is so great

(ohne religious rites u. Grabstätte der gens): Übersetzung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 288: to perform the burial independently of the sacred rites of the gens
Schließen
»Iam tanta religio est sepulcrorum (so gross die Heiligkeit der Begräbnisse), ut extra sacra et gentem inferi (ohne religious rites u. Grabstätte der gens) inferi inferri fas negent esse; idque apud majores nostros A. Torquatus in gente Popilia judicavit.«
In Cicero’s Zeit das family tomb nahm den Platz ein of that of the gens, as the families in the gentes rose to complete autonomy. –

Vor den 12 Tafeln cremation u. inhumation equally practiced, ( 12 Tafeln verboten Verbrennen od. |84 Begraben innerhalb der city. Das columbarium   Zusatz von Marx nach William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 198 (cŏlumbārĭum). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
Schließen
(a sepulchre mit niches for urns)
would usually accommodate several 100 urns. [287–289]

ad 3) Sacra privata od. sacra gentilicia, performed by the gens at stated periods. (alle members der gens dazu verpflichtet, ob members by birth, adoption oder adrogation. [„] A person was freed from them u. lost the privileges, connected with them, when he lost his gens.“[)] Cases erwähnt, wo die expension of maintaining these rites[,] Bürde für gens wden wurde in Folge der verminderten Anzahl ihrer Glieder. The sacred rites – public and private – exclusiv under pontifical regulation, not subject to civil cognizance.

Colleges of Pontiffs, curiones u. augurs, with elaborate system of worship unter diesen priesthoods, became established, aber priesthood in the main elective; jedes Familienhaupt auch priest des household.

In early times of Rome hatten viele gentes their own sacellum   Zusatz von Marx nach William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 980 (sācellum). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.

sacellum est locus parvus deo sacratus cum ara: Ein sacellum ist ein kleiner einem Gott geweihter Ort mit einem Altar.

Sacella dicuntur loca diis sacrata sine tecto: Sacella werden den Göttern geweihte Orte ohne Überdachung genannt.
Schließen
(small unroofed sanctuary; a chapel; sacellum est locus parvus deo sacratus cum ara ( Trebatius in Gell. [VI,] c. 12); Sacella dicuntur loca diis sacrata sine tecto, Festus )
für performans performance ihrer religious rites; several gentes had each special sacrifices to perform transmitted from generation to generation, considered obligatory, Nautii to Minerva, Fabii to Hercules etc. [289, 290]

ad 4) gentile regulations were customs having the  Bei Morgan, S. 290: force
Schließen
forms
of law
; so Verbot der intermarriage in gens; scheint zu Rom nicht später in Gesetz verwandelt worden zu sein; aber die Roman genealoy genealogy beweist die rule – marriage out of gens. Zeigt sich darin ferner: ohne Ausnahme: a woman by her marriage forfeited her agnatic right,  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
weil became ex-gens
. (sollte property aus eigner gens in die ihres husband nicht transfer.) Aus selbem Grund: exclusion der Kinder of a female from all rights of inheritance from a maternal uncle or grandfather; da sie ausser gens heirathet, ihre children of the gens of the father Bei Morgan, S. 290: and there could be no privity of inheritance between members of different gentes
Schließen
also nicht von ihrer gens, also dort auch nichts zu erben
. [290]

ad 5):  Bei Morgan, S. 290: The ownership of lands in common was so general among barbarous tribes that the existence of the same tenure among the Latin tribes is no occasion for surprise
Schließen
Common property of lands, allgemein unter barbarous tribes, darum natürlich bei Latin tribes
; von sehr früher Periode erscheint Theil ihrer lands held in severalty by individuals; at first  Bei Morgan, S. 290: it was probably
Schließen
sicher nur
possessory right to lands in actual occupation, was sich schon im Status of Lower Lower Status of barbarism findet.

Unter den rustic Latin tribes, lands held in common by each tribe, other lands by gentes, still other by households.

Allotments of lands to individuals wurden gewöhnlich in Romulus Period, später quite general. Sagt Varro, De Re rustica l. I, c. 10:  Den doppelten Morgen bezeichnete man, da Romulus erstmals soviel Land pro Kopf verteilt haben soll, das dem Erben zufiel, als Erblingenschaft.
Schließen
»Bina jugera quod a Romulo prima primum divisa (dicebantur) viritim, quae [(quod)] heredem haeredem sequerentur, haeredium appellantur appellarunt
(Selbes bei Dionysius ) Similar allotments said to have been made by Numa u. Servius Tullius ; diese die beginnings of absolute ownership in severalty, presuppose a settled life etc. It was not only admeasured but granted by the government, form sehr verschieden von possessory right in lands growing out of an individual act … These lands taken from those held in common by the Roman people. Gentes, curiae u. tribes held certain lands in common nach Beginn der Civilization, ausser den individual allotments.

Mommsen sagt, dass: „das römische Territorium in den frühesten Zeiten getheilt in Anzahl von  In Klammern Kommentar von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 291: clan-districts – Bei Mommsen: Römische Geschichte. 2. Aufl. Berlin 1856. Bd. 1. S. 35: „Geschlechterbezirke“. Diese Ausgabe erwähnt Marx im Manuskript zum dritten Buch des „Kapital“ ( MEGA II/4.2. S. 456, Fn. b und S. 648, Fn. 2).
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clan (heisst wohl Geschlechter bei ihm!) districts
; die später employed in the formation der ältesten rural wards districts (tribus rusticae[)] … Diese Namen  Zusatz von Marx.
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(der Districts)
nicht wie die der districts added at a later period, derived von den localities, sondern formed ohne Ausnahme v. Geschlechternamen, wie Camilli Camillii, Galerii, Lemonii, Pollii, Pupinii, Voltinii, Aemilii, Cornelii, Fabii, Horatii, Menenii, Papirii, Romilii, Sergii, Venturii Veturii.Jede gens hielt also independent district u. was localized upon it. ⦗aber auch in Rom selbst gentes localized in separate areas

Mommsen sagt ferner:

„Wie jeder Haushalt seine eigne Portion Land hatte, so der clan-household  Kommentar von Marx. Das Wort bei Mommsen (S. 36) ist „Geschlechtshaus“.
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(dies wohl nicht das Wort bei Mommsen)
or village, had clanlands clan-lands belonging to it which … were managed up to a comparatively late period after the analogy  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
of house-lands, that is, on the system of common |85 possessionThese clanships jedoch von Anfang an nicht betrachtet als unabhängige Gesellschaften, sondern als integral parts of a political community (civitas populi) . This first presents itself as an aggregate of a number of clanvillages clan-villages of the same stock, language and manners, bound to mutual observance of law and mutual legal redress and to united action in aggression and defence.“ Mommsen represents the Latin tribes anterior to the foundation of Rome as holding lands by households, gentes u. by tribes, zeigt the ascending series of social organizations in the tribes,  Bei Morgan, S. 292: close parallelism
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ganz parallelism
to den Iroquois – gens, tribe, confederacy. Phratry nicht mentioned. The household referred to could scarcely have been a single family, wahrscheinlich composed of related families occupying a joint-tenement house u. practicirend communism in living in the household. [290–293]

ad 6)  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 293: During the period of barbarism the dependence of the gentiles upon each other for the protection of personal rights would be constant; but after the establishment of political society, the gentilis, now a citizen, would turn to the law and to the state for the protection before administered by his gens. This feature of the ancient system would be one of the first to disappear under the new. […] It does not follow, however, that the gentiles did not practice these duties to each other in the previous period; on the contrary, the inference that they did is a necessary one from the principles of the gentile organization. Remains of these special usages appear, under special circumstances, well down in the historical period. […] The active principle of gentilism is plainly illustrated
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Erstes feature des gentilism – dependence der gentiles upon each other for the protection of personal rights; verschwindet zuerst, sobald civitas gegründet, wo jeder Bürger sich für Protection an law u. State wendet; kann in historischer Periode nur noch in remains gefunden werden bei Römern.

About 432 B.C. Appius Claudius in prison geworfen, . Aber Livius VI, 20:  Als App. Claudius eingekerkert wurde, habe sein Widersacher C. Claudius und das ganze Claudische Geschlecht Trauerkleidung getragen. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)

Zusätze in Klammern von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 293: When Appius Claudius was cast into prison (about 432 B. C.), Caius Claudius, then at enmity with him, put on mourning, as well as the whole Claudian gens.
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»Ap. Claudio in vinculo vincula ducto, C. Claudium inimicum (des Appius Cl.) Claudiamque omnem gentem sordidatum sordidatam (in mourning Kleidern) fuisse.«

Während des 2t punischen Kriegs [,] bemerkt  Morgan (S. 293, Fn. 2) verweist, ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 242) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
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Niebuhr
[,] verbanden sich die gentes to ransom ihre in Gefangenschaft befindlichen Genossen; der Senat verbot’s ihnen; nach selbem Niebuhr gens verpflichtet ihren indigent gentiles beizustehn;  Die Nächsten mussten sich an den Aufwendungen wie Familienangehörige beteiligen. (Übers. nach Nicolas Wiater.)

Bei Morgan, S. 294, Fn. 1: (ἔδει τοὺς πελάτας) τῶν ἀναλωμάτων […] − Morgan zitiert Dionysius, wie dieser verkürzend, nach Niebuhr: The history of Rome. Vol. 1. S. 242 (ohne Angabe von Erscheinungsort und -jahr).
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er citirt dafür Dionysius : II, 10. »ἔδει τοὺς πελάτας τῶν ἀναλωμάτων ὡς τοὺς γένει προσήκοντας μετέχειν.«
[293, 294]

ad 7) Zuletzt den persons unmöglich geworden to trace their descent back to the founder.  Morgan (S. 294, Fn. 2) verweist, ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 240) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
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Niebuhr
 Zusatz von Marx.
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(auf diesen abgeschmackten Grund sich stützend)
läugnet die Existenz irgend welcher Blutverwandtschaft in a gens, weil sie nicht beweisen konnten a connection through a common ancestor; danach gens bloss fictitious organization

Nachdem descendent descent von female to male line changed, die Namen der gentes, wahrscheinlich taken v. animals, gave place to personal names. Irgend ein Individuum,  Bei Morgan, S. 295: distinguished in the history of the gens
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berühmt in der Traditionellen Geschichte der gens
, ward its eponymous ancestor u. diese Person, nicht unlikely, at long intervals wieder ersetzt durch andre. Theilte sich a gens in Folge von lokaler Separation, so one division apt to take a new name; dieser change of name would not disturb the kinship worauf die gens begründet … nur auf einem Weg adulteration of gentile descent – durch Adoption, dies nicht häufig. … In an Iroquois gens of 500 persons – gens coming in with a system of consanguinity reducing all consanguinei to a small number of categories, and retaining their descendants indifinitely indefinitely in the same – all its members related to each other and each person knows or can find its relationship to the every other; so that the fact of kin was perpetually present in archaic gens. – Mit monogamian Ehe came in a totally different system of consanguinity, worin die relationships zwischen collaterals rasch disappeared. Dies System der Greek u. Latin tribes bei Beginn der historischen Periode.

Grote, History of Greece III, 33, 36 erzählt: Chleistenes Cleisthenes of Argos changed the names of the 3 Dorian tribes of Sicyon, einen in Hyatae (im singular: a boar), 2ten in Oneatae (an ass), 3d to Choereatae (little pig); dies intended as insult gegen die Sicyonians, blieben ihnen während seiner Lebzeit u. 60 Jahre später. »Did the idea of these animal names come down through tradition

Nach Beginn des Verfalls der gentilen Organization, hört auf neue Geschlechterbildung durch den process of segmentation; andre existirende died out. This tended to enhance the value of a gentile descent as a lineage.

Zur Zeit des Kaiserthums etablirten fortwährend sich neue Familien from foreign parts, zu Rom u. nahmen gentile names an to gain social advantages. Emperor Claudius – 40–54 A.D. – verbot |86 den foreigners röm. Namen anzunehmen, besonders alter Geschlechter. Sueton. Vit. Claudius, c. 25 sagt:  Leuten vom Rechtsstand eines Ausländers verbot er, sich römische Namen, Geschlechternamen versteht sich, zuzulegen. (Übers. Hans Martinet.)

Bei Morgan, S. 296, Fn. 1: Peregrinae conditionis homines relati uscorpare Romana nomino, dundax at gentilicia.
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»Peregrinae conditionis homines relati vetuit usurpare Romana nomina, dundax et dumtaxat gentilicia.«
Römische Familien, belonging to the historical gentes, setzten höchsten Werth auf their lineages, sowohl unter Empire wie vorher in republic. [294–296]

ad 8. ) Sowohl unter Republik wie Empire practicirt adoption into the family, die carried the person adopted into the gens of the family; das attended mit formalities, die es erschwerten. Kinderlose Person u. past the age to expect them might adopt a son mit consent der pontifices u. der comitia curiata. Cicero, Pro Domo, c. 13. Die Noch noch zu Cicero’s Zeit existirenden precautions, zeigen dass früher die restrictions grösser u. cases seltner. [296, 297]

ad 9) Bei Römern keine direct information über tenure des office of chief (princeps); jede gens, vor Entstehung der civitas, hatte einen chief, probably mehre;  Bei Morgan, S. 297: But the absence of any proof of hereditary right, and the presence of the elective principle with respect to nearly all offices under the republic, and before that, under the reges, leads to the inference that hereditary right was alien to the institutions of the Latin tribes
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hereditary right dazu wahrscheinlich nicht bei Latin tribes, da elective principle später vorwiegt – i.e. unter reges u. in Republik
; der rex selbst, das highest office, was elective, the office of senator elective or by appointment, so that of consuls u. inferior magistrates. Das college of pontiffs – instituted durch Numa – filled erst (die pontiffs selbst sich ergänzend) vacancies by election; Livius (XXV, 5) spricht of election of a pontifex maximus durch die comitia about 212 B.C. Auf Volk transferred, durch lex Domitia, the right to elect the members of the several colleges of pontiffs u. priests, später modified durch Sulla . –  Bei Morgan, S. 298: It would require positive evidence that the office of chief passed by hereditary right to overcome the presumption against it. The right to elect carries with it the right to depose from office, where the tenure is for life.
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Also abgeschmackt – ohne positive evidence – anzunehmen dass office of princeps (chief of gens) »hereditary« was. Wo aber Wahlrecht – the tenure des office being for life – da auch Recht to depose.

Diese chiefs of gentes od. eine selection davon, bildeten den Council der Latin tribes vor Stiftung Roms. „All of these cantons ( Zusatz von Marx.
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read
tribes) were in primitive times politically  Kommentar von Marx.
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(asinus!)
sovereign, u. each of them was governed by its prince  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Prinzerfindender Mommsen; read chief of the tribe⦘
, and the co-operation of the council of elders, and the assembly of the warriors“ ( Mommsen [)].  Kommentar von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 298: The order of Mommsen’s statement schould be reversed, and the statement qualified.
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It was the council, Herr Mommsen, u. nicht der military commander, Mommsen’s Prinz, who governed.

 Morgan (S. 298, Fn. 2) verweist, ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 258) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
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Niebuhr
sagt: „In all the cities belonging to civilized nations on the coasts of the Mediterranean a senate was a no less essential and indispensable part of the state, than a popular assembly; it was a select body of elder citizens; such a council, says Aristoteles , there always is, whether the council be aristocratical or democratical; even in oligarchies, be the number of sharers in the sovereignty ever so small, certain councillors are appointed for preparing public measures.“ Senate of polit. society folgte dem council of chiefs der gentile society. Romulus Senate 100 elders, representing the 100 gentes, was office for life, non-hereditary, woraus folgt dass office of chief was at the time elective.

About 474 B.C. die Fabian gens schlug dem Senat vor als a gens to undertake the Veientian war. Ihr Antrag accepted, fielen in Embuscade. Liv. II, 50 ⦗see auch Ovid, Fasti , II, 193⦘  Es besteht hinreichende Übereinstimmung darin, daß die 306 das Leben verloren haben und daß sie nur einen einzigen, weil er noch minderjährig war, in der Stadt zurückgelassen hatten, den Stamm-halter des Fabischen Geschlechts, der in schwierigen Situationen des römischen Volkes oft zu Hause und im Kriege die allergrößte Hilfe werden sollte. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)

Erläuterungen in Klammern von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 299: they marched out of Rome three hundred and six soldiers […] But they left behind them at Rome a single male under the age of puberty
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»Trecentos sex (so viel zogen aus) perisse satis convenit; unum probe prope pubescem puberem (unter age of puberty) aetate relictum stirpem gente genti Fabiae, dubiisque rebus populi Romani sepe saepe domi bellique vel maximum futurum auxilium
Die Zahl der 300 would indicate an equal number of females, who with the children of the males, would give an aggregate von at least 700 für Fabian gens  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Vgl. Morgan, S. 299: It seems hardly credible that three hundred should have left in their families but a single male child, below the age of puberty, but such is the statement.
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(nicht der eine pubes)
. [297–299] |

87

Pt. II. Ch. II XII: The Roman Curia, Tribe and Populus.

 Zusatz von Marx. Vermutlich hat Marx diese Angaben entnommen aus Arnold Hermann Ludwig Heeren: A Manual of Ancient History Particularly with Regard to the Constitutions, the Commerce, and the Colonies, of the States of Antiquity. London 1840. S. 326/327. Vgl. das Inhaltsverzeichnis auf S. XXII. – Ein weiterer Auszug von Marx aus Heeren findet sich auf S. 90 des vorliegenden Heftes.

Marx hatte schon andere Werke von Heeren exzerpiert. Neben Notizen von einer seit 1829 von A. H. L. Heeren und F. A. Ukert herausgegebenen Reihe „Geschichte der europäischen Staaten“ im „Kreuznacher Heft“ aus dem Jahr 1843 (MEGA IV/2) verfasste Marx in den „Londoner Heften 1850–1853“ Auszüge aus: Heerens Ideen über Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel der vornehmsten Völker der alten Welt (Göttingen 1824) und dem Handbuch der Geschichte des europäischen Staatensystems und seiner Colonien (3. Aufl. Göttingen 1819) (Heft XIV, MEGA IV/9) sowie De la politique et du commerce des peuples de l’antiquité. T. 3. Paris 1831 (Heft XXI; IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 63).
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⦗Angebliche Perioden bis zur Errichtung der Republik: 1) Romulus 754–717 B.C. (1–37 a.u.c.) 2) Numa Pompilius . ( 717–679 B.C. (37–75 a.u.) 3) Tullus Hostilius . 679–640 B.C. (75–114 a.u.) 4) Ancus Martius . 640–618 B.C. (114–136 a.u.) 5)  Tarquinius Priscus 618–578 B.C. (136–176 a.u.) 6) 578–534 B.C. (176–220 a.u.) Servius Tullius . 7) 534–509 B.C. (220–245 a.u.) Tarquinius Superbus .⦘

Societas, founded upon gens, neben civitas, founded upon territory u. property; letztere Organization im Lauf v. 200 Jahren gradually supplanting the former; to a certain degree completed der change unter Servius Tullius  Zusatz von Marx.
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(578–534 B.C. 176–220 a.u.[)] [.]
curia, analogous to Roman Grecian phratry, = 10 gentes; 10 curiae = 1 tribe; unter Servius Tullius war Populus Romanus = 3 tribes, 10 30  curiae, 300 gentes.  Bei Morgan, S. 302: It is immaterial whether […], or whether […]
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Wurst ob Roman kings fabelhaft od. nicht; ebenso Wurst, ob die legislation ascribed to either of them be fabulous or true.
The events of human progress embody themselves, independently of particular men, in a material record, which is crystallized in institutions, usages u. customs, u. preserved in inventions u. discoveries.

Das numerical adjustment von gentes etc – a result of legislative procurement , not older[,] in the first 2 tribes, than the times of Romulus. [300–302]

The curia der Romans –  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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ungleich der Phratry der Greeks u. Iroquois,
grew into an organization, having distinct governmental character engrafted upon itself. Wahrscheinlich die gentes einer Curia related to each other, versahn sich einander durch intermarriage mit wives.  Kommentar von Marx.
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(Dies Conjectur.)
The organization as a phratry – obgleich erst mentioned in Roman history in connection mit legislation des Romulus, von time immemorial in Latin tribes.

 Als er das Volk in 30 Curien einteilte, benannte er die Curien daher nach ihnen. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)

Zu den von Marx in Klammern eingefügten Erläuterungen siehe Morgan, S. 303: Livy, speaking of the favor with which the Sabine women were regarded after the establishment of peace between the Sabines and Latins through their intervention, remarks that Romulus, for this reason, when he had divided the people into thirty curiae bestowed upon them their name.
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Livius, I, 13: »Itaque, quum (der Romulus) populum in curias triginta divideret (nach dem Frieden mit den Sabinern), nomina earum (der geraubten Sabinerinnen) curiis imposuit.«

 und „Phratre“ [„Brudergemeinschaft“] und „Lochos“ [„Abteilung“] für Kourie (Übers. Nicolas Wiater.)

λόχος (Kriegerschaar, Rotte): Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 35. Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).
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Dionys. Antiq. of Rome, II, 7: »φράτα φράτρα δὲ καὶ λόχος (Kriegerschaar, Rotte) ἡ κουρία«
; ibid. heisst’s:  Auch die Einleitung der Brudergemeinschaften in Zehnergruppen war von ihm vorgenommen worden, und ein Führer, im einheimschen Dialekt Dekourion genannt, hielt eine jede in Ordnung. (Übers. Nicolas Wiater.)
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»διῄρηντο δὲ καὶ εἰς δεκάδας αἱ φρᾶτραι πρὸς αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἡγεμὼν ἑκάστην ἐκόσμει δεκάδαρχος κατὰ τὴν ἐπιχώριον γλῶτταν προσαγορευόμενος.«

 Jede Zunft [Jeder Stamm] enthielt zehn Curien. Einigen Schriftstellern zu Folge wurden die Curien nach jenen Frauen [den Sabinerinnen] benannt. (Übers. Johann Gottfried Klaiber.)
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Plut. Vit. Rom. c. 20: »Ἑκάστη δὲ φυλὴ δέκα φρατρίας εἶχεν, ἃς ἔνιοι λέγουσιν ἐπωνύμους εἶναι ἐκείνων τῶν γυναικῶν
Was Romulus  tat
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that
was the adjustment  Bei Morgan, S. 304: of the number of the gentes in each curia, and of the number of the curiae in each tribe
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of the number of gentes in each tribe
, was er fertig bringen konnte durch die accessions gained from the surrounding tribes. In die Ramnes  Zusatz von Marx.
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(ersten tribe)
nahm er related gentes in selber curia, reached numerical symmetry by arbitrarily taking the excess of gentes von one natural curia to supply the deficiency of the other  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(kommt auch bei den Red Indians vor)
. Die Tities meist Sabiner; die Luceres heterogeneous, formed later from gradual accessions u. conquests; enthielten auch Etruscan gentes. In der reconstruction gens blieb pure, curia made to include in some cases  Bei Morgan, S. 304: a foreign element which did not belong to a strict natural phratry; and the tribe also was raised above its natural level, and made to embrace foreign elements that did not belong to a tribe as the tribe naturally grew
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gentes nicht related, durchbrach also Schranke der natural phratry; ebenso tribe umschloss foreign elements that not belong to a tribe by merely spontaneous growth
. The third tribe  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Luceres)
in great part an artificial creation;  Bei Morgan, S. 305: The linguistic affiliations of the Etruscans are still a matter of discussion. There is a presumption
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Etruscan element darin lässt annehmen,
that their dialect not wholly unintelligible to Romans.

 Morgan (S. 305, Fn. 2) verweist, ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 244) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
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Niebuhr
zeigte zuerst that the people was sovereign, so-called kings had delegated power, u. dass der Senat based on principle of representation. Aber Niebuhr at variance with fact facts, wenn er sagt: die numerischen Proportions seien unwiderleglicher Beweis dass die Roman gentes nicht älter als die Constitution des Romulus , dass sie „Corporations formed by a legislator in harmony with the rest of his scheme“. A legislator could not fabricate a gens; auch eine curia konnte er nur machen by combinating gentes; er konnte by constraint increase or decrease the number of gentes in a curia u. the number of curiae in a tribe.

  Für seine Übersetzung der Passage benutzte Marx die englische Übersetzung von Morgan (S. 306, Fn. 1) sowie die bei Tauchnitz publizierte Ausgabe (Dionysii Halicarnassensis opera omnia quibus etiam accedunt fragmenta ab Angelo Maio nuper reperta. Ad optimorum librorum fidem accurate edita. T. 1–6. Lipsiae 1823 [als editio stereotypa 1824, 1825 und 1829 nachgedruckt]. T. 1. S. 147/148). Marx besaß die Tauchnitz-Ausgabe (siehe das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.13–14)).

ἡγεμόνα ἐπέστησεν: Zusatz von Marx. Bei Dionysius: ἐπέστησεν ἡγεμόνα

(im Rang ἴσους): Zusatz von Marx.

(Band, Kriegerrotte): Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 35. Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).

Tribun also literally das Equivalent des alten tribe Chief⦘: Zusatz von Marx.

Decurio genannt in der Landeszunge: Bei Morgan, S. 306, Fn. 1: called in common parlance a decadarch

καί τινα καὶ τῷ κοινῷ γῆν καταλιπών: Zusatz von Marx nach Dionysius Halicarnassensis.

Nur diese Theilung von Leuten u. Land durch Romulus, allgemeine u. grösste Gleichheit: Zusatz von Marx nach Dionysius Halicarnassensis.
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Die Stelle bei Dionysius (Halicarnassensis) 1. II. c. 7 lautet in full: »Nachdem er (Romulus) die ganze Masse dreigetheilt, machte er den Hervorragendsten jedes der (3) Theile zum leader (ἡγεμόνα ἐπέστησεν); dann theilte er wieder jeden der 3 Theile in 10, zu gleichen (im Rang ἴσους) Führern dieser ernannte er wieder die tüchtigsten; die (3) grössern Theile nannte er tribus, die kleineren Curien (κουρίας), wie sie auch jetzt noch heissen. In griech. Sprache interpretirt ist der tribus = φυλή od. τριττύς; die curia = φράτρα u. λόχος (Band, Kriegerrotte); die Männer an der Spitze der Tribus tribus = φύλαρχοι u. τριττύαρχοι, die die Römer Tribunen nennen. ⦗Tribun also literally das Equivalent des alten tribe Chief|88 Die Vorsteher der Curien = φρατρίαρχοι u. λοχαγοί, welche die Römer Curionen nennen. Die Phratrien wurden wieder abgetheilt in Dekaden, u. ein Führer leitete jede Dekade, Decourio Decurio genannt in der Landeszunge. Nachdem aber so alle eingetheilt u. zusammengestellt in Phylen u. Phratrien, theilte er das Land in 30 gleiche Loose, gab jeder Phratrie ein Loos, nahm Land genügend für sacra u. Tempel, u. liess auch gewisses Land für gemeinschaftlichen Gebrauch übrig (καί τινα καὶ τῷ κοινῷ γῆν καταλιπών)[.] Nur diese Theilung von Leuten u. Land durch Romulus, allgemeine u. grösste Gleichheit

Mitglieder der curia hiessen curiales; wählten einen priest curio, chief officer der fraternity; jede hatte its sacred rites, its sacellum as a place of worship u. ihren Versammlungsplatz für transaction of business; neben dem curio gewählt an assistant priest flamen curialis, had the immediate charge of the observances; die  Bei Morgan, S. 306: assembly of the gentes
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Volksversammlung
comitia curiata, sovereign power in Rom, mehr als der Senat des gentile system.

Vor Zeit des Romulus unter den Latin tribestribal chiefs (Dionysius II, 7); ein tribal chief – der chief officer des tribe, whose duties magisterial (in city), military (in the field) u. religious (administering the sacra) (Dionys. l.c.) [.] Jedenfalls his office elective, wahrscheinlich gewählt durch die curiae collected in a general assembly. Der »tribal chief« wahrscheinlich genannt »rex« vor der Gründung Roms,  Bei Morgan, S. 308: and the same remark is applicable to the name of senators (senex), and the comitia (con-ire).
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ebenso der Council Senate (senex) u. die tribal assembly – comitia (con-ire)
. Nach der coalescence der 3 Roman tribes – the national character of the tribe lost.

Die 30 curiones as a body wurden organisirt in a college of priests, einer davon had the office of curio maximus; was elected by the assembly of gentes. Daneben college of augurs, bestehend unter Ogulnian law (300 B.C.) aus 9 members, inclus. their chief – magister collegii; u. college of pontiffs, 9 members unter demselben Gesetz, inclus. pontifex maximus.

 Bei Morgan, S. 308: As organized by Romulus they styled themselves
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Das Ganze, as organized by Romulus nannte sich:
Populus Romanus; war nichts als a gentile society; change ernöthigt u. zwar fundamental one durch raschen Anwachs der Bevölkerung unter Romulus u. namentlich in der Periode zwischen ihm u. Servius Tullius .  Zusatz von Marx.
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(754–534)
[303–309]

Livius sagt, dass es »vetus consilium« (Livy I, 8),  Bei Morgan, S. 309: ancient device
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alter trick
, of the founders of cities to draw to themselves an obscure and humble multitude, and then set up for their progeny the autocthonic autochthonic claim. Romulus so opened an asylum near the palatine Palatine, u. invited all persons in the surrounding tribe tribes etc.  Hier suchten alle möglichen Leute aus den Nachbarvölkern, die ein neues Leben beginnen wollten, Zuflucht, wobei es nichts ausmachte, ob einer ein Freier war oder ein Sklave; und das war der erste Ansatz zu der beginnenden Größe. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
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»Eo ex finitimis populis turba omnis sine discrimine, liber an servus esset, avida novarum rerum perfugit; idque primum ad coeptam magnitudinem roburis roboris fuit(Liv. I, 8.)
Plut. Romulus c. 20 u. Dionys. II, 15 erwähnen auch das asylum or grove. Zeigt, dass die Barbarische Bevölkerung Italiens sehr angewachsen, discontent unter ihnen,  Bei Morgan, S. 310: imperfect protection of personal rights
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Mangel an persönlicher Sicherheit
, existence of domestic slavery, apprehension of violence. – Angriff seitens der Sabiner, wegen der ihnen gestohlnen Weiber; resultirte in  Bei Morgan, S. 309: wise accommodation
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Compromiss
, Latiner u. Sabiner coalesced into one society, jede division behielt its own military leader, die Tities  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 311: the Tities were in the main Sabines
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(Sabiner)
unter Titius Tatius . –  Zusatz von Marx.
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679–640 B.C.
Tullus Hostilius nahm die Latin city of Alba, brachte ihre ganze Bevölkerung nach Rom; sie besetzten angeblich Coelian Hill; Zahl der citizens nun doubled nach Liv. I, 30.  Zusatz von Marx.
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640–618
: Ancus Marcius nahm die lat. Stadt Politorium, transferred the people bodily to Rome; ihnen angeblich Aventinus mons eingeräumt mit same privileges. Kurz nachher die inhabitants of Tellini u. Ficana subdued, removed to Rome, also occupied Mons Aventinus. (Liv. I, 38) Die gentes, nach Rom gebracht, blieben alle locally distinct; dies thaten gentes überall in Middle u. Upper Status of Barbarism, sobald die tribes began to gather in fortresses u. walled cities. ⦗In the pueblo houses in New Mexico alle occupants of each house belonged to the same tribe u. in einigen Fällen a single joint-tenement house contained a tribe. At Tlascala 4 quarters occupied by 4 lineages, probably phratries etc⦘ Die greater portion dieser new accessions united in the 3d tribe Luceres, der erst completed unter Tarquinius Priscus  Zusatz von Marx.
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(618–578)
 Bei Morgan, S. 311: some of the new gentes being Etruscan
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durch Einverleibung einiger neuen neuer Etruskischer gentes
.

Growth der tribes in Rome under legislative constraint, not entirely free from the admixture of Foreign elements; hence name tribus, ⅓ of the people; Latin language must have had a term equivalent of  Bei Morgan, S. 312: phylon
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Phyle
,  Bei Morgan, S. 312: but if so it has disappeared
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became extinct
; zeigt heterogeneous elements in Roman tribes, während griech. Phyle pure. [309–312] |

89

Der Senate des Romulus mit functions similar to those of the previous council of chiefs. Jede gens, sagt  Morgan (S. 313, Fn. 1) verweist, ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 258) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
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Niebuhr
, sent its decurion, who was its alderman to represent it in the Senate. Also representative u. elective body, blieb elective od. selective bis zum Empire. Office der Senators lebenslänglich, einziger term of office then known  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(wie farmer bei Anglosaxon mindestens for one life)
. Liv. 1, 8 sagt:  Er ernannte hundert Senatoren, sei es weil diese Zahl ausreichend war, sei es weil es nur hundert gab, die man zu „Vätern“ ernennen konnte. Väter (patres) wurden sie jedenfalls aus Achtung genannt, und ihre Nachkommen hießen Patrizier (zu den „patres“ gehörend). (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)

(Romulus): Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 313.

(Kerl vergisst [...] tribe der Ramnes): Kommentar von Marx.

(Superlativ dies von faselndem Pragmatismus): Kommentar von Marx.

⦗Pater, weil chief of gens⦘: Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 313: Fathers certainly they were called on account of their official dignity
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»Centum creat (Romulus) senatores: sive quia is numerus satis erat; (Kerl vergisst, that there were then only 100 gentes, constituting the tribe der Ramnes); sive quia soli centum erant, qui creari Patres possent , (Superlativ dies von faselndem Pragmatismus), Patres certe ab honore ⦗Pater, weil chief of gens⦘, patriciique progenies eorum appellati.«
Cic. de rep. II, 8:  Die fürstlichen Männer – sie wurden ihrer Beliebtheit wegen Väter genannt (Übers. Karl Büchner.)
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»Principes, qui appellati sunt propter caritatem, patres
Die distinction of patricians conferred upon their children u. lineal descendants in perpetuity schuf at once an aristocracy of rank in centre des Roman social system where it became firmly intrenched; this aristocratic element now for the first time planted in gentilism.

Nach der union der Sabines Senat increased to 200 durch addition v. 100 v. tribe der Tities (Dion. II, 47) u. when Luceres increased to 100 gentes  Bei Morgan, S. 314: in the time of Tarquinius Priscus, a third hundred senators were added from the gentes of this tribe
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in time der Patricians, a 3d 100 added v. den gentes dieses tribe; durch Tarquinius Priscus
.

Liv. I, 35:  Vor allem um seine Herrschaft zu sichern, aber auch um den Staat zu stärken, berief er hundert Senatoren, die dann „Väter der jüngeren Familien“ genannt wurden, eine absolut zuverlässige Gefolgschaft des Königs, dem sie den Einzug in die Curie zu verdanken hatten. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
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»Nec minus regni sui firmandi, quam augendae republicae rei publicae memor, centum in patres Patres legit (Tarquin. Priscus) qui deinde minorum gentium sunt appellati: factio haud dubia regis, cujus beneficio in curiam venerant.«
Etwas verschieden Cic. De Rep. II, 20:  Und als er über seine Herrschgewalt ein Gesetz eingebracht hatte, verdoppelte er zunächst jene frühere Zahl der Väter und nannte die alten Väter Väter der älteren Geschlechter, die er zuerst nach ihrer Meinung fragte, die von ihm hinzugetanen Väter der jüngeren. (Übers. Karl Büchner.)

(dies setzt voraus, dass die Alten patres v. 200 auf 150 herabgesunken; waren dann 50 zu ergänzen aus Ramnes u. Tities und 100 neu zugefügt aus Luceres): Zusatz im Zitat von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 314: at the time of the final increase the senate may have become reduced to a hundred and fifty members, and been filled up to two hundred from the gentes of the first two tribes, when the hundred were added from the third. The senators taken from the tribes Ramnes and Tities were thenceforth called Fathers of the Greater Gentes […] and those of the Luceres Fathers of the Lesser Gentes

⦗dies auch bei Iroquois [...] später daher gebildet⦘: Zusatz von Marx.
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»Isque (Tarquinius) ut de suo imperio legem tulit, principio duplicavit illum pristinum patrum numerum (dies setzt voraus, dass die Alten patres v. 200 auf 150 herabgesunken; waren dann 50 zu ergänzen aus Ramnes u. Tities und 100 neu zugefügt aus Luceres); et antiquos patres majorum gentium appellavit, ⦗dies auch bei Iroquois, aber mit der primitiven Bedeutung, dass die minores gentes Abkommen der majores, später daher gebildet⦘ quos priores sententiam rogabat; a se adscitos, minorum

Die Form des statement shows, dass jeder Senator representative of a gens; ferner, da jede gens sicher hatte its principal chief – princeps – diese person chosen von gens od. 10 auf einmal v. den 10 gentes wählend als curia. Dies dem Wesen nach auch Niebuhr ’s Ansicht. Nach der Errichtung der Republik  Zusatz von Marx.
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(seit 509 B.C.)
besetzen die Censoren die Lücken im Senat nach ihrer choice, dies fiel später den Consules zu; die Senators generally selected aus ex-magistrates der higher grades.

All public measures originated im Senat, sowohl die, wobei sie unabhängig verfahren konnten, als die die sie der popular assembly zur adoption to submit. Der Senat hatte general guardianship of public welfare, management der foreign relations, levy of taxes and military forces, general control of revenues u. expenditure; hatte auch oberste power over religion, obgleich die administration der religious affairs den several collegia zufiel. [312–315]

Assembly of the People ( Bei Morgan, S. 315: with the recognized right of acting upon important public measures to be discussed by them and adopted or rejected
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in dieser Form
unknown in Lower u. wahrscheinlich auch Middle Status of Barbarism) existed in Upper Status, in agora der Greek tribes (highest form in ecclesia der Athener), u. ebenso in der assembly of warriors der Latin tribes, erhielt hier höchste Form in den comitia curiata der Römer. Letztre bestanden aus den adult members der gentes, jede curia had one collective vote, majority in each ascertained separately, determined what that vote should be. ( Liv. I, 43; Dion. II, 14, IV, 20, 84.) Es war die assembly der gentes, who alone were members of the government. Plebejans u. clients – forming already a numerous class, excluded, weil keine connection möglich mit Populus Romanus, ausser durch a gens and a tribe. Comitia did not originate public measures, nor amend those submitted to them; nahmen sie an od. verwarfen sie; alle magistrates u. high public functionaries, incl. rex, elected by the comitia on the nomination of the Senate. So durch comitia curiata elected Numa Pompilius ( Cic. De Rep. II, 11. Liv. I, 17), Tullus Hostilius (Cic. de Rep. II, 17) u. Ancus Martius ( Cic. De Rep. II, 18; Liv. I, 32). Mit Bezug auf Tarquinius Priscus bemerkt Livius (I, 35), dass der Populus durch great majority ihn zum rex ernannte. Servius Tullius assumed the office, afterwards confirmed by the comitia (Cic. De Rep. II, 21). – The Imperium conferred upon these persons by a law of the assemblyLex curiata de imperio – Roman method of investing with office; vor dieser Uebertragung des imperium konnte die person elected nicht ihr office antreten. Die comitia curiata, by appeal, had the ultimate decision in criminal cases involving the life of a Roman citizen. The office of rex abolished by a popular movement.

Die assembly had no power to convene itself; it is said to have met on the summons of the rex, oder in his absence, des praefectus urbis urbi ; in der Republik durch die consules berufen, od. in deren absence durch praetor; in allen Fällen präsidirte die berufende Person über die deliberations der comitia. [315–317] |

90

Der rex war General u. Priest, aber ohne civil functions.

 Bei Morgan, S. 318: When the office [of rex] was abolished, and the consulate was established in its place, it is not surprising that two consuls were created instead of one
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Nach Abschaffung des Königthums 2 consules an seine Stelle
, wie die warchiefs war-chiefs der Iroquois.

Der rex as chief priest took the auspices on field of battle wie in city on important occasions, verrichtete auch other religious rites.  Bei Morgan, S. 318: When the abolition of this office occurred
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Nach Abschaffung der Königswürde
, ihre priestly functions übertragen auf das neu geschaffne office des rex sacrorum od. rex sacrificulus; bei Athenern analog der eine der 9 Archonten Archon basileus, der a general supervision of religious affairs hatte. – Die Romans in diesen 200 years (bis Servius Tullius ) had experienced the necessity for written laws to be enacted by themselves als Substitut for usages u. customs; had created ausserdem a city magistracy u. a complete military system, including the institution of the equestrian order.

Unter den new magistrates created wichtigster that of warden of the city – custos urbis, war zugleich Princeps Senatus. Nach Dionys. II, 12 appointed by Romulus. Nach der Zeit der Decemviri  Zusatz von Marx.
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(451–447)
dies office changed to praefectus urbi, its powers enlarged u. it was made elective by the new comitia centuriata.  Zusatz von Marx nach Arnold Hermann Ludwig Heeren: A Manual of Ancient History Particularly with Regard to the Constitutions, the Commerce, and the Colonies, of the States of Antiquity. London 1840. S. 326 und 328. – Aus diesem Werk entnimmt Marx wahrscheinlich auch die Chronologie der altrömischen Könige auf S. 87 .

Marx hatte schon andere Werke von Heeren exzerpiert. Neben Notizen von einer seit 1829 von A. H. L. Heeren und F. A. Ukert herausgegebenen Reihe „Geschichte der europäischen Staaten“ im „Kreuznacher Heft“ aus dem Jahr 1843 (MEGA IV/2) verfasste Marx in den „Londoner Heften 1850–1853“ Auszüge aus: Heerens Ideen über Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel der vornehmsten Völker der alten Welt (Göttingen 1824) und dem Handbuch der Geschichte des europäischen Staatensystems und seiner Colonien (3. Aufl. Göttingen 1819) (Heft XIV, MEGA IV/9) sowie De la politique et du commerce des peuples de l’antiquité. T. 3. Paris 1831 (Heft XXI; IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 63).
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Census u. comitia centuriata eingesetzt durch Servius Tullius nach seiner division des people according to property … das trial of Coriolan bewog die Tribunen to usurp the right of summoning some patricians before the tribunal of the people; hence the comitia tributa, either were assemblies of the commons, or assemblies so organized, that the commons had the preponderance; diese Institution gab den tribunes their share in legislation, those officers being allowed to lay proposals before the commons.⦘

Unter Republik had die consules u. in their absence the praetor power to convene the Senate u. also to hold the comitia. Später das office of Prätor – Prätor urbanus (absorbed the functions of the old office des Praefectus urbi). A judicial magistrate, prototype of the modern judge[,] der Roman »Prätor«. –  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 321: A knowledge of the tenure of the office of chief […] would reflect much light upon the condition of Roman gentile society in the time of Romulus.
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Bei Tod des Romulus die society noch gentile.
[317–321]



Part II. Ch. XIII. The institution of Roman Political Society.

 Bei Morgan, S. 323: Servius Tullius […] came to the succession about one hundred and thirty-three years after the death of Romulus, as near as the date can be ascertained. This would place his accession about 576 B. C.
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578 od. 576–533. Servius Tullius.
Seit Romulus röm. Gesellschaft gespalten in Patricians, constituting the Populus, u. plebejans, die Plebs; beide persönlich frei u. beide entered the ranks of the army; plebejans aber, nicht einbegriffen in gentile society, ausserhalb the government. Nach  Morgan (S.324, Fn. 1) verweist, ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 315) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
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Niebuhr
die Existenz der plebs als annerkannt freie u. sehr zahlreiche Portion der Bevölkerung nachweisbar bis zu reign des Ancus Marcius  Zusatz von Marx.
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(640–618)
. Plebs excluded v. office, comitia curiata, sacred rites der gentes  Zusatz von Marx.
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(v. intermarriage mit diesen)
. Zur Zeit des Servius fast so numerous plebs fast so numerous wie populus; subject to military service, possessing families u. property.  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 324: which identified them with the interests of Rome, without being in any sense connected with the government. Under gentile institutions […] there could be no connection with the government except through a recognized gens, and the plebeians had no gentes. Such a state of things […] was dangerous to the commonwealth. Admitting of no remedy under gentile institutions, it must have furnished one of the prominent reasons for attempting the overthrow of gentile society, and the substitution of political.
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Die Constitution der gentile organization schloss sie aus; hence letztre musste fliegen.
[323, 324]

Entstehung der plebs, i.e. v. Personen not members of an organized gens, curia, tribe. Adventurers who flocked to the new city from the surrounding tribes, war captives afterwards set free, unattached persons mingled with the gentes transplanted to Rome, would rapidly furnish such a class; ausserdem might happen that in filling up the 100 gentes of each tribe, fragments of gentes and gentes having less than a prescribed number of persons, were excluded. Aus dem Epitheton der [senators of the] Luceres  Bei Morgan, 325: “Fathers of the Lesser Gentes” – Siehe S. 314: those of the Luceres Fathers of the Lesser Gentes (patres minorum gentium)
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„Fathers minorum gentium“
ersichtlich dass die old gentes reluctant ihre entire equality anzuerkennen. Nach filling up des 3d tribe mit der prescribed number of gentes the last avenue of admission closed, wonach die Zahl der plebejan class rasch anwachsend.  Morgan (S.325, Fn. 2) verweist, ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 315) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
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Niebuhr
läugnet, dass clients part des plebejan body.

Dionys. II, 8 u. Plut. Vit. Romuli, XIII, 16 schreibt schreiben Romulus die Einrichtung  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
der relation v. patron u. client zu, ditto Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 1.  Kommentar von Marx.
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(Alles, was diese 3 sagen, beweist gefällig nichts!)
 Kommentar von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 326: It seems plain, notwithstanding the weight of Niebuhr’s authority on Roman questions, that the clients were a part of the plebeian body.
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Morgan’s Behauptung, dass die clients v. Anfang an a part of the plebejan body – falsch, Niebuhr right.⦘

 Bei Morgan, S. 326: It is claimed by the most eminent modern authorities that the entire populus were patricians. Niebuhr, who is certainly the first on Roman questions, adopts this view, to which Long, Schmitz, and others have given their concurrence.

Morgan (S.326, Fn. 1) verweist, ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 256, 450) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835, bezieht
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Niebuhr u. andre nehmen an dass der entire populus were patricians.
– Nach Dionysius II, 8 (vgl. Plut. [,] vit. Romuli, XIII) fand Errichtung der Patrician class vor Bildung des Senats statt; war zusammengesetzt aus Personen ausgezeichnet durch Tapferkeit, birth  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
u. wealth. Danach blieben aber noch large class in den several gentes, die keine Patricier.

Cic. de Rep. II, 12:  Als sonach jener Senat des Romulus, der aus den Optimaten bestand, denen der König selbst soviel eingeräumt hatte, daß er sie Väter genannt wissen wollte und ihre Kinder Patrizier, versuchte […] (Übers. Karl Büchner.)
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»Quum ille Romuli Senatus, qui constabat ex optimatibus, quibus ipse rex tantum tribuisset, ut eos patres vellet nominari, patriciosque eorum liberos, tentaret etc.«
|

91

 Siehe oben, die Sachanmerkung zu „»Centum creat […]“.
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Liv. I, 8[:] »Patres certe ab honore, patriciique progenies eorum appellati

Die Bildung der Senatoren aus chiefs der gens schliesst nur ein dass die gewählten family chiefs – und nur eine family aus den vielen der gens hatte ihr Haupt im Senat, bedingt nur, dass  Ausdruck von Marx.
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diese Burschen
Patres
u. nur ihre progenies patricii, aber nicht alle members jeder gens, also der ganze populus  Bei Morgan, S. 326: as distinguished from the plebeians
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(im Gegensatz zu Plebs)
wie Niebuhr meint. Unter den reges u. der Republik individuals created patricians by the government.

Vellejus Paterculus I, 8:  Er hatte 100 Männer ausgewählt, die er Väter nannte und die er als Ratsversammlung einsetzte. Hieraus leitet sich der Name Patricier ab. (Übers. Marion Geibel.)
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»Hic centum homines electos, appellatosque Patres, instar habuit consilii publici. Hanc originem nomen Patriciorum habet

There could be no patrician gens u. no plebejan gens, obgleich  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗notabene später, als gentile society abolished⦘
particular families in one gens could be patrician u. other plebejan. All the adult members of the Fabrician Fabian gens, 306, were patricians; could either trace their descent from senators or to some public act, wodurch their predecessors raised to patriciate. Vor Servius Tullius Romans divided in Populus u. Plebs; nachher, namentlich nach der Licinian legislation (367 B.C.), wodurch alle Staatswürden jedem civis zugänglich gemacht, alle freien Römer in 2 Klassen: Aristokratie u. Commonalty; die ersteren bestanden aus senators u. deren descendants [,] mit denen, die eins der 3 curules offices (consul, praetor, curulis aedilis) innegehabt u. deren Nachkommen;  Bei Morgan, S. 328: The commonalty were now Roman citizens.
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die commonalty, nun alle Roman cives
; die gentile organization verfiel u. die old division nicht länger haltbar. Personen, die in der ersten Periode zum Populus gehört, gehörten in der 2ten zur Aristokratie, ohne Patricier zu sein.  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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Claudii u. Marcelli 2 Familien der Claudian gens; die ersteren patricii (could trace their descent v. Appius Claudius ), die 2ten Plebejer.

Die Patrician class zahlreich;  Bei Morgan, S. 329: because the senators […] were chosen as often as vacancies occured
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bei jeder Lücke neuer Senator gewählt
, conferred patrician rank auf ihre Nachkommen; others v. Zeit zu Zeit zu patricians gemacht durch act of the state. ( Liv. IV, 4)

Schatten der alten Unterscheidung v. Populus u. Plebs blieb:  Die Plebs übertrug die Aufgabe einmütig den Konsuln. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
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»A plebe consensu populi consulibus negotium mandatur.«
Liv. IV, 51. [324–329]

Numa  Zusatz von Marx.
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(717–679 B.C.)
, der Nachfolger des Romulus, tended to traverse the gentes, durch Eintheilung des Volks in Klassen (wie Theseus), some 8 in number, entsprechend to their arts u. trades.

 Zusatz von Marx nach: Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bdchen. 2. S. 203. Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind „Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.) Morgan (S. 330/331) fasst diese Passage kurz zusammen und zitiert nur den Satz über die Einteilung des Volkes nach den Gewerben (Numa, 17, 20–22) wörtlich in griechischer Sprache (S. 330, Fn. 1). Die in Klammern eingefügten griechischen Bezeichnungen der diversen Gewerbe entnahm Marx dem Zitat bei Morgan.
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Plutarch. Numa c. 17 [:] » Numa bedachte nun, dass man auch Körper, die ursprünglich unmischbar u. spröde sind, durch Stampfen u. Zerstossen in Verbindung bringe, weil kleine Theile sich eher vereinen. Daher beschloss er dann die gesammte Menge in mehre Theile zu scheiden, u. durch Hervorbringung neuer Verschiedenheiten jene erste grosse gleichsam in kleinere zu zersplittern u. eben dadurch aufzuheben. Er theilte also das Volk nach den Gewerben in Flötenspieler (αὐλητῶν), Goldarbeiter (χρυσοχόων), Zimmerleute (τεκτόνων), Färber (βαφέων), Schuster (σκυτοτόμων), Gerber (σκυτοδεψῶν), Schmiede [(]χαλκέων[)] u. Töpfer (κεραμέων). Die übrigen Gewerbe vereinigte er mit einander, u. bildete aus allen zusammen eine Zunft. Durch die Gemeinschaften, Zusammenkünfte u. gottesdienstlichen Feierlichkeiten, die er für jede Zunft nach Gebühr anordnete, brachte er es in der Stadt dahin, dass die Unterscheidung zwischen Sabinern u. Römern, u. zwischen Bürgern des Tatius u. Bürgern des Romulus völlig aufgehoben wurde, so dass diese Absonderung eine Vereinigung u. Verschmelzung Aller mit Allen bewirkte.«
Da diese classes aber nicht invested mit den powers exercised by the gentes, the measure failed. [330, 331]  Kommentar von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 330/331: Plutarch […] speaks of this division of the people according to their vocations […]; and remarks further, that it was designed to take away the distinction between Latin and Sabine […] by mixing them together in a new distribution. But as he [Numa] did not invest the classes
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⦗Aber nach der Darstellung des Plutarch ’s handelt es sich um »Bürger des Romulus« (Latins) u. Bürger des Tatius (Sabiner); dies würde die gentes als hauptsächlich Handwerktreibende stempeln! wenigstens die in der Stadt.⦘

Servius Tullius [’] Periode 576–533 B.C. folgt closely der des Solon (596 B.C[.)] u. vor der des Chleisthenes Cleisthenes (509 B.C.)  Bei Morgan, S. 331: The legislation ascribed to him
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Seine Constitution
modeled nach der des Solon; was in practical operation bei Errichtung der Republik (509 B.C.). Die Hauptchanges, setting aside the gentes u. inaugurating political society, were: 1) substitution of classes, formed nach individual wealth; 2) comitia centuriata, the new popular assembly, statt comitia curiata, assembly der gentes; 3) creation of 4 city wards, circumscribed by metes and bounds, u. named as territorial areas, wo die residents of each ward required to enroll their names and register their property.

 Bei Morgan, S. 331: Imitating Solon, with whose plan of government he was doubtless familiar, Servius divided the people into five classes
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Solon divided the whole people in 5 classes
nach value of their property, wovon effect to concentrate in one class the wealthiest men of the several gentes. Property qualification war für 1ste class |92 100,000 asses; 2t class 75,000; 3t class 50,000; 4t cl. 25,000; 5t class 11,000 asses. (Livy, I, 43) Dionysius fügt 6t class hinzu, consisting of one century, mit 1 vote; composed of those without property or less than required for admission in 5. class; paid no taxes u. dienten nicht in Krieg. (Dionys. IV, 20)  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Siehe hierzu Morgan, S. 332: The whole number of centuries in the six classes with the equites added, made a total of one hundred and ninety-three, according to Dionysius. Livy, agreeing with the former as to the number of regular centuries in the five classes, differs from him by excluding the sixth class, the persons being formed into one century with one vote, and included in or attached to the fifth class. He also makes three centuries of horn-blowers instead of two, and the whole number of centuries one more than Dionysius.
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(einige andre Differences zwischen Dionysius u. Livius)
Jede class subdivided in centuries, deren Anzahl willkührlich, ohne Rücksicht auf Personenzahl in der class, with one vote to each century in den comitia. So 1ste class zählte 80 centuries, hatte 80 votes in the comitia centuriata; 2t class 20 centuries, wozu 2 of artisans attached[,] mit 22 votes; 3d class 20 centuries mit 20 votes; 4th class 20, wozu 2 centuries of hornblowers and trompeters, 22 votes; 5th class of 30 centuries mit 30 votes. Ausserdem Ritter mit 18 centuries u. ebensoviel votes. Dadurch government, soweit beeinflussbar durch die popular assembly, comitia centuriata – in hands der 1sten class u. der equites, hatten zusammen 98 votes, majority des whole. – Die centuries jeder class divided into seniors, über 55 Jahr, charged mit duty as soldiers of defending the city, u. juniors, v. 17 Jahren bis 54 Jahr inclus., charged with external military enterprises. (Dionys. IV, 16) – Jede centurie agreed upon its vote separately when assembled in the comitia centuriata; in taking a vote upon any public question, equites called first, then the 1st class. Stimmten sie überein in ihrem vote, then the question decided, u. die übrigen centuries nicht caled called upon to vote; wenn they disagreed, 2nd class called upon u.s.f.

 Bei Morgan, S. 333: The powers formerly exercised by
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Die Rechte der
comitia curiata, etwas erweitert, übertragen auf die comit. curiata centuriata; elected all officers and magistrates upon the nomination of the Senate; enacted or rejected laws proposed durch letzteren; repealed existing laws auf sein Verlangen,  Bei Morgan, S. 333: if they chose to do so
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wenn’s ihnen gefiel
; declared war auf seine recommendation, aber Senat schloss Frieden ohne sie zu consultiren; an appeal to the comitia centuriata in all cases involving life; they had no control  Zusatz von Marx.
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(die comit. centur.)
over finances. – Property, not numbers controlled the gvt.

Meetings of the comitia jährlich held in Campus Martius für Wahl v. Magistrates u. officers u. zu andern Zeiten, wenn nöthig. Volk assembled by centuries u. by classes under their officers, organized as an army (exercitus); centuries u. classes designed für civil u. military organization. Bei erster Musterung unter Servius Tullius 80,000 in Waffen im Campus Martius, jeder Mann in seiner century, jede Century in ihrer Klasse, jede Klasse besonders. ( Liv. I, 44, Dionys. , der 84,700 zählt, IV. 22.)

Jedes member einer Centurie nun  Bei Morgan, S. 334: citizen of Rome
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civis Romanus
; dies das Hauptresultat. [331–334]

Nach Cicero, De Rep. II, 22 wählte Servius Tullius die Equites from the common mass of the people  Zusatz von Marx.
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(langte sich die Reichsten heraus)
u. divided the remainder into 5 classes. [334, 335]

The property classes subserved the useful purpose of breaking up the gentes,  Bei Morgan, S. 335: It was evidently the principal object of the Servian legislation to obtain a deliverance from the gentes, which were close corporations, and to give the new government a basis wide enough to include all the inhabitants of Rome, with the exception of the slaves
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which had become close corporations, excluding the mass of the population.
– The 5 classes, mit some modification of the manner of voting, remained to the end of the republic. Servius Tullius soll auch instituirt haben die comitia tributa, a separate assembly of each local tribe or ward, deren chief duties relating to the assessment and collection of taxes u. to furnishing contingents of troops. Später elected dies assembly die tribunes of the people. [335, 336]

Einer der ersten acts des Servius – der Census.  Denn er schuf den Census, eine Einrichtung, die sich für das Reich, das einst so groß werden sollte, als sehr segensreich erwiesen hat; aufgrund dieses Census mußten die Leistungen im Krieg und im Frieden nicht mehr wie zuvor von jedem Mann gleichmäßig, sondern entsprechend den Vermögensverhältnissen erbracht werden. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
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»Censum enim instituit, rem saluberrimam tanto futuro imperio: ex quo belli pacisque munia non viritim, [ut ante,] sed pro habitu pecuniarum fierent.«
(Liv. I. 42.) Jede Person hatte sich selbst to enroll in ward of his residence, with statement of amount of his property, geschah in Gegenwart von Censor; the lists when completed furnished the basis upon which the classes were formed. Creation of 4 city wards gleichzeitig, circumscribed by boundaries u. mit eignen Namen; such Roman ward a geographical area, mit a registry of citizens u. their property, a local organization, a tribune u. other elective officer offices u. with an assembly – aber nicht wie Attic deme zugleich polit. body mit complete selfgovernment self-government, elective magistracy, judiciary u. priesthood.|

93

Dies Roman ward a nearer copy of the previous Athenian naucracy naucrary , die wahrscheinlich auch ihr model war. Dionys. IV, 14 sagt, dass nachdem Servius Tullius inclosed the 7 hills mit one wall, he divided the city in 4 parts 1) Palatina, 2) Suburra, 3) Collina, 4) Esquilina (früher hatte die city 3 parts);  Bei Morgan, S. 337: for […] things [he ordered to the people] were no longer to be done according to the three consanguine tribes (φυλὰς τὰς γενικάς), but according to the four local tribes (φυλὰς τὰς τοπικάς).
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sie hätten nun zu dienen (diese Theile) statt nach φυλὰς τὰς γενικάς, nach φυλὰς τὰς τοπικάς;
setzte sie commanders über jeden tribe, as phylarchs u. comarchs, whom he directed to note what house each inhabited. Nach Mommsen hatte jeder dieser 4 levy districts to furnish the 4th part nicht nur of the force as a whole, sondern von jeder ihrer militair. Unterabtheilungen u. jede century zählte  Bei Morgan, S. 337/338, der Mommsen zitiert nach der englischen Übersetzung von W. P. Dickson: The history of Rome. Vol. 1. New York 1871. S. 136. Dort: an equal proportion of conscripts […] – Dagegen in der deutschen Ausgabe (Römische Geschichte. Bd. 1. 2. Aufl. Berlin 1856): gleich viel Conscribirte.
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gleiche Zahl von Conscribirten
from each region
, to merge all distinctions of gentile u. local nature into one common u. durch influence of military spirit to bind meteoci metoeci und burgesses into one people.

Ebenso die Umgegend, under the government of Rome, organized in tribus rusticae, nach einigen 26, nach andern 31, mit den 4 city tribus in einem Fall 30, im andern 35. These townships did not become integral in the sense of participating in the administration of the government.

The overshadowing municipality of Rome made the centre of the State. [336–339]

Nach Einführung des new political system behielten die comitia curiata noch,  Bei Morgan, S. 340: it inaugurated certain priests, and regulated the religious observances of the curiae
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(ausser religiösen curia dreck, inaugurated certain priest priests –)
bei das: they conferred the imperium upon all the higher magistrates, became in time a matter of form only. After 1st Punic war verloren sie alle Bedeutung u. fell soon in oblivion; ebenso die curiae – beide superseded rather than abolished; gentes blieben lang ins empire hinein, as a pedigree u. a lineage. [340]

The element of property, which has controlled society to a great extent during the comparatively short period of civilization, gab mankind despotism, imperialism, monarchy, privileged classes u. finally representative democracy. [341, 342]



Pt. II. Ch. XIV. Change of Descent von Female to Male Line.

 Nummerierung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 343: ancient descent in the female line
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1) Female Descent
:  Bei Morgan, S. 343: supposed female ancestor
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Female ancestor
u. her children (sons u. daughters); children of her daughters, and of her female descendants through females, in perpetuity. (Children of her sons, and of her male descendants, through males were excluded.) Dies bildet archaic gens.

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
Descent in male line: Gens consists of asupposed male ancestor u. his children, together mit den children of his sons and of his male descendants through males in perpetuity.

Bei change v. 1) zu 2)  Bei Morgan, S. 344: When [the change] done at a given time, and by preconcerted determination, it was only necessary to agree that all the present members of the gens should remain
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blieben alle present members der gens
Mitglieder derselben, nur in future all children, whose fathers belonged to the gens, should alone remain in it u. bear the gentile name, while the children of the female members should be excluded. This would not break or change the kinship or relations of the existing gentiles; but thereafter it would retain in the gens the children it before excluded, and excluse exclude those it before retained.

Solang descent in female line: 1)Marriage in the gens prohibited; hence children in an other gens than that of their reputed father.

2) Property and the office of chief hereditary in the gens: thus excluding children from inheriting the property or succeeding to the office of their reputed father.  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 345: This state of things would continue until a motive […] to establish the injustice of this exclusion in the face of their changed condition. The natural remedy was a change of descent from the female line to the male. All that was needed to effect the change was an adequate motive. After domestic animals began to be reared in flocks and herds, becoming thereby a source of subsistence as well as objects of individual property, and after tillage had led to the ownership of houses and lands in severalty, an antagonism would be certain to arise against the prevailing form of gentile inheritance, because it excluded the owner’s, children, whose paternity was becoming more assured, and gave his property to his gentile kindred. A contest for a new rule of inheritance, shared in by fathers and their children, would furnish a motive sufficiently powerful to effect the change.
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– Sobald change of condition (durch Entwicklung v. individual property u. monogamy namentlich) such, dass diese exclusions »ungerecht« erschienen, – change of descent effected. ⦗Private property in flocks u. herds u. nachdem tillage had led to the ownership of houses u. lands in severalty.⦘
With property accumulating in masses and assuming permanent forms, and with an increased portion of it held by individual ownership, descent in the female line   Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗v. wegen inheritance⦘
certain of overthrow. Change to descent in male line would leave the inheritance in the gens as before, but it would place children in the gens of their father u. at the head of the agnatic kindred.

Probable, that when descent changed to the male line, or still earlier, animal names for the gentes laid aside and personal names substituted in their place. After this substitution, the eponymous ancestor became a shifting person.

The more celebrated Grecian gentes made the change of names; they retained the name of the mother of their gentile father and ascribed his birth to her embracement by some particular god. So Eumolpus , der eponymous ancestor der Attic Eumolpidae , was the reputed son of Neptune u. Chione . [343–346] |

94

440. B.C. Herodot : sagt v. den Lyciens Lycians (von denen er erzählt, dass sie sprung from Creta, u. nach Lykia gewandert unter Führung des Sarpedon , dass „ihre customs partly Cretan, partly Carian, ):

„Die Lykier haben eine sonderbare Gewohnheit worin sie abweichen von jeder andern Nation in der Welt. Frage einen Lykier wer er ist u. er antwortet indem er seinen Eigennamen giebt, den seiner Mutter und so on in the female line. Ferner, wenn eine freie Weibsperson einen Mann heirathet, der ein Sklave ist, so sind ihre Kinder freie Bürger; aber wenn ein freier Mann ein ausländisch Weib heirathet, oder cohabits with a concubine, selbst wenn er die first person im Staat ist, the children forfeit all the rights of citizenship.“

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Now cfr:
Wenn ein Seneca-Iroquois ein fremdes Weib heirathet, sind seine Kinder aliens; aber wenn eine Seneca-Iroquois Weibsperson einen Fremden heirathet, od. einen Onondaga, sind ihre Kinder Iroquois of the Seneca tribe u. of the gens u. phratry ihrer Mutter. Die Frau überträgt ihre nationality u. her gens auf ihre Kinder, whoever their father.

 Bei Morgan, S. 347: It follows necessarily from this circumstantial statement
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Folgt aus Herodot’s Stelle
, dass die Lykier organized in gentes (of archaic form),  Bei Morgan, S. 347: and that the children belonged to the gens of their mother
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hence mit descent in female line
.

Die aborigines v. Creta  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Kandia)
waren Pelasgian, Semitic u. Hellenic tribes, living locally apart. Minos, der brother des Sarpedon, gilt als head der Pelasgians in Creta; die Lykier zu Herodot’s Zeit ganz hellenisirt – conspicuous unter den Asiatic Greeks for their advancement. Die Insulation ihrer Vorfahren auf Creta-Insel, vor ihrer migration in the legendary period to Lycia, mag erklären ihre retention of the female line in this late period.

„Etrusker ⦗nach Cramer: Description of Ancient Italy (dieser selbst quotes Lanzi )⦘, wie wir aus ihren Monumenten sehn, liessen ihre Weiber zu ihren Festen u. Banquets zu; sie beschreiben ihre parentage u. family invariably with reference to the mother, and not the father. Dieselben 2 customs noticed von Herodot bezüglich der Lykier und Caunians v. Asia Minor.“

Curtius (Griech. Geschichte) commenting on Lycian, Etruskan u. Cretan descent in female line, sagt: dies wurzle in den primitive conditions of society, als Monogamie noch nicht etablirt hinreichend to assure descent on the father’s side. Der Gebrauch erstreckt sich daher weit über Lycian territory; occurs heut noch in Indien; existirte unter den alten Aegyptern; mentioned by Sanchoniathon (p. 16, Orell); bei Etruskans, Cretans, who called their fatherlandMotherland.  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗noch immer sagt jeder: Mutterzunge, Fatherland; die Sprache gehört immer noch der Mutter⦘
Die Stelle bei Herodot beweist nur, dass sich die custom of descent in female line von allen related to the Greeks u. am längsten unter den Lykiern erhalten … As life became more regulated, relinquished u. naming children after their fathers became general in Greece.  Curtius verweist jedoch hier nicht auf dieses Buch, sondern den Vortrag von Johann Jakob Bachofen über das „Weiberrecht“, abgedruckt in: Verhandlungen der 16. Versammlung deutscher Philologen, Schulmänner und Orientalisten in Stuttgart vom 23. bis 26. September 1856. Stuttgart 1857. S. 44. Marx entnimmt den Hinweis versehentlich der folgenden Anmerkung von Morgan (S. 349, Fn. 2).
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Cf. Bachofen [,] Mutterrecht, Stuttgart 1861.

Bachofen (Mutterrecht) has collected u. discussed the evidence  Bei Morgan, S. 349: of female authority (mother-right) and of female rule (gyneocracy)
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of Mutterrecht u. Gyneocracy
unter Lykiern, Cretern, Athenern, Lemniern, Aegyptern, Orchomenians, Locrians, Lesbians u. unter östlichen Asiatischen Nationen. Dies aber setzt voraus – gens in its archaic form; diese would give the gens of the mothers the ascendency in the household. Die family – wahrscheinlich schon in syndyasmian form – noch environed mit den remains of conjugal system of still earlier condition. Such family – a married pair with their children – mit kindred families in a communal household wo die several mothers u. ihre Kinder of the same gens, the reputed fathers dieser children of other gentes.

Common lands u. joint tillage would lead to joint-tenement houses and communism in living;  Bei Morgan, S. 349: so that gyneocracy seems to require for its creation, descent in the female line
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gyneocracy unterstellt für Entstehung – descent in the female line producirt
. Women entrenched in large households, supplied from common stores, in which their own gens largely predominated in numbers – … When descent changed to male line mit monogamian family the joint-tenement house displaced, stellte in midst einer rein gentile society the wife and mother in a single house u. separated her from her gentile kindred.

Bachofen sagt v. Cretan city of Lyktos: diese Stadt wurde betrachtet als lacedämonische Colonie u. auch als related to the Athenians; war in beiden Fällen so on the mother’s side, denn nur die Mütter waren spartan. Abkunft. Die Athenian Verwandschaft geht zurück auf Athenische Weiber welche die Pelasgian Tyrrhenians from Brauron promontory enticed haben sollen. – Mit descent in male line,  Zusatz von Marx.
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bemerkt treffend Morgan
, würde das lineage der women unberücksichtigt geblieben sein; aber mit female line gaben die Colonists their pedigrees through |95 females only.

Monogamy unter Greeks probably nicht vor Upper Status of Barbarism.  Kommentar von Marx, der Bachofen nicht die Schweizer, sondern die deutsche Nationalität zuschrieb, um ihn in die „klassische Schülergelehrsamkeit“ von Niebuhr und Mommsen aufzunehmen. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „alle von klassischer Schülergelehrsamkeit“, wo Marx auch die Briten Grote, Thirlwall und Maine in den Kreis einbezieht. Siehe auch die Sachanmerkung „erklärt den Ursprung der Gens als Schulgelehrter Philister so“.

Bei Morgan, S. 350: Concerning the latter [the Athenian tribes], Bachofen remarks
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Wie pragmatisch u. als echter deutscher Schulgelehrter Bachofen selbst die Sache auffasst, sichtbar aus folgendem passus
:

[„]Denn vor der Zeit des Kekrops hatten die Kinder nur eine Mutter, keinen Vater; they were of one line. An keinen Mann ausschliesslich gebunden, brachte das Weib nur spurious  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
children zur Welt. Kekrops  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
machte  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
diesem Zustand der Dinge ein Ende; brachte zurück  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
die lawless  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
union of sexes zur Exclusivität der Ehe, gab den Kindern einen Vater  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
und eine Mutter  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
u. machte sie so from unilateres – bilateres.“  Kommentar von Marx.
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(machte sie unilateres in male line of descent!)

 Morgan (S. 350/351) zitiert nach: [Polybius:] The general history of Polybius. Transl. from the Greek by [James] Hampton. 4. ed. In 3 vol. London 1809.
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Polybius XII, extract II
: „Die Lokrier selbst  Zusatz von Marx nach Morgan, S. 350.
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⦗die 100 families of Locrians in Italy
haben mich versichert, dass ihre eignen traditions mehr dem Bericht des Aristoteles entsprechen als dem des Timäus. Geben davon folgende Beweise … alle nobility of ancestry ist unter ihnen von Weibern abgeleitet u. nicht von Männern. Die allein sind noble, die ihren Ursprung von den 100 families ableiten; diese families were noble unter den Locrians vor ihrer Wanderung; u. waren in der That dieselben von denen durch Loos 100 virgins taken, wie das Orakel befohlen hatte, u. die nach Troja gesandt wurden.“

Wahrscheinlich der hier erwähnte Rang  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Adel)
connected mit office of chief of gens, ennobled die besondre Familie innerhalb der gens, auf eines deren Glied Glieder es conferred; dies implicirt descent in the female line both as to persons u. office; das office of chief hereditary in the gens u. elective unter its male members in archaic times; mit descend descent in female line passes v. Bruder zu Bruder u. von Onkel zu Nephew  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Schwesterssohn)
. Aber officed office stets passed through females, the eligibility der Person depending upon the gens of his mother, who gave him connection with the gens u. the defunct chief whose place he was to fill. Wo office u. rank runs through females, it requires descent in the female line for its explanation.

In traditionary period der Greeks: Salmōneus u. Krētheus own brothers, Söhne des Aeolus . Der erstere gab seine Tochter Tyrō in Ehe ihrem Onkel. Mit Descent in male line Krētheus u. Tyrō of the same gens, hätten nicht heirathen können; mit descent in female line  Bei Morgan, S. 351/352: they would have been of different gentes, and therefore not of gentile kin. Their marriage in that case would not have violated strict gentile usages. It is immaterial that the persons named are mythical, because the legend would apply gentile usages correctly. This marriage is explainable on the hypothesis of descent in the female line, which in turn raises a presumption of its existence at the time, or as justified by their ancient usages which had not wholly died out.
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Tyrō of gens ihrer Mutter , nicht ihres Vaters. Salmōneus also of different gens als Krētheus; die Heirath also within gentile usage. Der mythische Character der Personen gleichgültig, the legend applies gentile usages correctly; zeigt also hin auf descent in female line im hohen Alterthum (griechischen)
.

Nach der Zeit des Solon konnte ein Bruder seine Halbschwester heirathen, wenn sie born of different mothers, Bei Morgan: but not conversely
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nicht aber when born of different fathers and same mother
. Mit descent in female line, they would be of different gentes; aber in male descent line – u. diese existirte damals faktisch – of the same gens, ihre Heirath daher verboten.  Bemerkung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 352: an ancient practice seems to have survived the change of descent to the male line, even though it violated the gentile obligations of the parties.
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Dies also Ueberleben der alten Praxis, surviving the change of descent to the male line.
Cimon heirathete seine Halbschwester Elpinice , vom selben Vater, aber verschiednen Müttern. Im Eubulides des Demosthenes sagt Euxithius :  denn mein Großvater heirathete seine Schwester, die nicht von einer Mutter mit ihm war (Übers. Anton Westermann.)

Marx zitiert den griechischen Wortlaut nach Morgan, S. 352, Fn. 1, und die Übersetzungen in Klammern nach Morgan.

(nicht von derselben Mutter): Siehe auch Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 157 (ὁμομήτριος). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).
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»ἀδελφὴν γὰρ πάππος (grandfather) οὑμὸς ἔγημεν οὐχ ὁμομητρίαν« (nicht von derselben Mutter)
. Vgl. id. Eubulides, 24.

Descent in the female line presupposes the gens to distinguish the lineage; war –  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗wozu gar keine histor. evidence weiter nöthig, nachdem dies als archaic form entdeckt⦘
– ancient law der Latin, Grecian u. other Graeco-Italian gentes. [347–352]

Annehmend Zahl of registered Athenians zur Zeit Solon’s = 60,000 u. dividing them equally unter den 360 Attic gentes, gäbe average von 160 persons to gens. Die gens was a great family  Zusatz von Marx.
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(nenne es Geschlechtsfamilie)
of kindred persons, with common religious rites, common burial place, u., in general, common lands. Intermarriage verboten. Mit change of descent to male line, rise of monogamy, exclusive inheritance in the children u. appearence of heiresses way gradually prepared for free marriage regardless of gens, except prohibition für certain degrees naher Blutsverwandtschaft. Marriages began in the group, alle males u. females of whichausschliesslich der Kinderwere joint husbands u. wives; aber husbands u. wives were of different gentes; it endend ended in marriage between single pairs with a an  Zusatz von Marx.
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(officially)
exclusive cohabitation
. [353] |

96

Das Turanian Verwandschaftssystem (Asien, Africa, Australien) ⦗entsprechend dem Ganowánian in America⦘ muss auch unter Greek u. Latin tribes in selber Entwicklungsperiode geherrscht haben. Ein Characterzug desselben: die Kinder von Brüdern sind selbst Brüder u. Schwestern , als solche nicht intermarriable; die Kinder von Schwestern in demselben Verhältniss, unter selber prohibition.  Kommentar von Marx. Von Engels zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 25).
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⦗Wenn Bachofen diese Punaluan Ehen lawless findet, so fände Mann aus dieser Periode die meisten jetzigen Ehen zwischen nahen und fernen Cousins, sei es väterlicher, sei es mütterlicher Seite, blutschänderisch, nämlich als Ehen zwischen blutsverwandten Geschwistern⦘
Dieses erklärt die Legende der Danaiden (worauf Aeschylus seine »Schutzflehenden« gegründet).

Danaus u. Aegyptus waren Brüder u. descendants der Argivischen Io . Danaus, von different wives hatte 50 Töchter u. Aegyptus 50 Söhne; letztere sought the first in marriage; diese nach Turanian SystemBrüder und Schwestern, unverheirathbar. Wenn damals descent in male line, hätten sie auch zur selben gens gehört, andres Heirathobstacle. Die 50 Danaustöchter – Danaiden – flohen von Aegypten nach Argos, um dem unlawful und blutschänderischen wedlock zu entfliehen. Dies event foretold to Io von Prometheus. (Aeschylus 853)

In den Schutzfliehenden des Aeschylus erklären die Danaiden den kindred Argives (in Argos), sie seien nicht vebannt worden von Aegypten, sondern:

 Zusatz von Marx. Übersetzung der Zeilen 7–11 aus Aeschylus: Supplices.
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nicht wegen Blutthat (Mord) durch Volksverbannenden Beschluss verurtheilt

sondern aus Männerfurcht, die blutsverwandte u. unheilige Ehe der Söhne des Aegyptus verschmähend.

» Marx zitiert den ganzen Abschnitt nach der Ausgabe von Christian Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit, scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus] Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797. Vol. 3 (Text). S. 127). Siehe die Sachanmerkungen zu „v. 1007–10:“ , „δοκοῦντα καὶ …“ und „kommt Herald …“). Bei einem anderen Zitat nach Aeschylus im vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich Marx explizit auf Schütz’ „Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2, S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Die Stelle scheint verdorben …“ .

Morgan, S. 355, Fn. 1 zitiert die letzten drei Verse wie folgt: ἀλλ’ αὐτογενεῖ φυξανορία, / γάμου Αἰγύπτου παίδων ἀσεβῆ τ’ / ὀνοταζόμεναι. – Aeschylus Sapp., 9.
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Δίαν δὲ λιποῦσαι
Χθόνα σύγκορτον Συρίᾳ φεύγομεν,
Οὔτιν’ ἐφ’αἵματι δημηλασίᾳ
Ψήφῳ πόλεως γνωσθεῖσαι ,
ἀλλ’αὐτογενεῖ αὐτογενήτων φυξανορία φυξάνορα
Γάμο Αἰγύπτου παίδων ἀσεβῆ τ’
ὀνοταζόμεναι.« (Aesch. Suppl. v. 5 sq).

  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe den Kommentar zu v. 6 (σύγχορτον Συρίᾳ). Christian Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit, scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus] Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797. Vol. 3 (Komm.). S. 244).

»σύγχορτα ναίω πεδία« Ich bewohne angrenzende Felder (Ebnen): Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 455 (σύγχορτος), 107 (ναίω) und 249 (πεδίον). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31).
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σύγχορτον = conterminam, da χόρτος (hortus, curtis) auch = terminus. So »χόρτος αὐλῆς, ὁ τῆς αὐλῆς ὅρος, die Grenze des Hofes« – So Eurip. Andromache v. 17 »σύγχορτα ναίω πεδία« Ich bewohne angrenzende Felder (Ebnen).

  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Die Stelle scheint verdorben grammatice, sieh Schütz „Aeschylus“ vol. 2, p. 378.)

Nachdem sie den casus der  Bei Morgan, S. 355: Suppliants
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Hiketiden
gehört, beschlossen die Argiver in Council ihnen Schutz zu gewähren, was implicirt Existenz von Verbot solcher Ehen u. the validity of their objection. Zur Zeit, wo diese Tragödie aufgeführt in Athen, erlaubte u. forderte selbst das Athenische Gesetz marriage between the children of brothers im case of heiresses u. orphans, obgleich diese Regel auf solche Ausnahmsfälle beschränkt scheint. [353–355]



Pt. II. Ch. XV. Gentes in other tribes of the Human family.

Celtic branch der Aryan family (ausser denen of India) hält länger als irgend andre die Gentile Organization bei; – Scottish Clan in den Highlands of Scotlandfeuds u. blood revenge, localization by gentes, use of lands in common, fidelity of clansman to his chief und members of the Clan to each other. – Irish Sept. – ⦗Celtisch: Villein-communities on French Estates.

 Bei Morgan, S. 358: The communities of Villeins on French estates in former times, noticed by Sir Henry Maine in his recent work, may prove to be […] remains of ancient Celtic gentes. “Now that the explanation has once been given,” he remarks, “there can be no doubt that these associations were […] groups of kinsmen; not, however, so often organized on the ordinary type of the Village-Community as on that of the House-Community, which has recently been examined in Dalmatia and Croatia. […]”
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Andrerseits: Phis or Phrara of Albania; die Familiengemeinschaften in Dalmatien u. Croatien
.

Die Sanscrit »Ganas«  Bei Morgan, S. 358: the existence of which term in the language implies that this branch of the Aryan family formerly possessed the same institution [a prior gentile organization]
Schließen
(»gentes«)
. [357, 358]

Germans: were in Upper Status of Barbarism, when first known to the Romans; konnten kaum mehr developed ideas of government haben als Römer u. Griechen, wenn first known.

 Zusatz von Marx nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 2.

In alten Liedern, der einzigen Art geschichtlicher Überlieferung bei ihnen, preisen sie Tuisto, einen erdentsprossenen Gott. Diesem schreiben sie einen Sohn Mannus zu, den Ahnherrn und Begründer ihres Volkes, dem Mannus wieder drei Söhne, nach deren Namen sich die Stämme an der Meeresküste als Ingaevonen, die in der Mitte des Landes als Herminonen, die übrigen als Istaevonen bezeichnen. Manche behaupten auch – die Urzeit läßt hier ja freien Spielraum –, der Gott habe mehr (als drei) Söhne gehabt und es gebe darum mehr Stammesnamen, die Marser, Gambrivier, Sueben und Vandilier […]. Die Bezeichnung Germanien dagegen sei noch neu und erst kürzlich gegeben worden; denn es seien ja nur diejenigen, die als erste den Rhein überschritten und dann die Gallier verdrängten, die heutigen Tungrer, ursprünglich Germanen genannt gewesen. Der Name dieses Einzelstammes, nicht der des Volkes habe nun nach und nach stärkere Geltung erlangt, in der Weise, daß das Gesamtvolk wegen der Furchtvorstellung (die mit dem Namen verbunden war) zunächst vom Sieger, später aber, nachdem der Name einmal aufgekommen war, auch von ihm selbst Germanen genannt wurde. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Morgan, S. 359, Fn. 1, verweist auf dieses Kapitel, ohne die Passage zu zitieren. Üblicherweise benutzte Marx die sich in seinem Besitz befindliche Ausgabe der „Germania“: C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1296).Marx zieht hier und im Folgenden aber auch die lateinisch-französische Ausgabe von Panckoucke heran: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824 (dort: S. 7–11). Von den beiden konkurrierenden Lesarten „Tuisconem“ und „Tuistonem“ verwendet Marx nämlich nicht wie Ernesti die erstere, sondern wie Panckoucke die letztere; darüber hinaus folgt er Panckoucke in der Lesart „ita nationis nomen, non gentis“ statt „ita nationis nomen in nomen gentis“ wie bei Ernesti.

›gentis‹ (tribe): Anführungszeichen und Übersetzung in Klammern von Marx.

(Wehrmannen , guerriers): Übersetzung von Marx. Bei Panckoucke: qui, dans leur langue, signifie homme de guerre

›nationis‹: Anführungszeichen von Marx.
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Tacitus . De Moribus Germanorum , c. 2. »Celebrant carminibus antiquis (quod unum apud illos memoriae et annalium genus est) Tuistonem deum, terra editum, et filium Mannum , originem gentis conditoresque. Manno tris filios adsignant, e quorum nominibus proximi OceanoIngaevones, mediiHermiones, ceteriIstaevones vocentur. Quidam autem, licentia vetustatis, plures deo ortos, pluresque ›gentis‹ (tribe) appellationes, Marsos, Gambrivios, Suevos, Vandalios adfirmant […]. Ceterum Germaniae vocabulum recens et nuper additum: quoniam[,] qui primi Rhenum transgressi Gallos expulerint, ac nunc Tungri, tunc Germani (Wehrmannen , guerriers) vocati sint: ita ›nationis‹ nomen, non gentis[,] evaluisse paulatim, ut omnes, primum a victore ob metum, mox a se ipsis invento nomine[,] Germani vocarentur.«
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 Kommmentar von Marx.

»Suevi bis discreti«: (Die Sueben) haben […] den größten Teil Germaniens inne und sind jetzt noch in selbständige Stämme mit eigenen Namen geschieden (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Bei Tacitus: Nunc de Suevis dicendum est […] majorem
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(natio muss hier = confederacy of tribes sein; jeder tribe = gens segmentated in mehre gentes. »Suevi majorem Germaniae partem obtinent, propriis adhuc nationibus nominibusque discreti«. Tacit. Germ. c. 28 38 ; die nationes sind hier verschiedene näher related tribes od. auch tribes (wie z. B. Seneca-Iroquois etc), auf keinen Fall gentes.)

 Zusatz von Marx. Er bezieht sich auf den Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „nunc Tungri, tunc Germani“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 409, Fn. 9. Dort: Sententiam enim hanc reor (quidquid differtum aliis) eos qui transgressi primitus Rhenum sint, esse eum ipsum populum qui nunc Tungri appellentur, at tunc Germani. quod tamen unius nationis peculiare nomen, paullatim transfusum ad omnes. (Ich vertrete nämlich die (von anderen abweichende) Ansicht, dass die, die zuerst den Rhein überschritten, dasselbe Volk waren, das jetzt Tungrer genannt wird und damals Germanen hieß. Doch wurde, was der besondere Name einer einzelnen Nation war, allmählich auf alle ausgedehnt.)
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Lipsius interpretirt: [»]Die, qui transgressi primitus Rhenum sint, sind eben das Volk, das jetzt Tungri, damals Germani genannt wurden wurde. Dieser (der Name ›Germani‹) Particularname einer einzigen Natio, nach u. nach auf alle übertragen.« Meint umgekehrt: »ita nationis nomen, non gentis evaluisse paulatim«: der Name prevailed nach u. nach, nicht als der einer gens (hier für erweiterte gens = tribe[)], sondern als nationis nomen, wo natio das ganze deutsche Volk, alle tribes zusammen ist.⦘

 Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Tacitus: Germania. In: C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae, S. 408. Dort: Celebrant carminibus antiquis (quod unum apud illos memoriae et annalium genus est).
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Dass alte Gesänge ihre einzigen historical account (»memoriae«) und Annalen
 Zusatz von Marx. Er bezieht sich auf den Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quod unum apud illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. S. 408, Fn. 3.
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, so fanden es die Spanier bei the village Indians
.  Zusatz von Marx nach dem Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quod unum apud illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 408, Fn. 3.

Auch die uralten heidnischen Lieder, in denen die Taten und Kriege der alten Könige besungen wurden, ließ er aufschreiben, um sie für die Nachwelt zu erhalten. (Übers. Evelyn Scherabon Coleman.)
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Eginhartus , „Vita Caroli Magni“: »Barbara et antiquissima carmina, quibus veterum regum actiones et bella canebantur, scripsit, memoriaeque mandavit.«

 Zusatz von Marx nach dem Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quod unum apud illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 408, Fn. 3.

In ihren uralten Liedern wird auf fast historische Weise erinnert etc.
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Jornandes, „De Gothis“: »In priscis eorum carminibus poene historico ritu colitur recolitur etc.«

 Zusatz von Marx nach dem Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quod unum apud illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 408, Fn. 3.

de Arminio […] gentes: über Arminius: „Noch heute besingen ihn die Barbarenvölker.“ (Übers. August Horneffer.)
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Tacit. lib. II. Annal. de Arminio: »Caniturque adhuc barbaras apud gentes.«

 Zusatz von Marx nach dem Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quod unum apud illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 408, Fn. 3, wobei er in Klammern die von diesem beigefügte lateinische Übersetzung wiedergibt.

ἄγρια μέλη … παραπλήσια ταῖς κλαγγαῖς τῶν τραχὺ βοώντων ὀρνίθων: wilde Lieder, in einem Stil, der dem Krächzen von heiser kreischenden Vögeln glich (Übers. Friedhelm L. Müller.)
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Julianus in „Antiochico“ nennt diese cantus »ἄγρια μέλη (agrestia carmina), παραπλήσια ταῖς κλαγγαῖς τῶν τραχὺ βοώντων ὀρνίθων (similia clangoribus avium aspere clamantium).«

 Zusatz von Marx, entweder nach der Ausgabe von Ernesti (C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772) oder von Panckoucke (La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 11).

Es gibt bei ihnen auch noch Lieder, durch deren Wiedergabe, den sogenannten Barditus, sie ihren Mut anfeuern (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

(durch deren delivery: Art sie auszuschreien): Zusatz von Marx. Siehe William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 946, Eintrag „rĕlātus“ (mit diesem Zitat von Tacitus): with the delivery of which
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Tacitus l.c. (German.) c. 3 spricht dann v. ihren Kriegsgesängen: »Sunt illis haec quoque carmina, quorum relatu, (durch deren delivery: Art sie auszuschreien) [quem Barditum vocant,] accendunt animos«
.  Zusatz von Marx, der sich auf den Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quem Barditum vocant“ bezieht, die Marx im letzten Zitat ausgelassen hat. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 410, Fn. 1. Dort: Baritum: quae mera vox nostras, quibus Beren aut Baeren, clamare, vocem tollere. Marx benutzt auch William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 122 (barditus → barītus). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
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barditus für barītus vom old German bar, baren, raise the voice: Tacitus confounds the battle cry mit dem battle song.

 Zusatz von Marx nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 5.

Das Land […] ist schaurig durch seine Urwälder oder häßlich durch seine Moore […] Saatkorn trägt es recht gut, Obstbäme duldet es nicht, Vieh gibt es viel, aber zumeist nur einen kleinwüchsigen Schlag; selbst die Pflugtiere haben nicht ihr eigenartig stattliches Aussehen oder prächtiges Gehörn (wie in Italien). Lediglich an der Stückzahl hat man Freude, ist Vieh doch der einzige und schönste Reichtum. […] Aus dem Besitz und dem Gebrauch dieser Edelmetalle [Silber und Gold] machen sie sich nicht sonderlich viel. Man kann beobachten, daß silberne Gefäße, die ihre Gesandten und Fürsten als Geschenk erhielten, bei ihnen keinen anderen Wert besitzen als aus Ton geformte. Unsere Grenznachbarn indessen wissen wegen des Handelsverkehrs Gold und Silber wohl zu schätzen, ja bestimmte Sorten unseres Geldes anerkennen und nehmen sie mit Vorliebe. Tiefer drinnen dagegen im Land treibt man in einfacherer, älterer Art noch Tauschhandel. Von unserem Geld sagt ihnen das alte, schon lange bekannte zu: die Stücke mit gezähntem Rand und die mit dem Bild eines Zweigespanns. Auch halten sie sich lieber ans Silber- als ans Goldgeld, nicht etwa, weil es ihrer Neigung entspricht, sondern deshalb, weil die (größere) Zahl von Silbermünzen für sie beim Einkauf billigen Kleinkrams bequemer zu verwenden ist. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Marx zitiert vermutlich nach: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 19–25. Zu seinen Einfügungen in Klammern siehe dessen französische Übersetzung (S. 18–24) sowie Smith: Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 992 (sătus, sata), 423 (fĕrax), 538 (imprōcērus) und 87 (argentĕus). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
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Tac. German. c. 5. beschreibt: »Terra […] aut silvis horrida, aut paludibus foeda: […] satis (ablat. von sata) ferax (fruchtbar an Korn), : frugiferarum arborum impatiens: pecorum fecunda (abondant en bétail), sed plerumque improcera (nicht tall, klein): . ne armentis (Ochsen) quidem suus honor (das Horn), aut gloria frontis: . numero gaudent (de nombre de domage): . eaeque solae et gratissimae opes sunt (sind ihr einziger Reichthum, den sie am meisten schätzen) … possessione et usu (Edelmetallen) haud perinde afficiuntur. (haud perinde nicht gleich den Römern, nicht so sehr als –) Est videre apud illos argentea vasa, legatis et principibus eorum muneri data, non in alia vilitate, quam quae humo (Erde, Lehm, Thon) finguntur: quamquam proximi, (die an den röm. Grenzen Wohnenden) ob usum commerciorum, aurum et argentum in pretio habent, formasque quasdam nostrae pecuniae agnoscunt, atque eligunt: interiores simplicius et antiquius permutatione mercium utuntur. Pecuniam probant veterem, et diu notam, Serratos (von serra = Säge, waren nämlich so indentirt), Bigatosque. (v. biga, hatten empreinte d’un char attelé de deux chevaux) Argentum quoque magis quam aurum sequuntur, nulla affectione animi, sed quia numerus argenteorum (argentei numi, silver coins) facilior usui est promiscua ac vilia mercantibus

Tac. Germ. c. 7:  Zusatz von Marx nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 7.

Ihre Könige nehmen sie aufgrund edler Abkunft, ihre Heerführer aufgrund persönlicher Tapferkeit. Doch besitzen die Könige keine unumschränkte oder willkürliche Gewalt, und die Heerführer befehligen weniger durch ihre Machtbefugnisse als durch ihr Beispiel, eben durch die Bewunderung […] (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Marx zitert wahrscheinlich nach: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 31–35.

Morgan, S. 360, Fn. 2, verweist auf dieses Kapitel, aber nicht auf diesen Teil.

(die chiefs of the tribes): Zusatz von Marx.

(i.e. aus gens … mehr prominent gens): Zusatz von Marx.

(the chief-warriors): Zusatz von Marx.

(wie die Iroquois): Zusatz von Marx.
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»Reges (die chiefs of the tribes,) ), ex nobilitate (i.e. aus gens, i.e. aus more illustrious family of a gens u. mehr prominent gens), duces (the chief-warriors) ex virtute sumunt. (wie die Iroquois) Nec regibus infinita aut libera potestas; et duces exemplo potius quam imperio … admiratione praestant praesunt

 Zusatz von Marx nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 11.

Über weniger wichtige Angelegenheiten entscheiden die Fürsten, über wichtigere alle gemeinsam etc. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Marx zitiert vermutlich nach: C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 421.
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C. XI »De minoribus rebus principes consultant; de majoribus omnes etc.«
 Zusatz von Marx.
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(see das weitere)

 Bei der Volksversammlung kann man auch Klage erheben und Gerichtsverfahren anstrengen […] In ebendiesen Versammlungen wählt man auch die Fürsten, die in den Ortschaften ihrer Gaue Recht sprechen. Jedem von ihnen sind hundert Schöffen aus dem Volk zur Beratung und auch zur Hebung des Ansehens beigegeben. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Marx zitiert nach: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 61 und 65.

(Gaue); (bourgades): Übersetzungen von Marx. Zu der letzteren siehe: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 64. In seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti (C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 421) hat Marx den letzten Satz („Centeni …“) mit Blaustift unterstrichen (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1296).
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C. XII »Licet apud concilium accusare quoque, et discrimen capitis intendere. … Eliguntur in iisdem conciliis et principes[,] qui jura per pagos (Gaue) vicosque (bourgades) reddunt. Centeni singulis ex plebe comites, consilium simul et autoritas auctoritas , adsunt[.«]

 Zusatz von Marx nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 20.

Beim Oheim mütterlicherseits genießen die Söhne der Schwestern dieselbe Wertschätzung wie bei ihrem Vater. Manche sehen diese Blutsbande als noch heiliger und enger an und verlangen als Bürgen lieber Schwestersöhne, weil sie angeblich damit die Gesinnung des einzelnen fester und seine Sippe vollständiger in der Hand haben. Erben und Rechtsnachfolger eines jeden sind trotzdem nur die leiblichen Söhne, ein Testament gibt es nicht. Wenn keine Söhne da sind, haben die Brüder und Oheime väterlicher- und mütterlicherseits den nächsten Rang im Besitzrecht. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Marx zitiert nach: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 109 (oncle).

(ziehn die nephews den Söhnen vor): Übersetzungen von Marx. Siehe: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 108. In seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti (C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 433) hat Marx diese Stelle mit Blaustift fast ganz unter- und teilweise angestrichen und mit Randbemerkungen versehen (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1296).
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XX »Sororum filiis idem apud avunculum (oncle), qui apud patrem honor. Quidam sanctiorem arctioremque hunc nexum sanguinis tenent arbitrantur, et in accipiendis obsidibus magis exigunt, tanquam tamquam ii (ziehn die nephews den Söhnen vor), et animum firmius, et domum latius teneant. Heredes tamen successoresque sui cuique liberi: et nullum testamentum. Si liberi non sunt, proximus gradus in possessione fratres, patrui, avunculi.«
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Caesar de bello Gallic. VI, c. 12 c. 22  Zusatz von Marx nach Gaius Iulius Caesar: Commentarii de bello Gallico, VI, 22.

Ackerbau betreiben sie mit wenig Eifer und ernähren sich hauptsächlich von Milch, Käse und Fleisch. Auch hat niemand ein bestimmtes Stück Land oder eigenen Grundbesitz, sondern Stammesführung und maßgebliche Männer teilen jährlich den Familien- und Verwandtschaftsverbänden und anderen Genossenschaften ein angemessenes Feldstück dort zu, wo man es für richtig hält, zwingen sie aber im nächsten Jahr, anderswohin zu gehen. Für dieses Verfahren bringen sie viele Gründe bei: Sie wollen nicht, von der Gewöhnung an Seßhaftigkeit verführt, die Kriegslust durch das Interesse am Feldbau verlieren, wollen auch nicht große Güter erwerben, wobei die Mächtigeren die Armen aus ihrem Besitz verdrängten; auch wollen sie nicht zum Schutz vor Kälte oder Hitze allzu sorgsam bauen; weiterhin soll keine Geldgier entstehen, die Quelle von Parteiungen und Zwist; schließlich will man das Volk durch Zufriedenheit in Ordnung halten, wenn jeder sieht, daß auch die Mächtigen nicht mehr besitzen als er. (Übers. Otto Schönberger.)

Morgan, S. 359/360, berichtet den ersten Teil der Passage (bis „atque anno post alio transire cogunt“) auf Englisch auf und zitiert in Klammern auf Latein die Passage „gentibus cognationibusque hominum, qui una coerint“. Marx übernimmt den Fehler „coerint“. In einem Kommentar in der Ausgabe von 1817 von C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 3. De Moribus Germanie. C. 26. S. 33, in der eine Passage steht (Arva per annos mutant: et superest ager), die Marx unten im vorliegenden Exzerpt und schon in seinem Brief an Engels am 25. März 1868 zitiert hat, findet sich dieses Zitat, aber zitiert als „Julius Caesar, Bell. Gall. Vl. 21“ und mit einigen Abweichungen (in den Ausgaben aus den Jahren 1772 [T. 2, S. 438] und 1813 [T. 2, S. 377] findet sich nur ein abgekürztes Zitat mit der Angabe „Caesar l. 6. Gall“ bzw. „Caesar B. Gall. 6, 22“. Möglicherweise hat Marx es hier gelesen und dann nach dem Original gesucht. In seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti hat er die angeführte Passage bei Caesar mit Blaustift angestrichen und mit einer Randbemerkung versehen (S. 440, Fn. 3).
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»Agriculturae non student: majorque pars victus eorum in lacte, caseo, carne consistit; neque quisquam agri modum certum, aut fines habet proprios; sed magistratus, ac principes in annos singulos gentibus, cognationibusque hominum, qui una coerint coierunt , quantum, et quo loco visum est, agri adtribuunt, atque anno post alio transire cogunt. Ejus rei multas adferunt causas, ne assidua consuetudine capti studium belli gerendi agricultura commutent; ne latos fines parare studeant, potentioresque humiliores possessionibus expellant; ne adcuratius, ad frigora atque aestus vitandos, aedificent; ne qua oriatur pecuniae cupiditas; qua ex re factiones, dissensionesque nascuntur; ut animi aequitate plebem contineant, cum suas quisque opes cum potentissimis aequari videat

 Zusatz von Marx nach Gaius Iulius Caesar: Commentarii de bello Gallico, VI, 23.

Der größte Ruhm eines Stammes besteht darin, daß möglichst alles weit und breit um ihn herum verwüstet und zur Einöde gemacht ist. Es gilt ihnen als echter Beweis von Tapferkeit, wenn die Nachbarn ihre Felder verlassen und zurückweichen und niemand es wagt, in ihrer Nähe zu wohnen. Zugleich fühlen sie sich so sicherer, weil sie keinen plötzlichen Überfall zu befürchten haben. Wenn der Stamm einen Verteidigungs- oder Angriffskrieg führt, wählt er Führer, die in diesem Krieg Befehlshaber sein und Macht über Leben und Tod haben sollen. Im Frieden gibt es keine allgemeine Regierung, sondern die führenden Männer der einzelnen Teilgebiete und Gaue sprechen Recht unter den Ihren und legen Streitigkeiten bei. (Übers. Otto Schönberger.)
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ib. c. XXIII: »Civitatibus maxima laus est, quam latissimas circum se vastatis finibus solitudines habere. Hoc proprium virtutis existimant, expulsos agris finitimos cedere, neque quemquam prope audere consistere; simul hoc se fore tutiores arbitrantur, repentinae incursionis timore sublato. Quum bellum civitas aut inlatum defendit, aut infert; magistratus, qui ei eo ei bello praesint, ut vitae necisque habeant potestatem, deliguntur. In pace, nullus est communis magistratus; , sed principes regionum atque pagorum inter suos jus dicunt, controversiasque minuunt
 Bemerkung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 369: The condition and mode of life of the German tribes, as described by Caesar and Tacitus, tend to the conclusion that […] Civil chiefs and military commanders acquired and held office through the elective principle, and constituted the council which was the chief instrument of government
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Die principes regionum u. pagorum – die Sachem – sind nicht die warchiefs war-chiefs , sondern civil chiefs wie bei Indians; für den Krieg werden sie gewählt, wie dort ditto. ⦗Dies zu Caesar’s Zeit⦘

 Bemerkung von Marx. Auf S. 360 setzt Morgan den Ausdruck in Klammern und fügt dann hinzu: To give effect to the expression in parenthesis, it must be supposed that he found among them groups of persons, larger than a family, united on the basis of kin, to whom, as groups of persons, lands were allotted. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Agriculturae …“.
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Caesar spricht oben von »gentibus cognationibusque hominum, qui una coerint coierint« die Aecker jährlich vertheilt von den principes.

 Bei Morgan, S. 360: Tacitus refers to a usage of the German tribes in the arrangement of their forces in battle, by which kinsmen were placed side by side. It would have no significance, if kinship were limited to near consanguinei. And what is an especial incitement of their courage, he remarks, neither chance nor a fortuitous gathering of the forces make up the squadron of horse, or the infantry wedge; but they were formed according to families and kinships (familiae et propinquitates). This expression, and that previously quoted from Caesar, seem to indicate the remains at least of a prior gentile organization

»nec fortuita conglobatio [...] familiae et propinquitates«: nicht eine zufällig zusammengewürfelte Masse (bildet) den Reitertrupp oder den Keil, sondern die Siedlungsgemeinschaften und Sippen (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Übersetzungen in Klammern von Marx. Siehe Smith: Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 1151 (turma) und 272 (cŭněus).

Marx hat die Stelle in seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti (C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772) mit Blaustift unter- und angestrichen (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1296).
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Tacit. Germ. , VII, wo er von Armeeformation spricht. : »nec fortuita conglobatio turmam (Reiterschwadron) aut cuneum (Infanteriekeil) facit, sed familiae et propinquitates«; hier tritt schon mehr familia hervor, aber bei Cäsar ist diese selbst bestimmt als gens.

 Zusatz von Marx nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 26.

Geldgeschäfte zu machen und Zinsgewinne herauszuschlagen ist unbekannt; dem ist damit besser vorgebeugt, als wenn es verboten wäre. Das Ackerland wird je nach der Anzahl der Bebauer von der Gesamtheit im Wechsel in Nutzung genommen, und dann verteilen sie es unter sich nach der Rangfolge; die ausgedehnten Landflächen gewährleisten leichte Verteilung. Die Saatfelder wechseln sie jährlich, und doch ist noch weiteres Ackerland vorhanden. Sie ringen nämlich nicht in mühsamer Arbeit mit Ertragsfähigkeit und Nutzungsfläche des Bodens in der Weise, daß sie Obstgärten anlegen, Wiesen abgrenzen und Gärten bewässern; lediglich Korn verlangen sie von der Erde. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)

Marx zitiert nach: C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 440/441. Zu den in Klammern hinzugefügten Übersetzungen siehe: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 134/136; sowie Smith: Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 93 (arva). In der Ausgabe von Ernesti: „ab universis per vices“ statt „in vices“ wie bei Panckoucke. In seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti hat Marx die Stelle teilweise – besonders den Satz: „Arva per annos mutant: et superest ager“ – mit Blaustift unter- und angestrichen. Siehe: C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 440/441 (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1296). Marx hatte den Satz auch in seinem Brief an Engels vom 25. März 1868 zitiert.

(bei Cäsar noch gleich): Zusatz von Marx. In seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti hat Marx die in der betreffenden Erläuterung von Lipsius (S. 440, Fn. 3) die angeführte Passage bei Caesar mit Blaustift angestrichen und mit einer Randbemerkung versehen. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Agriculturae …“.

Auf die „die bekannte Stelle bei Tacitus“ war Marx schon einmal in seinem Brief an Engels am 25. März 1868 eingegangen: „Z. B. die bekannte Stelle bei Tacitus: ‚arva per annos mutant et superest ager‘, was heißt: sie wechseln (durch Loose daher auch sortes in allen Leges Barbarorum | später) die Felder (arva) u. es bleibt Gemeindeland (ager im Gegensatz v. arva als ager publicus) übrig“.
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ib. XXVI »Fenus agitare, et in usuras extendere ignotum: ideoque magis servatur quam si vetitum esset. Agri (les terres), pro numero cultorum (en raison du nombre der Bebauer \ cultor, des bras), ab universis (par toutes les peuplades) per vices (successivement) occupantur, quos mox inter se, secundum dignitatem, (bei Cäsar noch gleich), partiuntur; facilitatem partiendi camporum spatia praestant. arva (arable field, cultivated land) per annos mutant: et superest ager. nec enim cum ubertate et amplitudine soli labore contendunt, ut pomaria conserant (so dass sie planteraient des vergers), et prata separent (od. feraient enclore les prairies), et hortos rigent (od. arroseraient des jardins): sola terrae seges imperatur (Ils ne demandent à la terre que du blé).«

 Bei Morgan. S. 360/361: The German tribes, for the purpose of military levies, had the mark (markgenossenschaft) […] and a larger group, the gau, to which Caesar and Tacitus gave the name of pagus. […] It seems more probable that the gau was a group of settlements associated with reference to military levies.
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Die Mark und Gaueintheilung (pagus) scheinen groups of settlements associated with reference to military levies
; transitional stages, diese organizations, between a gentile and a political system, the grouping of the people still resting on consanguinity.

Nach der form des statement bei Caesar scheint die family syndyasmian gewesen zu sein. [359–361]



99

Aus:
J[ames] W[illiam] B[ayley] Money: Java; or, How to Manage a Colony. Showing a Practical Solution of the Questions Now Affecting British India. In 2 vol. London 1861.
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert

J. W. B. Money Barrister-at-Law: „Java; or how to manage a colony.“ London 1861 (2 vols.)

Vol. I

Java being subject to earthquakes, the houses are built of only one story. (p. 6)

Java, mit Madura, long narrow island, about 52,000 □ miles  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Engl.?)
its area, somewhat less than England and Wales ⦗= about 58,000 □ miles⦘, its length = 666 miles ⦗greater than that of Engld + Scotland = 635 miles⦘; its breadth varies from 56–136 miles, so that no part of the interior very far from the sea. (17) Hauptstädte: Batavia, Samarang u.  Bei Money, S. 17: Soerabaja (pronounced Soorabaya). Money benutzt den niederländischen, Marx den englischen Namen.
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Surabaya
. (l.c.)

Dustoree Dustooree habit ausgerottet in Java, still existing in India  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Engl.)
; consists in every Native, through whom any payment is made to another, levying toll on the money passing through his hands. (24) Natives of Java all Mussulmans. (27) European (Dutch) planters and landed proprietors. (p. 33)

Native Chiefs. The Natives of rank are all chiefs, either present or expectant salaried servants of the Dutch gvt; ausser den chiefs in the Preanger districts u. einigen wenigen other parts des Islands, none of them are landed proprietors. (34)

The Regents and their chiefs govern jede Regency, under supervision der Europ. authorities. (l.c.) Extravagant Javan form of respect, noch wie in  Marx exzerpierte dieses Buch 1853 in Heft XXII der „Londoner Hefte 1850–1853“ (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 65), zitierte es in seinem Brief an Engels vom 14. Juni 1853 (MEGA III/6. S. 198–200), in dem Artikel „The British rule in India“ (MEGA I/12. S. 171/172), im ersten Band des „Kapital“ (MEGA II/5. S. 291/292) und erwähnte es in Exzerpten aus William Howitt: Colonization und Christianity. London 1838 (MEGA IV/9. S. 521). Verweise auf das Buch von Raffles in Maksim Kovalevskij’s Buch „Общинное землевладѣніе …“ (S. 22, Fn. **) hat Marx in seinem Exemplar des letzteren angestrichen bzw. unterstrichen. Siehe: Karl Marx über Formen vorkapitalistischer Produktion. Vergleichende Studien zur Geschichte des Grundeigentums 1879–80. Aus dem handschriftlichen Nachlaß hrsg. und eingel. von Hans-Peter Harstick. (Quellen und Studien zur Sozialgeschichte. Bd. 1.) Frankfurt, New York 1977. S. 270. Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 697). Raffles wird auch in den Exzerpten aus Robert Sewells „The Analytical history of India“ erwähnt, die Marx den Kapiteln über Indien in seinen Exzerpten aus Kovalevskij hinzufügt (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 156).
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Raffles „History of Java“.
Native officials exact their strict performance, both towards Europeans and themselves als »indispensable to a due regard for authority«. (35)

Peasantry, richer als irgendwo ausser U. St. Native cultivation excellent; artificial works of terracing and irrigation. (l.c.) In den cottages grosse Reinlichkeit, eingeführt durch die Dutch. (37) Diese cottages (huts) haben meist stables mit buffaloes, carts, u. ponies. (36)  Bei Money, S. 38/39: Of native discontent or dissatisfaction against the Dutch, I did not see a trace, and he [One English gentleman, whom I met, had been manager for many years of the Pamanuchan estate, one of the largest of the few private estates in Java] assured me he did not believe such a feeling existed in Java. It certainly does exist in Sumatra, in Borneo, and in other half-conquered dependencies, where the despotic conduct, adopted to establish Dutch power, has not been modified by the riches and by the considerate treatment derived by the Natives of Java from the culture and administrative svstems.
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Nicht in Java, aber in Sumatra, Borneo u. other half-conquered dependencies hatred der native Malayns Malays gegen die Dutch. (dort nicht das Java system eingeführt durch diese)
(39)

Dutch Colonial Reports  Zusatz von Marx.
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(in Java)
fuller than of any Engl. Colonies. (41) Java Budget announces a yearly subsidy from Java to Holland, generally of about 3 Millions £.St., relieves the Dutch of Holland from so much personal taxation. (l.c.) Hence Interesse der holl. States-General for Java Verwaltung. (42)

Government monopoly (wie in Indien) in Opium u. Salt u. in Gambier (this imported like Opium for native consumption). Exclusive right of exporting the produce of the Java crown lands given to the Nederlandsche Handel Maatschappij : about ⅔ of the produce des island so excluded von export trade der private merchants in Java. (43 44) Spice monopoly does not exist; aber spices pay so viel schlechter als alles andre, dass nur grown on crown lands, hence von da for sale exported on account of the Dutch gvt. Kein spice monopoly seit Engl. conquest u. in keinem part der Dutch East Indies seit 1824, wann the spice monopoly in Amboyna u. the rest of the Molucca group abolished. High differential and protective duties in favour of goods imported direct from Holland, and on produce exported to that country u. disabilities of foreigners as compared with the Dutch. (44)

In the interior, the Natives are practically denied European education, and are secured against missionary efforts for their conversion  Zusatz von Marx.
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!
(45) Government: paternal to the Natives, despotic in its requirements, selfish in its ends, such to secure the material welfare of the people, u. avoids all risk of discontent and disturbance. (45)

The control exercised by Gvt over Europeans in their dealings with the Natives called »tyrannical interference« by some young Dutch ( Bemerkung von Marx. Marx greift hier eine Wendung auf, die er und Engels in der „Deutschen Ideologie“ benutzt hatten: „Ebenso kann man das Alterthum insofern als idealistisch fassen, als die Alten in der Geschichte den ‚citoyen‘ repräsentiren, den idealistischen Politiker, während die Neuen zuletzt auf den ‚bourgeois‘, den realistischen ami du commerce hinauslaufen […]“ (MEGA I/5. S. 194/195; siehe auch S. 215.9 und S. 231.27). Vermutlich hatten sie die Wendung von Charles Fourier übernommen (MEGA I/5. Erl. 195.1).
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»amis du commerce«)
[;] wish for English rule, deren »free and liberal policy would at once convert the crown land into private estates, deprive the Native grandees of all power, every European then allowed to deal as he liked with the peasants«. (45, 46)

A large revenue per head, no debt, yearly increasing surplus sent as tribute to Holland. (48) in In Java 16s. 6d. per head of gross income, with only 1s. 6½d. per head direct land tax, während in  Zusatz von Marx.
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Brit.
India
about 5s. 0½d. per head of gross revenue, wovon 2s. 8¼d. per head is taken directly from the soil. (48, 49)

Die 3 od. 3½ Mill. £.St. tribute about the difference zwischen dem reproductive expenditure, the price at which produce is delivered to Gvt, in repayment for advances, and the East India revenue in Holland, or the price |100 paid for the same produce by the European consumer. (49) Java pays in fact to Holland a certain amount of coffee, sugar, etc., for which it receives a large return, and it [is] the Europ. consumer who plays pays the surplus revenue to Holland. (49, 50)

I) Java under the Dutch prior to the English conquest in 1811.

⦗cf. Sir Stamford Raffles: „History of Java“ and Crawfurd: „History of the Indian Archipelago.“ ⦘ ⦗ C. J. Temminck: „Coup d’œil général sur les possessions neerlandaises dans l’Inde Archipelagique“.[55, 57]

Monopoly Revenue; nämlich: »Monopoly of Production« of certain more valuable crops limited in amount (to keep up their price) (surplus destroyed) u. Monopoly of Trade in all products, could only be sold – at very inadequate prices – to the Dutch East India Co. , die sie exported od. retailed for consumption in the island. Dies brachte herbei destruction der East Ind. Co. Ende des 18. Jh.; aber die monopolies continued by Dutch gvt in a mitigated form. (55–56)

Uncontrolled oppression of people durch native chiefs, diese wieder durch die Dutch etc. (56) Lower classes subject to exactions of labour and forced deliveries, without limit or mercy; hence great misery, constant emigration von Dutch part of Java into the native states. About 3 millions der population des Dutch part of Java – in joint village communities – produced gross revenue v. nur 2½ mill. of Java rupees in 1805.  Bei Money, S. 57: Marshal Daendels’ tyrannical but energetic measures
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Marshal Daendels’ tyranny
raised it to 3½ m. rupees in 1810. (56, 57)

II) Java under the English v. 1811–1816.

Natives of Rank über that of village chiefs were deprived of their old power, made mere salaried pensioners, or subordinate tax collectors and police superintende superintendents. Indian Ryotwarree system, with separate property in the soil, introduced: a separate settlement of the land tax made with each peasant statt former joint property and joint taxation of the old village community. (59) Old village system für purposes of police, petty arbitration u. village management maintained, aber the village chiefs made elective. Abolished all forced labour u. compulsory deliveries, ditto all monopolies of production u. export. Internal trade of island, in labour and produce, freed from every restriction, external trade thrown open to all on payment of the custom dues. Equality of rights, duties, imposts proclaimed for all, ohne Unterschied v. race, creed, family. (60)

Durch die landtax revenue raised v. 3½ mill. Java rupees in 1810 to 7½ M. for the Engl. part of Java and its dependencies in 1815; dazu 2 millions for the Native provinces giebt 9½ M. Java rupees; 8½ M. davon raised von Java u. Madura alone; giebt on census population of 1815 (4,615,270) about 3 shill. per head. (60, 61) Durch inquiries herausgefunden  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
dass Gvt the sole owner of about 7/10 of the then subject part of Java; the Preanger regents had about 2/10; private Europeans u. Chinese were freehold owners of the whole country around Batavia, which had been sold by the Dutch governors before Engl. conquest. Zusammen dies mit den crownlands granted unter Engl. rule to Europeans u. natives, made the private estates ⅒ of the whole; comprises heut alle the private estates des island, liegt chiefly in den residencies of Batavia u. Buitenzorg near Batavia, u. in denen von Bantam u. Krawang, liegend in western u. northwestern parts der Insel. (61) In den Sunda od. Preanger districts  Bei Money, S. 62: we seem to have recognised and adhered to
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recognized the English
the old Dutch treaty with the Sundanese regents, liessen ihnen Selbstregierung, zogen v. ihnen nur coffee tax payable under that treaty. (62)

Raffles introduced ryotwarree (on the crownlands) – peasant tenures of specific fields with proprietary rights of the new owners, subject to a landtax in money, settled with each peasant individually, fixed for 3 years wonach das assessment was to be readjusted. (62, 63) Dies property made liable to sale for non-payment of taxes, or in satisfaction of the peasant owner’s personal debts. (62, 63)

 Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Siehe Money, S. 63: The Dutch say that these changes were opposed to the ideas both of chiefs and peasants […] The chiefs of course disliked the loss of the influence and position attached to their former power; and, even to the peasants, protection from the chiefs was counterbalanced by the loss of ready access to authority […] The cottier […] had no idea of, nor any wish for, separate property in land
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Die natives selbst zogen ihr altes System vor.
Their habits made them prefer, and use made them feel their strength to consist in, forming part of the village community, with only a vicarious liability to the State, through the village chief, with a yearly allotment in severalty of village land, according to size and labouring capacity of his family, and with joint produce and joint labour of the common village fields, under the control and direction of the elected village chief. (63) Trotz dem Engl. ryotwarre ryotwarree wurde das alte village system wie vorher fortgeführt, |101 the village lands were still yearly allotted to the villagers by the village chief, according to the size of each man’s family, and according to a certain rotation, so as to allow each villager, in his turn, to occupy the better soils ; the rent for the whole village lands was still paid by the village chief as collected by him from the chance occupants for the year. (64) Die revenue had risen v. 3½ mill. florins in 1810 to 7½ in 1815, aber davon fast 1 Million for tin in Banca Banka , not received durch Dutch for some years before the Brit. conquest, u. 2½ M. for landrent unter dem Ryotwarree system, während land rent unter Dutch nur etwas über 23,000 fl. (1810), was nur a quit rent to Gvt of ¾ of 1% on the value of Europ. u. Chinese private estates. (65)

Unter Dutch zahlten zahlte der Native cottier his land rent to his Native chief chiefs, denen die Dutch das practical gvt of the people überlassen hatten; this land rent den chiefs nur gezahlt für die rice lands u. die Dutch tax on the peasant limited to his forced labour on other lands in producing articles for export. Crawfurd sagt dass ½ des produce der wet rice lands u. ⅓ of that of dry lands were the  Bei Money, S. 66: long-established and well-known
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old
shares of the native gvt; ausserdem unlimited exactions on the peasant by the native chiefs under the old system. (Crawfurd, Raffles) Aber die Dutch sagen that the original law of the land was always appealed to by the peasant, obgleich ineffectually, against such spoliation; viz: that the legal reddendum was ⅕ u. ⅕ only of the produce and the labour. Nach old native custom, the peasant owned owed to the sovereign, od. dessen grantee, his labour every 5th day, and ⅕ in kind of the produce of his land, and no more (66.)

Raffles gab auf the old labour rent of one day’s gratuitous work in five, u. fixed a money rent on each field, at the proportion of ⅓ to ½ of the estimated produce of wet rice lands u. von ¼ to ⅖  Bei Money, S. 66: for
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from
dry rice lands
. (66)

 Bei Money, S. 69/70: The Dutch, on their return to Java, found these two principles established all over the island. They allowed them to continue in force
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Die Holländer bei Rückkehr hielten the infamous English innovations
Gvt. sale of land for arrears of land tax, and judicial sale of land for private debts ⦗die in wenigen Jahren would have made the Chinese money lender the lord of the soil with Java peasant his ground down and impoverished slave, in fact if not in name⦘ nur bei für private estates, mostly held by Europeans, aber abolished them with regard both to the lands assigned for the support of Native officials and to the lands held in peasant tenure. (69, 70) Die Dutch resort oft to summary methods of defeating the usurious claims der Chinese usurers, die sehr verhasst den natives, aber constantly resorted to by them for the means of gratifying a passing wish. (71) ⦗ Bei Money, S. 71: The Dutch […] Instead of removing all limit of legal interest, and using the weight and majesty of the law to hand over the debtor with his land and chattels more helpless into the creditor’s grasp, they are weak enough to side with the debtor
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Der Bursche kann bei ihnen weder land noch chattels etc nehmen⦘

III) Java Under under the Dutch von 1816–1830.

Sie fanden, dass Gvt. was still a large recipient of produce, v. dem Preanger by treaty u. von den crown cottiers, die generally ihre tax in kind zahlten  Zusatz von Marx.
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(dem engl. gvt)
, on account of the scarcity of coin. Theil dieses gvt produce was sold in the island, aber Rest still exported to Europe for sale there on account of the Engl. gvt. of Java. Die English had thrown open Java to the ships of all nations, aber praktisch hatten sie das Monopol bis Frieden v. 1814. Dann bis 19 August 1816 (Datum der cession v. Java an Dutch) hatten Dutch, American u. other ships begun to compete mit English for trade of the Indian Archipelago. (72)

Durch den London treaty of 13 August, 1814, der den Dutch ihre East Indian possessions stipulirte, festgesetzt dass Java customs duties on good goods in foreign bottoms 2x mehr als those on goods in Dutch ships. (l.c.) Auf Sir Stamford Raffles’ advice Singapore set up as a free port at the entrance of the Dutch East Indies [.] (p. 72) The great success of Singapore induced the Java Gvt. [to follow that example] in 1848 by making Mangkassar, in the Island of Celebes, a free port. (73) Lage v. Singapore, at the mouth of the pass from the Indian to the China seas, has made it the centre of the trade to the Archipelago, except the Dutch trade, which goes direct to Java by the Straits of the Sunda. (73)|

102

 Bei Money, S. 74: about two years after their return
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About 1818
Dutch abolish Ryotwarree
, substitute for it the same settlement  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Money, S. 73.
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(landtax)
for the whole village lands ; .  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(damit old village system auch legally wieder hergestellt)
(74) Zwischen 1818 u. 1830 schafften sie auch dies modified form des Ryotwarree ab, reverted to the old system of a smaller proportion of produce mit a certain amount of gratuitous labour. (74) They reduced the labour rent v. ⅕ to ⅐, substituting one day in the European week of 7 days, for 1 day in the Java week of 5 days. (76)

 Kommentar von Marx.
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Money doch so weit Anglo-Indian, dass er sich einbildet:
»The old idea under the native rule was, that the land belonged to the prince, the usufruct of it to the cultivator.« (76)

 Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
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a)
Landlord Property: Wo die Dutch masters by treaty (nicht durch Eroberung) sind produce rent u. labour rent paid to the Native Princes, wie in dem Preanger, in Soerakarta und Djokjokarta. (76) In dem Rest der Insel, wo die Dutch masters by conquest, gehören the ⅕ of produce and ⅐ of labour to Dutch Gvt. ausser on private estates, wo das Gvt has pro tanto granted away its rights. Dort das ⅕ u. ⅐ paid durch peasant an European or Chinese landowner, welcher seinerseits an Gvt zahlt ¾% jährlich on the total value of his estate, höchstens = ⅕ of net yearly income. (76, 77)

 Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
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b)
Peasant’s Property ist, under the native system, zu dem die Dutch zurückgekehrt, v. 3erlei Sorte:

1) Village lands belong jointly to the whole village community; jeder housholder householder has his share in it; die joint village lands yearly partitioned and separately allotted to every head of family according to the size of his family u. according to their capacity to cultivate the land so allotted.

2) Lands formerly uncultivated, which belong exclusively to the peasant who brings them into cultivation. Er zahlt für diese the ⅕ u. ⅐ after 5 years, aber ist während der ersten 5 years exempt from all payment for them, and from all gratuitous labour whatever.

3) Lands which have descended from the first cultivator to his representatives. Der first cultivator, wie seine representatives durch purchase or descent haben ausser diesem Land, das ihnen ausschliesslich gehört, their share as householders in the village lands, so long as they choose to claim and cultivate such share, but no longer. Entweder der first cultivator od. seine descendants can sell any part of such their exclusive land, aber nur as a peasant holding an einen andern cultivator, u. der Käufer tritt an Stelle des Verkäufers, paying his ⅕ u. ⅐ (77, 78).  Kommentar von Marx.
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Und – dies das entscheidende! –:

»When any holder of such exclusive land dies without heirs, his exclusive land reverts to the common lands of the village within whose boundaries it lies. In some districts  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗und dies evidently das Ursprünglichere!⦘
, by custom, the first cultivator only holds the land exclusively rent and labour free for 6 years, when it reverts to the common lands of the village.[«] (p. 79 78)

Present Java Land Tenure.  Bei Money, S. 78: This simple and well-defined system – Siehe S. 79: the old one-fifth of produce in kind and one-fifth of labour are still received by the Native princes in the old manner, and applied generally to the old purposes of
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Diese alte
land tenure has ever since obtained in ganz Java ausser den Natives Native States  Verweis von Marx.
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⦗see sub a)⦘
of Soerakarta u. Djokjokarta, on the southern coast, still maintaining a kind of controlled u. protected independence wie many Native States  Bei Money, S. 79: within our Indian territory
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in dem Engl. Ost-India
. (78[, 79]) Das System durch die Dutch so far auch für Private Estates; nämlich the landlord’s claim for rent, long limited by custom, wurde 1836 durch ausdrückliches Gesetz limited to ⅕ of his tenants’ produce u. to 1 day’s gratuitous labour in 7. Das ⅕ of produce on private estates generally taken by the landlord from each cottier in kind, während die produce rent on Government land, settled at ⅕ with the village chief for the whole village, must be paid in money. Die labour rent on crownlands is mostly employed on the roads and public works; on private estates the labour rent generally applied by the landowner to the cultivation of such parts of his property as he keeps in his own hand. [79]

Labour rent: Jeder cottier, ob auf gvt land or on a private estate, gibt his one day’s gratuitous labour auf je 7 Tage, seinem landlord, according to the roster  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Ordonnanz-Diensttabelle)
kept by the elected village chief. Dies gratuitous labour, eben weil a part of the rent for land yielding produce, is weder zahlbar durch artisan noch durch any one holding house property only  Kommentar von Marx.
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(also nicht wie Seelensteuer in Russland Auflage auf Person!)
Dies ⅐ labour due durch jede family, hence nur Familienchef eingetragen in roster, während any competent grown member der family od. other substitute performs the labour for him. Obgleich bei der jährlichen  Bei Money, S. 80: appropriation
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Vertheilung
der villagelands a large family gets more than a small one, doch nur ⅐ of a man’s labour is due by that family, however large
.  Kommentar von Marx.
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(cf. das russ. Regierungssystem dagegen!)
Result davon generally, dass die householders employ some few day |103 labourers to do the gratuitous work for the whole village u. diese erhalten dafür certain daily payment from the villagers. Durch constant work on the gvt roads u. irrigation embankments these men become good hands. (79, 80)

Produce Rent: Sobald rice crop ripe, aber not yet cut, it is assessed by agreement mit Bezug auf Quantum u. Werth durch both, den cottier tenant u. the landlord. Im Fall v. agreement the peasant is left to cut down and sell his crop u. hat dann 4 months after harvest  Kommentar von Marx.
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(cf. the Moscovite!)
to pay the amount. Verlangt landlord the ⅕ of the produce in kind, so muss tenant es deliver at the landlord’s grange on the property as soon as reaped. (80, 81)

Können landlord u. tenant nicht übereinkommen as to the number of piculs the different fields will yield per bahu, so the rest of the villagers called in, crop is at once cut down, tied up in geddings or bundles of padi as big as can be held in the two arms and put up in heaps of 5 geddings each. Landlord or his agent then takes one gedding from every heap. The villagers get a certain proportion of the geddings for cutting down und stacking the crop; dies macht’s Interesse des tenant to agree to a rather higher assessment in quantity, so dass er selbst seinen crop mähen kann. Andrerseits im Gegenfall hat auch landlord so far Nachtheil, dass, wenn die villagers cut down the crop, he has to carry away his own share; dies veranlasst ihn not to insist on quite the highest valuation in quantity he thinks the crop can bear. (80, 81)

Stimmen tenant u. landlord überein mit Bezug auf Quantum, aber nicht über Marktpreis, so hat peasant selbst to cut down his crop, u. dem landlord to deliver ⅕ der stipulated quantity of padi in kind u. village chief responsible for the safe delivery. (81)

Der Werth, um den es sich handelt, ist der current market value of the neighbourhood in full harvest, wenn folglich  Bei Money, S. 81: the price
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der Werth
niedriger als sein average throughout the year
. Tenant weiss, dass bei Uebereinstimmung des landlord mit ihm er 4 Monate Zeit zur Zahlung hat. Er weiss dass nach Einherbstung u. nach Verkauf der produce rent (der Nachbarschaft) on the spot, od. dessen deren Versendung for export, der Productpreis wieder steigt auf die in seiner Lokalität gewöhnliche Höhe. So Interesse des tenant to »agree«, während landlord kept within bounds by the tenant’s right to pay the actual ⅕ in kind. (81, 82)

Large European landowners: Obgleich die englische Regierung bei inquiry found »that the Native chiefs did not even claim any proprietary rights in the soil«, gab sie dennoch in einigen wenigen Fällen considerable tracts of crown  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
lands to Natives
as private estates. Die Dutch erkannten an alle English grants u. alienations, aber seitdem  Bei Money, S. 82: never granted away
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alienated nichts mehr
von den crownlands, sondern only leased them out.

Die few Natives, die durch die Engländer so in Grundeigenthümer verwandelt, traten in selbe Bedingungen wie die alten European u. Chinese landed proprietors u. ihre estates became liable to sale for arrears of land tax or for mortgage debt;  Bei Money, S. 82: The reckless and extravagant habits of these Natives landowners have
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die meisten Natives
gradually alienated most of their properties, u. jetzt nur noch ½ dozen – out of the Preanger u. other Native states – who are still owners of land. Jeder Native kann buy any private estate for sale, aber Dutch government discourages the practice. (82, 83)

In Java land tax on private estates nur ¾% on the value of the property estimated every 3 years, höchstens = ⅕ of the net profits. Solcher light impost selten in Rückstand, u., when so, realized by mild means. Kein estate kann verkauft werden für arrears of land tax, bevor jedes andre Mittel has failed. An absentee proprietor erhält full notice eh so was sich ereignen kann. Kein estate verkaufbar for the default of others, also nur für its own land tax. In  Zusatz von Marx.
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Brit.
India dagegen variirt land tax on the landholder von ½ auf ¾ der net profits des estate, ausser in Bengal, wo  Bei Money, S. 84: the great improvement of the country under the perpetual settlement is suspposed to have generally reduced the fixed land tax
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the fixed land tax durch das perpetual settlement »is supposed to have been generally reduced
unter half the net income«. Such heavy impost nur eintreibbar durch  Bei Money, S. 84: stringent measures
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Gewaltmittel
, u. the most general – sale of the land for the arrears. Ist land tax nicht paid by sunset of the last day for payment, and not afterwards received, the estate is ordered to be sold. Der Absentee kann ample funds seinem manager rückgelassen haben od. die rents collected vom estate mögen mehr sein als nöthig zur Zahlung der tax; hilft nicht; any neglect or fraud des agent »loses the estate« eh proprietor weiss von der Gefahr. Anfang des 19 Jhdts das revenue sale law much used in this manner by unjust stewards, in collusion with the native clerks of the local courts, u. viele grossen Bengalischen proprietors thus robbed of most of their property. ([83,] 84)  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗This English Behandlung des sacrosancten Grundeigenthumsrechts!⦘
Ebenso die estates of |104 co-sharers in  Bei Money, S. 85: India
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(British) Ostindien
sold for the default of any one co-sharer, so long as the shares remain undivided on the collector’s book; u. zugleich »the impediments in the way of partitioning estates« so numerous, dass nur ausführbar mit grossen Kosten und with great delay. (85) A revenue land sale also destroys   Bei Money, S. 85: all under-tenures but old peasant tenures dating from last century, and rack-rent leases
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all undertenures
. (85)  Bei Money, S. 89: The Indigo Planters Association at the same time pointed out the practical remedies for the existing evils. Some of their suggestions were embodied in Act XI. of 1859
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In Folge v. remonstrances u. suggestions der Indigo Planters Association Act XI of 1859
, which repeals the former sale laws u. reenacts its provisions, subject to some new means of working it with less injustice. Absentee can now secure his land from sale, through the neglect of his agent, by depositing Gvt securities sufficient to meet the demand for the land tax. Co-sharers u. undertenants can protect their interests from forfeiture, through the default of their co-sharers or landlord, by registering separately, and paying a separate land tax on their respective shares or under-tenures. Aber dies wieder cumbered mit difficulties by the usual fond resource of  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Anglo-)
Indian legislators, viz referring parties to a civil suit; auch enterprise nicht encouraged by the necessity of depositing available capital to obtain safety. (89)

In Java, wie in  Bei Money, S. 90: in India
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brit. Ostindien
, liability of private estates to sale for the debts of the proprietor. Dies natürlich passender für die European u. Chinese landowners of Java, als die ignorant u. reckless feudal chiefs of India. Dies law eine Hauptursache des discontent mit Brit. rule unter the most influential classes der Indian natives. Wenn a money-lender in India once gets the native landholder into his books, his object is not to receive back the money lent, nor even the high interest on it, but to make it the means of buying his debtor’s land as cheap as possible, and far below its real value. Treibt his debtor an that his izzut, or personal dignity, that mainspring of native action, requires extra show and expense, u. at the same time offers the means of supplying this extravagance. Should the debtor propose to pay off the debt when the next rent comes in, the creditor refuses the money, begs the debtor to keep it, or suggests other ostentatious employment for it; leads so den poor flattered landlord blindly into the net, exactly wie shown in the old comedies u. novels, which portrayed an analogous state of society in Europe. Unterdess the several loans, whith compound interest at 12%, and monthly rests, run up in a manner that would have astonished even Gil Blas’ Spanish noble who borrowed his own money  zu 20%. Money (S. 91) bezieht sich auf den Roman „Histoire de Gil Blas de Santillane“ von Alain-René Lesage.
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„au dernier denier cinq“
. The play goes on in true 15th century fashion, till landowner so involved that his  Fehler der Quelle (Money, S. 91).
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debtor creditor
knows he cannot pay. Dann scene change changes u. the incongruous machinery of the 19th century is called in for the dénouement. The cringing creditor suddenly demands his money, sues his debtor, and proceeds to advertise his land for sale. He gives out among the native community his determination to buy the estate, and that any one who bids against him he shall consider and treat as his deadliest enemy. Er hat den advantage over all the other bidders, of not having to deposit at once a large portion of the purchase-money, and, as the debtor and his family have not the means of doing so, the creditor generally buys the estate at the auction sale far below its value. If possible, er kauft ihn for less than the orginal debt, so that the debtor’s personal liability for the remainder may be used as an engine for maintaining possession against the ill will of the ruined landowner, and of his old tenants and retainers. The whole object, therefore, is to force the land from the debtor at the lowest possible rate at which the creditor can avoid having his objected object defeated by being paid his debt. (90–92)

In Java the law helps the usurer nur to recover his money and nothing else. The debtor’s personalty must be first exhausted. Jeder article seized must be valued by both debtor u. creditor, or their agents, and the European civil servant, obliged to preside at the seizure, decides between them u. fixes ohne appeal the value of each article. The goods are put up for sale in such order as the debtor chooses to direct, but any article, for which the bidding does not rise to the estimated value, is delivered to the creditor in discharge of so much of his debt. When personalty nicht hinreicht, kommt Land dran. Hier wieder |105 the debtor directs into what lots the land is to be divided, and in what order the lots are to be sold; the value of each lot is estimated as the creditor has to take such of the lots at that value as fail to realise it at the sale. However inconvenient etc the possession of these lots may be to the creditor, he can of course sell them by private contract, so as to realize on the whole the amount of his claim. (92, 93)

Die European landowners nützlich in Java; have so raised the price of land there, that estates can hardly be bought to pay 4%. The purchaser looks to his own improvements, and to raising the value of the estate, by inducing emigration from government land, to bring the rental up to the ordinary interest for money, which in Java is about 8%. Die European landlords u. viele planters suchen to add to the population on their estates. Every landlord knows that any of his peasantry who choose to go over to his neighbour’s property can get land, buffaloes, and money at once u. er weiss that the peasants themselves know it. (93, 94)

No Middlemen in Java; während  Bei Money, S. 94: system […] we have allowed to grow up in India
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in Brit. Eastindia system of subtenures or middlemen
Putnee, Durputnee, Seputnee, Izara etc – who do nothing for the estate or its cultivators, but each of whom lives on the difference between what he pays and what he can underlet the same interest for – sind the drones of society [.] (94)

Im Preanger u. in Soerakarta u. Djokjokarta the ⅕ of produce is applied in the old way, d.h. partly to religion, partly to education, and partly to the support of the Native chiefs, u. der peasant pays no more. Im übrigen Theil des island, obgleich der peasant nur zu zahlen ⅕ to his landlord, ob Government od. private person, yet the priests and native chiefs generally exact some further portion of his produce for religion u. education. Die Dutch do not enforce the latter payment,  Bei Money, S. 96: they wisel abstain from forbidding it
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verbieten es aber auch nicht
. Im schlimmsten Fall this leaves, as the Java peasant’s own, a proportion of his crop far exceeding that retained by the Indian cottier. [95, 96]

 Bei Money, S. 97: but by 1826 the commotion caused by the Java war with the Native powers reduced the revenue to twenty millions of florins
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1826 Java war with the Native Powers
; the greatly increased expenditure exceeded the enlarged income (averaged 1817–1830 etwas unter 24 Mill. florins). Das great deficit caused by the Java war, but the chief increase of expenditure arose v. den more numerous and more efficient European instruments required for the systems of justice and administration, introduced by the English. The maintenance des Engl. system necessitated an outlay incompatible m. den existing resources des country. (97, 98)

Nach Engl. Census of 1815: Population f. Java u. Madura = 4,615,270.
Dutch Cens. of 1826:          "    "    "     = 5,403,786; decimal increase von nur about 16%. (98)
Deficit u. Debt: v.  1814 1817–1824 considerable surplus of revenue over expenditure,
v. 1824–1833 constant deficit.
Von return der Dutch   Zusatz von Marx.
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(1816)
–1833
altogeter altogether Ueberschuss v. Ausgaben über Einnahmen = 37,700,000 fl. = £3,141,666.

Dies deficit = about 1½ year’s income, was supplied by Holland u. thus formed the Java debt. Der Zins für diese Schuld, having to be sent out of the country, war a greater drain on the finances of Java als a larger amount of debt held in the island would have been. (98) Population u. revenue von Java waren beide fast stationär; increase of expense, constant deficit, yearly growing debt. In 8 years, zwischen 1825–1833, diese Schuld gewachsen von 0 to 1½ year’s revenue. The people were living in great poverty, with, in some places, a bare subsistence. Increasing deficiency in cattle and other means excited fears as to the future prospects of the country. Oppression by the chiefs, much violent and organized |106 crime among the poor. Notwithstanding the large increase of revenue, the Dutch East Indies seemed destined to continue a burden on the small mother country. (99)

Average revenue of the Dutch East Indies per head v. 1817–1833 = 7s. 1¾d. per annum,
ranging in different years von 5s. 5d. to 9s. 3½d. (99)

 Bei Money, S. 101: The first vigorous effort to change this state of things was made from 1827 to 1830 by Le Vicomte du Bus de Gisignies who was sent to Java for that pupose in 1826, as the King of Holland’s Commissiary-General; an office conferring on the holder a power superior to that of Governor-General, and absolutely untrammelled.Being a man of energy, and determined to achieve his object, so far as the means he saw were adapted to that end, Le Vicomte de Gisignies resorted to strong measures for reducing the expenses
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Um dem Misstand abzuhelfen, 1827–1830 [,] schickt König v. Holland 1826 als seinen Commissary General, mit dictatorial powers, den Le Vicomte du Bus de Gisignies ; dieser Bursch versuchts durch gewaltsame reduction v. expenses
, involving all officials, European or natives, u. all branches of the expenditure – impairing seriously the efficiency of both the military u. civil service. Mit all dem expenditure immer noch > als income in 1830,  Bei Money, S. 103: General Van den Bosch. – At this juncture in 1830 it pleased God, in mercy to a suffering people, to inspire the King of Holland with confidence in apparently the wildest schemer of his realm.
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als König v. Holland den General van den Bosch 1830 als saviour auserkiest
. [101–103]

The Culture System.

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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I.)
 Untertitel von Marx. Siehe das Inhaltsverzeichnis des Kapitels von Money (S. 103) und den Absatz auf S. 113: Articles best produced with and without European Contractors.
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(Articles best produced with European contractors.)

 So irrtümlicherweise Money, S. 104. Van den Bosch reiste im Juli 1829 ab.
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Van den Bosch left Holland in 1830
als Generalgouverneur der Dutch East Indies, nahm die nöthigen funds mit sich, auch Anzahl of young Dutch free from the prejudices of the colonial service. (104) … His scheme to offer culture contracts on liberal terms, and large advances of public money without interest to European inhabitants of Java; Hauptsache: to make the crown cottiers plant such portions of the crown lands as were not required to grow rice for their own subsistence, with the colonial products in demand in Europe, and best suited to the soil; the profits of these more valuable crops to be divided in such proportions zwischen grower, manufacturer u. gvt, as to give to the two former the larger share. [104]

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
 Zwischentitel von Marx. Bei Money beginnt der entsprechend betitelte Abschnitt erst auf S. 114.
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Sugar Culture.
Building Advance; jeder contractor credited in the books of a branch of the administration, expressely created for the purpose, with a building advance of the amount required to start his manufacture; erst calculated at 2 lacs of florins copper od. 200,000 F. C. = £.13,888. 17s. 9½d.; von diesen 2 lacs durfte contractor draw was er brauchte meanwhile für seine family, nicht über 1500 fl. copper per mensem. Dies building advance made für 12 J., ohne Zins, but repayable by instalments of ⅒ in the 3d and every succeeding year. It was to be applied by the contractor under Gvt. superintendence in building his mill, bringing water to it as a motive power, buying u. importing from Europe the proper machinery; his machinery imported duty free; the special culture department assisted in procuring machinery from Europe, gave the contractors advice and information, supplied them with the best works relating to their respective manufactures, and applied each man’s building advance in a liberal spirit to the preparation of his mill, as the contractor and his supervising official required. A sufficient amount of the gratuitous labour, furnished by the neighbouring peasants to Gvt., was put at the contractor’s disposal for the first 2 years. He took what timber and materials he required from gvt land for nothing. His general supervision was facilitated by the gratuitous use of the gvt post horses. He laid the advance out as he thought best. (105, 106[)]

Yearly Advance. Van den Bosch also undertook, that, by the time the mill was ready to work, the surrounding villas villages should have a certain area planted with the crop to be manufactured ready for cutting. About 400 bahus, or 600 acres  Zusatz von Marx.
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(1 bahu = 1½ acres)
calculated to give full employment to the mill. Gvt was also to advance yearly beforehand to the contractor, without interest, the whole sum required for the purchase and manufacture of the crop. These advances were to be repaid to the Gvt in the produce of the mill. At first the contracts required the manufacturer to deliver to Gvt. the whole produce of his mill at a fixed rate, about ⅓ above the cost price. Diese original contracts afterwards varied. It was made optional with the contractor to insist on Gvt buying the whole produce of his mill at the contract rates, or only to deliver to Gvt so much as, at the contract rates, would repay the yearly advance and ⅒ of the original building advance. |107 Die respectable Dutchmen, denen van den Bosch first offered his contracts,  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Money, S. 107/108: estimated the amount of the produce on a given area, and the cost of the manufacture at the old rates, under careless cultivation and idle habits. These, added to the unusually high price to be paid for the raw material, were expected to raise the cost to the full contract rate. The necessity of delivering to Government the whole manufactured produce at the contract rates would, in this case, of course leave the contractor no profit, while the repayment of the advances in kind at that rate might even cause the contractor a loss. Such considerations prevented the respectable inhabitants of Java accepting the Government contracts. The new contractors fortunately were not of a calibre to make these calculations for themselves
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fanden: nicht Kauscher, nicht »profitlich« genug, lehnten ab. (107[, 108]) Die new contractors waren daher »fortunately« nicht »respectable«
. Bosch rechnete auf stimulus given durch high wages, with official encouragement u. supervision; this would increase the material over which to spread the cost of manufacture. Da no interest on the advances, no commission to agency houses, no outlay for freight or transport, hatte der contractor nur eine expense – the cost of manufacture. (108)  Bei Money, S. 109: such surplus would cost the contractor nothing but time and labour
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In fact der Bursche zahlte nichts ausser »time u. labour«
. (109)

The amount to be paid for the purchase of each crop was fixed, so as to make its cultivation more profitable than rice. The expenses of manufacture were estimated at a sum = the amount to be paid to the grower. And the contract-rate was fixed about ⅓ higher than the product of those two sums. The product of those two sums would be the yearly advance of Gvt for the cost-price of the whole crop, so that, if the estimates proved correct, the delivery to Gvt of ⅔ of the manufactured article at the contract rate would repay the yearly advance, leaving the contractor ⅓ of his manufacture for his profit. ([108, ]109)

Mode of carrying out the System. Die crown villages, whose situation u. soil seemed best adapted for the success of the enterprise, were selected …, amount of land required to be under rice, to provide for the wants of the surrounding population, was ascertained u. people told that this amount of rice land should never be intruded upon. (p. 109) They were ordered to plant ⅕ of their lands with the contractor’s crop. (110) A village which set apart ⅕ of its rice fields for the cultivation of a crop suited to the market of Europe, not requiring more labour than the cultivation of rice, was to be exempted from the payment of land rent. The village was further to receive any value above the amount of the remitted land rent which the contractor’s crop should turn out to be worth. Bad crops were to be at the risk of the Gvt, in so far, at least, as these should not be owing to want of zeal and labour on the part of the Javanese. And four men were to be told off to do the work of one. (110, 111)

Fand sich jedoch, that the remission of the land rent, in return for the contractor’s crop, would lead to an unfair taxation of the individuals composing the village community. Durch diese remission some relieved from tax without rendering any equivalent; nämlich those who, according to Javanese ideas, were above work and independent, having separate rice fields of their own which they cultivated by day labourers; die dagegen, turned out to work on the contractor’s crop – the poorer classes – would be the only members of the community on whom the tax of the whole village would fall. Dieser Theil des culture system daher nur carried into effect in two residencies, Madioen u. Kediri; wurden aber sehr bald auch hier fallen gelassen für present system, which is to collect the land rent from the whole village community, and to pay each man individually for his work on the contractor’s crop. (111) Unter diesem System the land rent on the whole of the village cultivated lands is still taxed, only at the old rate and in the old manner, as if all under rice as before. The price of the contractor’s crop, on the contrary, is fixed so high, that the money received for its growth on ⅕ of the village lands, must be more than double the land rent on the whole village lands. This leaves the villagers a large cash-balance in hand, after paying their land rent, besides the whole rice produce of the ⅘ of their land for their own consumption. It relieves them from the former necessity of having to meet the Gvt demand by selling part of their rice crop, probably at inadequate rates, or by borrowing money at exorbitant interest. ([111,] 112)

Culture system ohne contractors wo no manufacture of raw material required, od. wo treatment des product for export is easy enough to be carried out by the native grower. (112)

The native’s share in the culture system, both of labour and reward, was regulated by fixed rules plainly beneficial to him. His cultivation of the contractor’s crop was carried out under the orders and supervision of his native chiefs. The price for the contractor’s crop was arranged by him with the European officials. And till the crop was cut and carried to the mill, the contractor neither had nor was allowed to usurp other control over the cultivator, than to report to the officials such neglect or misconduct as he thought likely to injure the crop. (113)|

108

Das Cultursystem mit intervention of a contractor wurde applied on the crown lands in different parts of Java auf Zucker, Indigo, Cochineal  Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen
(Cochenilla)
Thee, Tobacco. Die gvt cultures of coffee, cinnamon  Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen
(Zimmet)
u. Pfeffer have always been carried out by native labour ohne Europ. contractor. Erfahrung zeigte, dass letztrer nützlich für Zucker, Tabak u. Thee ; dass andrerseits Indigo u. Cochenilla hardly require and cannot bear the expense of a Europ. contractor. ([113,] 114) Die wichtigste culture – die of sugar. (l.c.)

Contract Sugar Culture. Price paid den villagers fixed auf 3½ fl. Kupfer for each picul of sugar produced from the canes grown by them; wurde expected that average yield = 30 piculs of sugar to 1½ acres (1 bahu) of canes; so hatten die villagers yearly 105 fl. Copper per bahu of 1½ acre, or £4. 17s. 9d. per acre. Den peasants erklärt dass die canes, sobald reif u. bevor cut, would be estimated as to their yield by the Taxation Committee, in selber Art wie der rice crop jährlich estimated für land rent; ferner sie should be at once paid 3 florins copper u. 50 doits per picul of the estimated yield; sobald their canes crushed, sollten sie receive a further sum of 3 fl. copper u. 50 doits for every picul of the actual yield above the estimate. ([114,] 115)

Suppose village had 100 bahus od. 150 acres of rice land; to be planted nun ⅕ or 20 bahus (30 acres) mit sugar cane. Giebt dies ⅕ 600 piculs, or 30 piculs of sugar per bahu, so – zu 3 fl.c. 50 doits per picul – dies would give 2100 fl. copper, to be paid to the peasants in cash by the Gvt contrôleur before the canes were cut u. which they might keep whether the canes gave the estimated yield or not. (115) the land under sugar to be taxed for land rent only as if under rice. (l.c.)

Vigilance u. active exertions der Europ. u. native officials secured by a small percentage to each on every picul of sugar made by the district; unter ihrer supervision die canes were carefully cultivated; nach einigen Jahren Erfahrung u. improvement, they yielded, on the best lands wo die Zuckermills zuerst etablirt, average v. 40 piculs per bahu, statt 30. Ausser obigen 2100 fl. copp., die die villagers erhielten als estimated yield, erhielten sie, 2 od. 3 months später, when the real yield was known, fernere 700 fl.c., as the price at the same rate of the extra 10 piculs per bahu above the estimate. (116)

Reift der crop nicht, od. ist er burned or washed away before the canes are ripe, and therefore before the estimation of the yield, the peasants get nothing for their labour.  Bei Money, S. 116: Self-interest thus teaches them
Schließen
Hence die Burschen taught
to use care and caution to provide against accidents. (116) Die villagers daher take active precautions against the canes being burnt up for want of irrigation, or washed away by the violent rains for want of protection, u. in most cases mit Erfolg. (116, 117)

Die villagers further paid by the contractor for cutting the canes and carrying them to his mill; der contractor hat zu diesem Behuf Contracte zu machen unter supervision des contractor contrôleur, generally about 1 fl.c. per picul of the yield. So die villagers erhielten ferner v. contractor in cash on delivery 800 fl.c. for cutting and carrying the canes of their 20 bahus, at 40 piculs per bahu. Sie erhielten also, total:

F.(lorin) C.(opper).
für growing, cutting u. carrying 20 bahus  Zusatz von Marx.
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(30 acres)
 of canes:
Value at estimated yield of 30 piculs 2100
Value of surplus yield of 10 piculs 700
For cutting and carrying, at 40 pic. 800
Total 3600 Flor. Copper. (117)

3600 fl. copper = 3000 fl. silver = £.250 for 20 bahus or about 30 acres of land. (118)

Die villagers’ culture wages variiren daher je nach yield von about 7 zu über 8 £ per acre. (l.c.[)]

Das Dutch gvt zieht nicht ab die  Bei Money, S. 118: Land Tax. – The land rent as it is more correctly named in Java, is the same as what is called the Ryots’ Land Tax to Government in India.
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Land Rent ⦗so richtig called die Land Tax in Java⦘
von den culture wages, but most of the villagers doubtless pay it from that source. (118)

Land Rent  Zusatz von Marx.
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(resp. Tax)
:
calculated by having the produce of the village lands, when the March rice crop is ripe and before it is cut, yearly estimated by the Taxation Committee; dies besteht aus European contrôleur, the native Chief |109 of the district, the village chief, and a certain number of Native mantries, or petty chiefs. Diese examine the crop of the land in the presence of the villagers, and calculate the number of piculs of padi or pari (rice in the husk), and whether of 1st, 2nd, or 3d quality, which the crop will give per bahu; average about 20 piculs of padi per bahu u. ausnahmsweis bis 30 piculs. In Java giebt the padi about ½ of its own weight – in rice, in Indien  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(brit.)
selten mehr als ⅖ des padi. This padi is valued at the market price in harvest time, which, in the interior, generally von 2–3 fl. per picul of first-rate padi, aber in Nachba rschaft der towns will rise to 4 u. selbst 5 fl. per picul. (118, 119)

In 1854: highest average produce of padi in any residency

30.05 piculs per cultivated bahu

lowest 5.22  "    "    "    "
The average all round 17.14.  "    "    "    "
Highest average price of padi in any residency 4 fl. 80 doits per picul
Lowest 1 fl. 13  "    "    "
Highest average price all round 3 fl. 5  "    "    "
Lowest    "    "    "    " 1 fl. 113 doits per picul.
In 1857: rice produce all round 17.09 piculs per bahu,
highest average price all round 2 fl. 47 doits per picul,
Lowest 1 fl. 85  "    "

Suppose: of the 80 bahus under rice 10 give per bahu 30 piculs  of first rate padi, worth 3 fl. per picul
probably: 20     "     "     "    20   "   of second rate " "      "     2 fl. 60 doits p. picul
      "      50     "     "     "    15   " of third rate     "   "  "    1 fl. 80    "     "     "    

The 20 bahus under sugar are calculated as rice land, giving the same quantity and quality as the best of that village land really under rice.

Pic Padi
Village land rent account then: 30 bahus (10 Rice u. 20 sugar) at 30 pic. padi per bahu 900
20   "   20    "     "     "     " 400
50   "   15    "     "     "     " 750
Total produce of 100 Bahus 2050
900 Pic Padi at 3 fl. per Picul fl. 2700
400    "     "      2 fl. 60 doits " 1000
750    "     "   1 fl. 80    "      "     " " 1250
Total value of produce " 4950; of this land rent ⅕,  in money, = 990 fls.
(p. 119, 120)
In 1854: cultivated area of rice fields on the Java crownlands 1,712,312 bahus
Davon planted for gvt. under culture system weniger als 1/26, viz.

63,868 bahus

Cultivated by the people for themselves 1,678,444 1,643,444 " "

In 1857 the cultivated area of rice fields in the Java crownlands = 1,896,177 bahus od.275,797 acres more than in 1854, showing an extension of cultivation not far short of 100,000 acres per annum.

In 1854 the total landrent was 8,617,972 fl. 33 doits, or at rate of 503 fl. per 100 bahus on the whole cultivated area.
1857 9,659,794 fl. 44 od.    "     " 509 fl.     (p. 120, 121)

In folgender vergleichender Tabelle is the rice produce of 100 bahus supposed same in amount u. value in 1830, wie in 1857; in der That were amount und value smaller in 1830; this makes the difference zwischen old u. new systems smaller than it really is; hence the benefit caused by the culture system understated (p. 121), die Tabelle  Verweis von Marx auf die folgende Seite seines Exzerpthefts.
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folgende Seite verte
:|

110
1830 Pic Padi Florins
1830: 30 Bahus at 30 Pic Padi per Bahu: 900 at fl. 3 2700
20    "     "    20   "     "     "     " 400 at 2 f. 60 d. 1000
50    "     "    15   "     "     "     " 750 " 1 f. 80. " 1250
2050 " 4950
Deduct ⅕ to be sold for land rent 410 or 990
Left to Village for Consumption and saleone crop of Padi: 1640 pics worth 3960
1857 Pic Padi Florins
1857. 20 Bah. Sugar mit cutting and carrying at least Fl. Cop. 2700 2250
10 Bah. Rice, at 30 Pic per Bahu 300 at fl. 3 900
20 Bah. ditto at 20   "     "    400 at 2 f. 60 d. 1000
50 B. ditto at 15   "     "    750 at 1 f. 80 1250
60 B. same land, second crop of Tobacco 1800 4950
1450 4950 7200
Land rent paid out of the Sugar money 990
Left Village for Consumption or sale 2 crops worth 4950
Cash in hand 1260 6210

Also 6210 fl. clear in 1857 gegen 3960 clear in 1830. (p. 122)

Under this new system, with such large yearly cash balances, villagers soon relieved von grip of Chinese money-lenders. The power to purchase gave rise to new wants, and the indulgence of those wants led to increased industry. (123)

Ferner: The idle months zwischen der harvest in June u. dem sowing in November used to be the period for regularly organized burglaries u. other violent crimes, formerly as prevalent in Java as they still are in India. Employment at good wages during those months secured to part of the population in the manufacture of sugar at the mill; rest of the population also thereby employed during the same period on their own village lands. The water-course, made by the contractor to turn his own mill, supplies them with constant irrigation not dependent on the rains, and thus enables the village lands to bear a double instead of a single crop. The mill also is a ready market for the village produce, such as fuel, padi, rattans (  Zusatz von Marx.
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indisches Rohr, Rotang, malayan: rôtan, a plant of the genus Calamus⦘
, bamboos etc, and for the village manufacture, such as oil, pots, bricks, wooden u. iron tools etc. (123, 24 124)

Die rice lands – i.e. der proportionate share of the ⅘ of the village lands to be planted with rice, allotted every year to each householder – sind separately cultivated durch jeden householder u. his family. Die yearly division u. allotment are made by the Koewoe od. village chief, with the help of the council of village elders.

Dagegen das ⅕ under sugar, which is changed every year, so as to let the same land carry sugar only once in 5 years, is not allotted, but the whole of the cottiers work at that by turns under the orders of the Koewoe. (124)

Culture Wages: When the canes are to be paid for, the money is taken to the place where the wedana (chief of the district) lives. Lists have been prepared beforehand for each village – so many bahus, estimated at so many piculs, at three F.C., 50 d. per picul, so much – so many villagers worked in the sugar canes (excl. the priests, the infirm, and those of rank above work) to divide so much, will get, per man, so much – and then seriatim the names of the workmen, with each man’s amount. The village is summoned, perhaps mit 5 or 6 other villages. (124)

The heading of the list, showing the calculation and the amount per man, is read out to the villagers in the presence of the assistant resident, the contrôleur in charge of the village, the regent in whose regency, the wedana in whose district, and the salaried mantrie in whose sub-district the village is situated, and of the Koewoe or elected chief of the village. Each man’s name is then called out, and the money is paid by the contrôleur into his own hand. The assistant resident has to report to the resident the whole circumstances of the payment of each village, with the names of each official present, and the name of the person by whose hand the money was paid to the villagers. (125)

 Zusatz von Marx. Bei Money, S. 125: I was much struck […] with the wisdom of the Dutch mode of dealing with Natives.
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Höchst charakteristisch dies:
Obgleich each man’s money paid into his own hand, it was notorious that the whole sum was, on the return to the village, paid by the peasants to the village chief and council of elders, who redistributed to it, according to the account kept by them of every man’s daily work in the canes, or of the supply of carts and buffaloes for the purposes of the sugar cultivation. These latter are often provided by people of rank or of age above work, whose names even are consequently not on the Gvt list. (125)|

111

If any further payment to be made from the yield of sugar exceeding the amount estimated, the whole process is gone over again etc (125[, 126]) to the local officials given personal interest in the success; many of the official salaries are doubled by their percentages, obgleich der percentage universal, but very small, z. B. so many doits per picul. The aggregate forms a respectable sum. (126)

Copper Coin: Van den Bosch imported v. Europa viele millions of copper coin, in which the advances to the contractors for expenditure in Java were made. Dies hatte intrinsic worth v. nur 40 centimes, od. 8 d. per 100 copper coins called doits, aber Gvt made it a legal tender in Java at the rate of 120 doits to a silver florin worth 20d. Engl. Die copper coin avancirt von Gvt. an contractor u. paid by him to peasant, at that rate, the contractor repaying the nominal amount of the advance in sugar at the contract price. So der advance made by the Gvt. really cost it less than half the nominal amount of the advance. (127) Dies copper coinage had many of the advantages – in that state of society – of a paper currency. It was not hoarded, it represented a conventional value far above its real cost, war nicht constantly returned to Gvt. for silver. Had disadvantages of bulk u. leicht counterfeited u. the difference between its real value and that for which it was a legal tender in Java gave rise to smuggling, in the introduction of large quantities of the same inferior copper coin into the island. So a large circulating medium provided, suited to the wants der country; Gvt recieved the whole or any part of the land tax, or of any other payments, in the same copper coin at its legal rate. Später this inferior copper coinage called in u. replaced by copper and small silver coins of proper intrinsic value. ([127,] 128)

Contractor’s Profits: Der contractor risked nothing ausser time u. labour. Van den Bosch foresaw that the great benefit to the country would arise von der extension des system by private enterprise; er wollte zeigen dass liberal scale of remuneration to the peasant consistent mit large and rapid fortunes to the contractors. Er erlaubte daher dem contractor to pay in sugar, at such prices as to leave him a large share of the profits der manufacture; he fixed the contract rate wozu the sugar to be delivered to Gvt in the neighbourhood of the mill at 10 fl. copp. per picul. Dies = 13s. 10½d. for 136 lbs avoirdupois, od. just under 1¼d. per pound. Des contractor’s calculation made on expectation of 30 piculs of sugar to the bahu of canes; the usual amount of land in each contract was 400 bahus  Zusatz von Marx.
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(= 600 acres)
, divided among the different culture villages attached to that sugar mill. At these rates, the contractor’s account:

F.C. Pic. Sug.
400 Bahus, at 30 piculs of Sugar per Bahu 12,000
Yearly advance for canes, at 3 F.C. 50 doits per picul 42,000
Yearly advance for cutting und making, at 3 F.C. 50 d. "   " 42,000
Repay ⅒ of original building advance 20,000
To be repaid 104,000
Contractor repays this by the delivering to Gvt at 10 F.C. per Picul 10,400
Estimated surplus for Contractor’s profit 1,600. (p [129,] 130)

Der yearly government advance to contractor = 7 F.C. per picul of suggar sugar. The contract rate for delivery, being 10 fl.c. per picul, would enable him to repay yearly advance + ⅒ of building advance, u. machen considerable surplus for his profit. Die results für contractor wie für peasant sehr increased by the canes yielding 40 piculs per bahu statt 30. Des contractors account on the real product ion, dann so:

F.C. Pic. Sugar
400 Bahus at 40 piculs per Bahu 16,000
Canes at 3 F.C. 50 d. per picul 56,000
Cutting and making (less per picul for a larger amount) 3 F.C. per Picul 48,000
Repay ⅒ of Building Advance 20,000
To be repaid 124,000 = 12,400
Real surplus for Contractor     Pic. Sug.  3,600

(p. [130,] 131)|

112

Diese 3,600 Piculs of Sugar, if badly made and sold at 12 fl. per picul, gave 43,200 fl. od. £ 3600; if well made u. of superior quality, sold at 15 f. p. pic. gave 51,000 fl. od. £ 4353.

In beiden Fällen hatte contractor bought ⅒ of his mill, worth £1381. 17s. 9d. Dies mit von £3600 bis £4353 cash surplus, made in all v. 5000 bis 5600 £ p.a. as his yearly profit for his time u. labour. (131)

 Bei Money, S. 131: It may be well conceived that, when this result of the contracts became known, the Governor-General found no difficulty in getting responsible persons to take any further contracts he had to give.
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Sobald dies Resultat der contracts bekannt wurde, melden sich nun die »respectable« philistines.
As the advances to the original contractors began to come in, by the sale of the produce delivered to the gvt, der Gen. Governor able to extend the contract sugar cultivation rapidly to the different parts des island, where there was sufficient population u. soil suited to the growth of sugar. System not allowed to degenerate into mere investments for moneyed men, to be carried on by managers; the contracts were made personal to the contractor, and ceasing on his absenting himself for more than a certain short period. Leave of absence to Europe, in case of illness, Gvt appointing a substitute. Sale of contract to any approved purchaser generally allowed to contractor, and never refused to his family in case of his death. ([131,] 132)

Dies die terms der first sugar contracts, to last for 20 years, während deren die contractors large fortunes machten. Most dieser contracts jetzt expired, renewed for a further period of years for nearly same terms. Contractor has now to deliver etwas weniger als ⅔ of his sugar to Gvt. at 7½ fl. per picul = 8 fl.C. 75 d., statt zu 10 fl.C. per picul as before. Dies, zusammen mit various expenses for packing, forwarding, percentage to officials, commission to agents etc, all borne by the Gvt., raises the cost of the contract sugar to nearly 10 fl. silver per picul in the Gvt stores for export. Average cost in 1854 = 9 fl. 106 doits per picul, in 1857 exact 10 fl. per picul. (132, 33)

The remaining advances, if any, are paid in money from the proceeds of the remaining ⅓ of the sugar, which the contractor sells on his own account. Durch improvement in culture, namentlich auch der manufacturing processes, Zucker jetzt much cheaper produced so as to enable large profits still to be made on these terms, namentlich improvement in machinery, since the introduction of the culture system. Die mills, at first built, machinery bought, u. watercourse made for 2 lacs of fl. copper (= £13,888) jetzt generally worth 5 lacs od. £34,722. Dies improvement mostly made by fresh building advances from Gvt, repaid by yearly instalments in the same manner as the original building advance; diese mills jetzt the private property der contractors. (133)

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
Contract Indigo Culture. Etablirt zu selber Zeit wie die des Zuckers. It was limited to the surplus village lands above  Bei Money, S. 135: the population’s
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the people’s
requirements for rice
. It was to be paid for by Gvt at a price far more remunerative to the peasant than rice. All advances to be made to the contractor without interest. And he to repay these advances in indigo at contract rates, leaving him a large profit. ([134,] 135)

Alles Indigo produced on the crown lands is delivered to Gvt., theils weil die contract rate jetzt höher als Marktpreis in Java, so dass die contractors, übereinstimmend mit der power reserved to them, wälzen ihr ganzes Product auf Gvt., aber auch z.Th., weil grosser Theil der Indigo Cultur auf Kronland jetzt carried on by Gvt ohne contractors. Höhere Qualität des Bengal Indigo u. dessen rasches Wachsthum während der letzten 30 J. haben den Preis des Java Indigo reducirt, bis seine Cultur nur noch vortheilhaft fortsetzbar durch Verminderung der Produktionskosten; Java Indigo wurde so ein Artikel nicht »able to bear the extra cost of the contractor’s profit«. (135)

Indigo der blaue Farbstoff extrahirt von sap des Indigo leaf, wird made into the cakes, which form the indigo of commerce, durch an easy process. Sobald es nöthig wurde die Kost der Indigo production zu reduciren, gefunden [»]that the same indigo could be produced as well and cheaper without a contractor«. (135, 136) Gvt. verweigerte daher Erneurung der ursprünglichen Indigo contracts. |113 Wie die contracts expired, Gvt bought back the factories u. plant, u. carried on the indigo culture direct durch die crown peasants unter Aufsicht ihrer native chiefs. (136)

Independent Planters. Nachdem Kultursystem etablirt in verschiednen Theilen der Insel durch gvt. Vorschüsse, u. die large fortunes made by the contractors had called forth enterprise, refüsirte Java Gvt. any further sugar or indigo contracts. Independent planters then encouraged to settle auf crown lands in districts wo das Cultursystem noch nicht introducirt. Die ersten unabhängigen crown leases granted für Zuckercultur; diese leases did not include any portion of the existing village lands, sondern nur benachbarte uncultivirte crown lands, obgleich diese ohne Zweifel sehr oft used by the villagers für collection of timber od. other purposes. Here a lease for 20 years to be obtained of 300 od. 400 bahus of ground or more. Erst a rent paid to Gvt of one picul of sugar for each planted bahu; später commuted to a fixed yearly money payment von 6 fl. silver per bahu, od. 6s. 8d[.] per acre; planter has in this case to find his own capital u. machinery etc. Such leases erst granted 1839 u. 1840, in accordance mit der policy prevalent in Java vor 1830 u. in India bis jetzt. ([136,] 137) Das Result has not been in favour of the independent planters;  Bei Money, S. 137/138: Their leases do not yield by any means such profitable results as the same culture under Government contracts, although the rate at which they hold their lands is comparatively so much lower. This seems chiefly to arise from the want of official support among a Native population […] The high rate of interest also for the borrowed funds, with which most of the independent plantations are carried on, leaves but little surplus profit for the planter. These, and especially the latter, are the great impediments to the success of private European enterprise in India. The concurrence of the same cause and effect, both in India and in Java, seems to show that, undoubtedly true as are the principles of free, competitive, unprotected, and uncontrolled industry, in an advanced state of society with great realized capital, like that of England, those principals must be modified in their application to countries with but little available capital, and to semi-barbarous races of ignorant, idle, and suspicious Natives.
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die Burschen halten ihre lands zu viel niedrigeren rates als die gvt. contractors; aber they »want official support«, wichtig unter der native population; meisten von ihnen carried on their business mit gepumptem Geld zu »high rate of interest«, leaving but little surplus profit for the planter; speciell das letztre auch in Brit. India der Fall.
(137, 38) In these leases of wild crown lands, the rent of 6 fl. per bahu beginnt erst nach einigen Jahren u. ist nur gradually extended to the whole of the land rented. Länge of lease variirt von 20–40 J., je nach der time required by the proposed new culture to yield produce. (138) Kein private planter allowed to settle on Gvt. land in districts wo das Gvt. system of cultures under contract is in operation, unless he agrees to pay the ryots the same rates, u. treat them in same manner, under the same Gvt. superintendence and support. (139)

 Verweis von Marx auf den betreffenden Abschnitt bei Money, S. 140–142.
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Contrast of Java Culture System with European Cultures in India (nachzusehn, p. 140 sqq.)

In Java: »No contracts made on advances  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Money, S. 149/150.
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⦗wie in Brit. India⦘
are either allowed or enforced. Culture contracts are only recognized when made personally before a European official and registered … when registered, the specific performance of contracts is summarily enforced.[«] (153)

The Culture System. II.)

 Zusammenfassung von Marx des Inhaltsverzeichnisses von Money, S. 158.
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[II.)] Culture system by village labour without a contractor; Fall für Caffe, Zimmet u. Pfeffer.
(p. 159 158)

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
Kaffee: Preanger Kaffee; – Preanger bis Anfang des 19t Jhd. Hauptsitz von Javas Coffeecultur; es ist dies ein Bergdistrikt, inhabited by Sundanese, die nicht selbe Sprache reden wie rest der natives. About Mitte des 18. Jhd. wurden Holländer masters des Preanger durch treaty: dieser liess den native princes the gvt of their own country u. the receipt der Land Revenue, unter Dutch protection; dagegen hatten sie zu cultivate solche Anzahl Kaffeebäume als Dutch should at any time require u. deliver the whole produce dem Dutch gvt. zu 3 fl. 30 cts per picul. Dies bis jetzt einzige Revenue derived durch Dutch von Preanger district. Die Sundanese regents betreiben die Kaffeecultur vermittelst the gratuitous labour rent of their cottier tenants, under Superintendenz der Dutch officials. Den Kaffee deliver die regents in the husk; das Dutch gvt hat Europ. contractors on the spot, with mills for cleaning and sorting it. Der Preanger Coffee yields dem Dutch Gvt den largest profit per picul, owing to the small price paid for it; doch sein Quantum relativ gering verglichen mit dem Kaffee grown in the conquered parts of Java. (159, 160)

Anfang des 19 Jhdts Kaffeekultur extended to the different hilly districts of the crown lands in the interior. (160)

1808 kam Marschal Marschall Daendels als Generagoverneur General Governeur des holl. Ostindiens zur Zeit als Louis Napoleon König v. Holland;  Bei Money, S. 160: proceeded at once to correct abuses in the old Oriental fashion
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ging orientalisch zu Werk
, hanging peculators, European u. native, over their own doors without trial. (160) |114 Errichtete in Java, in 2 Jahren, all over the island admirable system of roads – by forced labour, at a great sacrifice of life. Jeder road is double, one for horse u. carriage traffic, der andre for cart u. cattle traffic; each is wide enough to admit 3 vehicles abreast, and the 2 generally run alongside of each other, divided by a bank, often with a well-clipped Hibiscus hedge upon it. The horse road now macadamized, kept in as good order as any coach road in Egld, is constantly attended to, every depression filled up with metal, as soon as, and only to the amount, required. The chief part of the labour rent furnished gratuitously by the people to Gvt is applied to this purpose, and to the maintenance of the cattle road etc. (160, 161)

Coffee Culture on the old plan, i.e. Daendels’ system. Jedes hill village, dessen soil suited to coffee, was obliged to plant on the uncultivated parts a certain number of coffee trees, generally about 1000 trees per head of family. Im 5t year after planting the produce was estimated, and the village required to deliver gratuitously, into the Government stores on the sea shore, ⅖ of the estimated crop, properly cleaned, sorted, and of first-rate quality. (161) In case of default, the village had to pay to Gvt the Java market price, fixed u. published once a year, generally about 25 fl. per picul, for so much [of the two-fifths] of the estimated crop as was not delivered by the end of December. Die andern ⅗ des crop were the villagers’ own property, at their free disposal. Das Dutch gvt. verpflichtete sich to pay the same fixed market price for every picul of coffee, above the ⅖, delivered into the sea-shore coffee stores, properly cleaned, sorted u. of first[-]rate quality. (162) Gvt wollte so das ganze Coffee product in seine hands bringen; failed utterly; it got the whole of the small amount of coffee grown near the stores on the sea-shore , aber nur kleinen Theil, weniger als ⅖ von dem far larger coffee produce of the interior. (l.c.) numerous mountain villages had nur bad communications mit den roads, u. in allen Fällen, the village had no joint machinery for the transport, even along the best roads, of large loads of coffee for great distances. (l.c.) Hence the coffee, badly u. carelessly cleaned u. prepared, was bought by any purchaser on the spot at very low rates; od. – u. dies was the general speculation up to 1830 – was exchanged for ½ or ⅓ of its weight in salt. (163) Salz – Regierungsmonopol in Java wie in Indien – wurde sold by Gvt at the salt-stores on the sea-shore f. 8 fl. per picul. Wurde hier gekauft durch speculators, who took it into the hills, tauschten es dort mit dem Hill people aus for 2 or 3 times its weight in coffee; erhielten so 2 or 3 piculs coffee, worth 20–25 fl. per picul, für 1 picul of salt worth 8 florins. (l.c.)

Das Gesetzt Gesetz, das gratuitous delivery von ⅖ des hill coffee crop erheischte, unerfüllbar wegen der difficulty des transport. Zahlung für diese ⅖, at the Gvt rate, gleichzeitig verhindert durch die low prices got for the coffee in the interior. Die hill villages daher, nicht able to discharge their coffee u. land tax, zahlten dem Gvt what money they could well afford, u. let the remainder fall into arrear. (l.c.) Die villages near the sea-shore coffee stores, being able to deliver the coffee without trouble for what was a very paying price to them, took pains in its cultivation, and in the cleaning u. sorting of the berry, and delivered their whole crop to the Gvt., ⅖ gratuitously, ⅗ at the rate of 25 fl. per picul. (163, 164)

Gvt erhielt so kleinen Theil des coffee crop in first-rate condition, während der far larger part, sent to Europe by its private purchasers, was dirty, broken u. unsorted. Dies gab dem Java Coffee a bad name in European market u. affected the price of the good gvt coffee. Andrerseits die mountain villages, getting so little benefit from the coffee, neglected nicht nur its cultivation, sondern would have allowed their plantations to become fruitless, if not for constant attention of the officials. – Engl. Gvt. abolished in Java the gratuitous delivery of coffee; die villagers, being no longer under any obligation to grow coffee, and having little sale for it, neglected the coffee gardens u. resorted to crops better suited to the local market to raise money to pay the new land tax. (164) |115 Nach return der Dutch  Zusatz von Marx.
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(1816)
Daendels coffee system re-established.  Bei Money:, S. 164: This was hailed with pleasure
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Wieder selbe results mit Bezug einerseits in
den coffee villages near the sea-shore, who, though they had to deliver ⅖ gratuitously, received 25 fl. a picul for the other ⅗, equal to 15 fl. a picul all round. Their proximity to the coffee stored stores saved these villages any considerable expense of transport, in which case … the villagers preferred the coffee crop at these rates, as giving the largest profit with the least trouble and without any on-lay outlay. Dagegen bei den hill villagers des interiorsame distance u. difficulty of transport  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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etc selbe Resultate hier wie unter Daendels’ [system] vorher
. (164, 165)

Coffee culture under the New System. Van den Bosch – while introducing the gvt. sugar culture, – tried to remedy defects of coffee culture: 1) by giving the villagers all over the island large profits from coffee instead of small; 2) by saving the villagers the transport, thus putting all on an equality; 3) by getting the whole coffee crop grown on the crown lands into the hands of Gvt., so as to have it all properly treated, and made of first[-]rate quality, thus »to rais raise its reputation in the European market[«]. (165, 166) to this purpose:

v. d. Bosch made roads into the centre of each mountain coffee district, and built coffee stores in the neighbourhood of each coffee plantation. Every hill village was required to plant on the uncultivated hill sides, in 4 years, 600 coffee trees per head of family, in regular gardens, and to mantain a sufficient nursery of young trees, to keep 600 trees per head of family in full bearing. Careful preparation der gardens u. nurseries, wie subsequent attention to the coffee trees, were secured by the monthly supervision of a European contrôleur, who also superintended the gathering of the crop, leaving the villagers to dry, clean and sort the coffee, and deliver it into the neighbouring gvt coffee stores at their own convenience. (166)

Price was fixed at 12 fl. per picul; nähmlich by taking 15 fl. per picul on the whole crop, as equivalent to ⅖ of the crop delivered gratis, mit 25 fl. per picul paid on the remaining ⅗. Von diesen 15 fl. per picul on the whole crop ferner deducted 3 fl., as the equivalent of the transport to the sea shore saved to the villagers; liess 12 fl. in cash net to the villagers for every picul delivered into the coffee store in their own village. Da jedes Familienhaupt has the care of, and sells the produce from, 600 coffee trees, yielding about a picul of good clean coffee per 200 trees, so jede Familie im village averages für 3 piculs of coffee 36 fl. net per annum, = about 6 months’ wages at the ordinary price of Java labour. Wenn village besteht aus 100 families, erhält das village jährlich 3600 fl. = £.300. ([166,] 167) Land tax could not exceed 1000 fl. jährlich on 100 bahus, the usual amount of rice land cultivated by a hill village of 100 families  Zusatz von Marx.
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(also 1½ acre per family)
. Wegen des low price of rice in the hills, land tax wahrscheinlich nicht = 1/2 jener Summa, thus leaving the village über £200 clear surplus cash in hand, neben dem whole produce of their cultivated lands under rice or other crops for their own consumption. (167)

The coffee plum, when ripe, is a red oval fruit, about the size of a cherry, the stone or kernel of which consists of 2 coffee beans, with the flat sides together. The fleshy husk has to be removed, and the coffee berries Dried dried, when a thin skin that holds the coffee beans together breaks and peals peels off, and the coffee, after being winnowed, cleaned, u. sorted, is fit for export or use. These various operations performed by the villagers at no further expense than a light wooden pestle and a bag of buffalo skin for cleaning, and a few bamboo hurdles and rattan trays for drying and sorting, all manufactured by themselves from materials at hand. The hill peasants thus  Ausrufezeichen von Marx.
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(!) grow and prepare the coffee at no cost (!)
but labour, and with not even much of that. The coffee plantations in Java are made in the tall jungle on the hill side, and but little care is bestowed on them, further than cleaning about a foot of ground round the stem of each tree twice a year. This, and the plucking |116 of 600 trees, easily done by each family without interfering with their ordinary cultivation, and the women and children pound the coffee in the buffalo bag, and sort the berries on the rattan trays, when not otherwise employed. (167, 168)

Zur Zeit als van den Bosch den change machte, producirte Preanger about 30,000 piculs, rest of the island 220,000 pic. jährlich. Hiervon die 30,000 Piculs des Preanger u. ⅖ der übrigen od. 88,000 piculs, gut, zus. 118,000 piculs, worth 25 fl. per pic. gross, = near 3 mill. fl. Die andern ⅗ der 220,000 piculs = 132,000, schlecht cleaned u. sorted, nur werth 20 fl. per picul, zus. über 2½ mill fl. Hence Gesammtcoffeeprodukt v. Java damals = 5½ mill. fl. in round numbers od. unter ½ mill. £.St. jährlich. (168, 169)

1854 producirt Preanger Bei Money, S. 169: though growing neither sugar nor coffee under General Van den Bosch’s system
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wo jedoch nisch v. d. Bosch’s system!
243,554 piculs of coffee; der rest der Java crown lands gave to Gvt 840,310 piculs; zus. 1,083,864 piculs, being superior coffee, realised on sale in Holland 34 fl. 76 cents gross, giving gvt. 27 fl. 45 cts net per picul, excl. of freight and expenses of sale. At these rates the value des coffee produce in 1854 über 37 millions fl. od. über 3 mill. st. gross u. close on 30 mill fl. or 2½ Mill. St. net. Yield v. Java Coffee daher 1854 mehr als 4mal so gross u. about 6x werthvoller als vor dem Cultursystem. (169) Ausserdem received gvt in 1854, – 131,522 piculs, u. in 1859 1857 – 198,779 pic. of coffee cultivated by the villagers on the crown lands in Sumatra on the same principles as in Java. In good years the Java Gvt erhält so von den crown lands in different parts of Dutch India about 1 Mill. od. 1,200,000 piculs of coffee, equal to from about 60,000 to 72,000 tons, all das exported nach Holland for sale. Ausserdem after satisfying the demand in the island, exports private trade  Zusatz von Marx.
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(von private estates)
about 150,000 piculs; so:

1854: Gesamt Coffee produce von Java über 1,200,000 piculs od. 1,457,142 cwts; dahingegen:
1857–58 das Coffee produce von Ceylon (see Sir Emerson Tennant : „Ceylon.“ V. II ) 424,700 cwts,  Bei Money, S. 170: less than one-third of the Java coffee produce for 1854
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⅓ weniger als Java coffee produce for 1854
. (169, 170)

There is the same official percentage on coffee, and on all other Gvt cultures, as on sugar. Dieselben European u. native authorities theilen unter sich, in selben proportions, 50 doits per picul of coffee delivered to Gvt in their several districts. The Koewoe, or head of the hill village, also gets a coffee reward, as his brother of the plains does for sugar; he receives 24 doits for every picul which the statement of the bringer shows to come from his village. (170, 171)

Coffee is packed u. transported at Gvt expense by private carriers, after public competition for a 3 years’ transport contract. (171)

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
Cinnamon culture. Zimmt ist the peeled u. dried bark of the cinnamon shrub; cinnamon gardens cultivated for Gvt in 4 of the Java residencies by village labour, and in 2 by hired day-labourers. The bark is peeled u. dried by the villagers u. sold to Gvt. in same manner as coffee. No monopoly as to cinnamon or any of the other spices. Spices not grown by private individuals for same reason that prevents Englishmen at the free ports and islands of Singapore and Penang growing any but nutmegs. Seit Jahren spices one of the worst paying Oriental crops; of late selbst nutmegs can hardly be cultivated to a profit, while the cultivation of other spices entails a loss, the present prices being little more than sufficient to pay for the collection from wild spice trees in the jungle. (172) The cinnamon culture kept up by Java Gvt. for the sake of the large wages paid to the villagers in aid of their land rent. (173)

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
Pepper Culture; grown for Dutch Gvt. in same way as coffee u. cinnamon. Pepper Plant a shrubby creeper  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(staudenartige Schlingpflanze)
, cultivirt in Java in rows  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Reihen)
trained over trellis-work  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Gitter (od. Gatter) werk)
oder posts, ähnlich wie Weinstock in Fkch. Die rows of pepper-creepers oft placed zwischen den rows of coffee trees, u. beide Artikel dann kultivirt, preparirt, u. sold at the neighbouring Gvt store by the same villagers. Die Pfefferpflanze trägt kurze spike-shaped clusters of berries, sehr ähnlich denen des holly in size u. colour. Ihre Behandlung für export besteht nur in plucking, drying u. sorting them, during which they lose their smooth red appearance, u. become dry u. wrinkled. (173)

III.) Culture System by a Contractor with Day Labourers.

i.e. on Java crown lands by contractors mit day labourers, statt village labour. Hierhin gehören: Cochineal u. tobacco plantations, wovon jedoch viele auch cultivated durch village labour wie Zucker, was bei tea plantations nur to a |117 slight extent in den Preanger Regencies stattfindet. (174)

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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1)
 Bei Money, S. 174: Cochineal Produce
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Cochenille (Cochineal)
: Govt cactus culture for the production of cochineal is carried on z.Th. durch European contractors, sei es mit village labour wie Zucker od. mit paid day labourers wie Thee, u. z.Th. durch gvt selbst, sowohl mit village als day labour. Diese Cultur geht – wie die von Indigo – graduell über von Cultur mit Contractor to one without him, so as to reduce the cost of production within the average market price.

Cochenille die bright red dye contained in body of an insect living u. reproducing itself, in large numbers, on the broad fleshy leaves of a species of very large cactus. Die cactus plants arranged in rows; when peopled mit dem insect look as if coarsely sprinkled mit hair powder. Das insect ist schneeweiss, covered mit a small downy  
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(flaumig)
fluff  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Staubfeder)
, u. about the size u. shape of a grain of barley. Die culture besteht nur in rearing u. watering the cactus, protecting the insects by moveable mat roofs from being washed off the plants by the rain, and in the proper period sweeping the insects off the plants into trays, which are then put over an oven. The heat kills the insects u. dries their skins, preserving the red dye in their bodies, which are then packed in bags for exportation. (174, 175)

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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2)
Tobacco Culture.; Taback allzumeist grown on the Java crown lands durch independent planters on lease from gvt; kultivirt theils durch village labour, theils durch day labourers. Die Pflanze selbst so leicht bestellt wie cabbage (Kohl), dem sie sehr ähnelt. Was aber beständige u. intelligent supervision fordert, ist die Preparation für den europ. Markt, sei es as leaf tobacco od. as cigars – Taback meist sehr profitable article für grower; sein market price has turned out weit über the contract rate, so that none is delivered to Gvt which can be avoided; zu dieser delivery die independent planters nicht bound; u. selbst die contractors haben ganz free disposal of their tobacco produce on certain terms as to the repayment of the Gvt. advances otherwise than in kind. [175]

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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3)
Quinine Culture; lately introduced by Gvt Cinchona Calisaya, wovon best quinine made. Nur noch ⦗damals⦘ one small garden of it in the hills near Bandong, at elevation v. 4600–4700 feet über sea level. The plants obtained von Peru u. Bolivia there reared under Dr. F. W. Junghuhn , Inspector of Natural Physics, u. Prof. de Vriese, Inspector of Chemical Experiments in Dutch India. Die plants flourished well, just before our arrival in Java the first seeds obtained from them. Diese seeds have been planted in various localities and at different heights, so as to ascertain the soil u. elevation best suited to them in Java. If they succeed, kann Java in wenigen Jahren supply East at a low rate with this invaluable medicine, in quantities only limited by the demand. ([175,] 176)

 Zusatz von Marx. Marx bezieht sich auf Geo[rge] Vasey: Report of the botanist. In: Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture for the year 1872. Washington 1874. S. 169−171 (Cultivation of the cinchona). Dort, S. 169: The great medicinal importance of the cinchona-barks […] have led during the past ten or twelve years to attempts in many places to cultivate the cinchona tree. […] The earliest experiments in this direction were made by the Dutch, in Java, who commenced a plantation in 1854, but from various causes their attempts were at first unsuccessful. The principal difficulties were the selection and cultivation of varieties which were poor in the amount of quinine they naturally afforded, and errors in cultivation with respect to soil, elevation, and temperature. These errors have of late years been corrected, and an account of the state of the cultivation of the cinchona in Java, in 1868, shows the following number of trees of different varieties then in cultivation: Of Cinchona calisaya, 509,582; Cinchona succirubra, 27,578; Cinchona condaminea, 28,874; Cinchona lancifolia, 573; Cinchona micrantha, 386. British East Indian experiments.

Marx besaß diesen Band selbst. Sein Exemplar, mit An- und Unterstreichungen von ihm mit Grünstift (auch in der zitierten Passage), ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1107).
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Cf. U. St. Department of Agriculture. Report. 1872 p. 169 sqq. ⦘ ⦗Ersten Versuche der Holländer in Java 1854, schlugen fehl durch errors in cultivation with respect to soil, elevation, u. temperature. Nach Dutch Bericht von 1868 folgende Anzahl Bäume of different varieties: Of Cinchona calisaya 509,582; Cinchona succirubra 27,578; Cinchona condaminea 28,874; Cinchona lancifolia 573; Cinchona micrantha, 386. Ueber die ersten Brit. East India experiments. ib. p. 169.⦘

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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4)
Tea Culture:  Bei Money, S. 176: except on one or two tea farms in the Preanger
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Mit Ausnahme von Preanger
, wo grown by village labour, diese culture carried on by Gvt. Contractors entirely with hired labour; die meisten tea lands taken from the uncultivated u. uninhabited hill sides ; um Arbeiter zu haben, muss contractor sie attract by paying high wages; dies dadurch facilitated dass such day labourers not liable to labour rent, even when they hold land under the tea planters; ihre liability to Gvt. for labour rent ceases when they cease to be direct Gvt cottiers. Da der tea planter kein landowner, sondern nur lessee des Gvt., no labour rent is due to him, but only the ⅕ of produce. Dies adds to the inducement of high wages. ([176,] 177)

judgment u. experience nöthig for selection of a favourable site for a tea plantation; preparation des soil u. Säen des Samens leicht; constant supervision u. high cultivation required to secure the speedy u. healthy growth der plant; ebenso skilled labour u. constant intelligent European management nöthig für the subsequent process of making the leaves into tea, black and green. (177) Gvt, das alle advances machte, imported but a few men from the teagrowing tea-growing districts of China, to give the first rudiments of information. So numerous tea-plantations set up in different parts of the hills in Java von 1835–1845, about selbe Zeit wo  Zusatz von Marx.
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(brit.)
Ostind. Co.
Theecultur in Indien einführte. Der Java contract tea planter ersetzt nicht nur wie der sugar contractor the Gvt. advances in kind, sondern sells his whole crop to Gvt. at contract rates. (178)|

118

In all new cultures Gvt takes the risk upon itself, as the only means of largely introducing a new cultivation. Wo such new culture turns out a superior article, the contractor only delivers to Gvt. so much in kind as will repay his advances at the contract rate, and sells the rest for himself at the higher market price. Wo unsuccessful, the contractor delivers the whole crop to Gvt at the contract rate, leaving Gvt. to bear the loss on resale at the market price. In Tea affaire, the power of selling the whole crop to Gvt is the only thing that has kept up the Java tea culture against the great losses with which it had to struggle. (178, 79)

The contract rates wozu der Java tea taken by Gvt. variirt mit den kinds of tea, aber jeder contractor has to deliver 50% des tea, in certain proportions of each kind of tea, both black u. green; 4 distinct kinds of black tea, von common congou to flowery pekoe, ebenso viele Sorten green tea; 50% des tea delivered müssen bestehn aus allen 8 kinds in certain proportions; die andern 50% mögen aus einer od. mehren der 8 Sorten bestehn in dem planter beliebigen Proportionen. (179)

Die grösseren Verluste früherer Jahre daher, dass tea schlecht gemacht u. meist v. inferior quality; fand daher kaum a market, bis solcher created for it in Germany, wo  Bei Money, S. 179: the Germans
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die deutschen Hünd
induced to buy it in preference to China tea wegen der comparatively low rates wozu offered by the Dutch Gvt. (179, 180) Nach u. nach auch bessere Sorten gemacht; es kostet beträchtlich mehr to make the leaves into green als in black tea, dagegen the cost of making high or low class teas is much the same; die difference in den Klasses of either kind of tea chiefly consists in the quality of the leaf, während die prices at which the Gvt. takes the teas of different classes per lb. range v. 60 cts or 1sh. to 120 cts or 2s. Dadurch jedes Jahr brought into the hands of Gvt. better made teas, and a larger proportion of high class teas, which have thus gradually raised the price in Europe. (180) Unterdess machten  Bei Money, S. 180: the tea contractors
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die »Hünde« v. contractors
large fortunes. (180) Das cost of growing, making, and packing etc in 1857 about 49 cts per lb all round, nahm aber rasch ab mit dem increasing produce of the area, während on the good plantations the different prices received von Gvt. then averaged in the aggregate as high as 85 cts or 90 cts per lb, in consequence of those plantations delivering a larger proportion of high class teas. (l.c.)

Meisten der exististing existing contracts had lasted über 15 J. u. sehr wenige more to run than 4 od. 5 J., dann die tea planters to be left mit den tea plantations, paying a fixed rent to Gvt u. having to compete in the Europ. market. (181) Obgleich diese contractors  Zusatz von Marx.
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– die kein Kapital vorzuschiessen! –
machten fortunes, verlor das Gvt on the tea, u. amount of their annual loss published yearly. Erst in letzterer Zeit found that Gvt can net for the tea in Europe, after paying all expenses, a higher price than it costs to make in Java, u. dass selbst »the bad Java tea« can be grown for sale in the open market at a large profit. Seitdem applications for leases by independent planters are pouring in etc. Jetzt tea produce in Java  Zusatz von Marx. Gemeint ist: vor dem Erscheinen des Buchs von Money (1861) bzw. zur Zeit seines Aufenthalts auf Java (1868).
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(dies vor 1860)
2¼ Mill. lbs. (181)

 Bei Money, S. 182: This has been the result of the Dutch system on a soil not so well suited to the tea plant as either China or India, but where from high cultivation and abundant labour, as well as partly also from the absence of cold weather, the tea crop yields more per acre per annum.
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Java Boden nicht so gut für Tea plant, wie China od. Indien.
Mr. Fortune averages the full yield in North West of India at 300 lbs per acre jährlich; in Java tea produce in 1856 beinah 700 u. in 1857 just 650 Amsterdam lbs, od. respectively 754 u. 706 pounds avoirdupois per bahu of 1½ acre, = 470–500 lbs per acre. Seit 1858 improved cultivation u. use of guano haben den average noch erhöht. Aber der Java tea has a strong acrid taste, which prevents its being drunk in the island, as the excellent Java coffee generally is. The only market for it is Germany, wo  Bei Money, S. 183: the Germans
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die deutschen Hünde
by use acquired an actual relish for this acrid taste, and now buy the Java tea, at moderate prices, in preference to China teas. (182, 183) An unfortunate mistake |119 was made in the tea contracts by omitting all stipulation as to quality (183), doch scheint die universal bad quality u. acrid taste of the tea from the several Java plantations in soil u. climate ihren Grund zu haben. (l.c.)

Indian Tea  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Brit.)
[:] Ist of a higher market value than the Chinese. In Kumaon u. andren neighbouring parts der Himalayas a wild tea called, from the colour of its infusion, loll tcha or red tea, made up by the natives there as an old industry, not for consumption, but for export through Tartary to some part of China, wo dem chines. Thee vorgezogen. (184)

 Zusatz von Marx. Bei Money, S. 184: our Indian system
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In (Brit.) India Gvt
imported tea plants u. Chinese workmen, u. set up experimental farms of a few acres each in different parts of Assam, Northwest Provinces u. Punjaub, superintended by Gvt officers with none but an official interest in the spread of the tea cultivation u. managed chiefly by discharged soldiers u. men of a like class. (184) Doch success dieser experimental farms grösser als erwartet. (l.c.) (184, 185)

1840 large company got up by private enterprise, mit subscribed capital of £200,000 u. dieser die small Gvt tea farms in Assam made over. Verloren grösseren Theil ihres money durch mismanagement ihrer agents, peculation of all kinds; doch mit remainder dehnten sie die gvt tea farms over a large tract of country aus, now of about 4000 acres in Assam, blühn nun as Assam Tea Company  … Einige few private tea planters, attracted by this Co’s success, have set up plantations in Assam u. in Cachor. (185) Die Experimental tea farms in North West Provinces u. Punjaub erst etablirt nach success der tea cultivation in Assam. Tea dort aber so superior, that it sold on the spot at first for 10s. per lb. Einige few Engl. während der letzten Jahre began tea cultivation in Northwest u. Punjaub. (186)

Assam Tea Co. machte in 1853 lbs. 370,669; in 1857 lbs 707,132, u. die private tea planters in India, in 1858 about lbs 300,000 – about 1 Mill. lbs per annum for the whole produce of the finest tea-soil yet known, developed by Engl. industry u. private capital, against 2¼ mill. lbs of tea per annum, as the produce in the same period of the bad tea soil of Java, developed by Dutch industry and Gvt capital. (186)

 Bei Money, S. 235: After the old Dutch East India Company had closed its two centuries of misrule in 1798
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1598–1798 two centuries of rule of the old Dutch East India Co. ; then von 1798
the colony passed over to the crown as the property of the sovereign, and was governed by the King of Holland through his colonial minister; 1848 new Dutch Constitution, wodurch the Gvt of old Dutch colonies transferred von sovereign, personally, to sovereign as head of the state, to be carried on „as regulated by law“. 1854 passed by King u. States-General of Holland „Regulations for the Government of Netherlands India“. (235[, 236])

Spices in Java technically mean nutmegs  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Muskatnüsse)
, mace  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Muscatblüthe)
(beide produce des nutmeg tree) u. cloves .  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Gewürznelken)
[.] (253) 1824 the former prohibitory laws gegen growth of cloves abolished u. kein vestige mehr of the old system etc. (254)

The tin produce of the Dutch East Indies mostly comes from the island of Banka on the east coast of Sumatra. It is mined by associations of Chinese under their own mining captains, with Gvt advances, and with the interests of the miners as carefully and minutely looked after as in the case of the cultures. (258, 259)

Area of Java u. Madura, given in the colonial report for 1849, is 2,444.6 □ Dutch Geographical Miles = 51,790 Engl. □ miles. England nach census von 1851 hat nur 50,922 Engl. □ miles  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Money, S. 266: Java and Madura may therefore be safely taken as rather larger than England
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(868 □ [miles] weniger als Java)
(p. 266)

1826 Census gab Bevölkerung für Java u. Madura 5,403,786. (268)
1808 (nach Marschall Daendels’ Estimate) 3,730,000
1815 (English Census) 4,615,270
1754–1795 (Result von Estimates verschied. Theile Java’s in  „Le Moniteur des Indes“ )

3,559,611.

Von 1795–1826  sind 31 Jahre; giebt increase von 51% in 31 Jahren ; also doubling in about 60 years.
Aber 1855 giebt: 10,916,158, Verdopplung od. 100% in 29 J. (gegen Jahr 1826)
1857 nach „Colonial Report“ the population had risen to 11,594,158. (269)|
120
1826 Verhältniss der Java population zu area, i.e. per □ mile 105.
1856 ⦗wo Bevölkerung (Colonial Report) = 11,290,450⦘ per ditto 218.
1857 " " 223. (p. 269)
The assumed population of Brit. India in 1856 giebt per □ mile 157. (l.c.)

Das culture system raised the Java population also in 30 J. von ⅓ below to ¼ above our Indian standard. (l.c.)

 Zusatz von Marx. Bei Money, S. 268: In Java, on the contrary, the population is large and rapidly increasing, though
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Bien entendu:
In Java, wie in  Zusatz von Marx.
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Brit.
India, the great mass of the people is irregulary distributed in dense patches mit intermediate wastes, over a wide extent of country, and more than half the cultivable surface is as yet uninhabited. (268)  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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(vgl. über Revenue u. im Gegenstatz Gegensatz zu Brit. India p. 271 sqq.)

1857 the gross revenue = 9½ Mill. £.St.  Zusatz von Marx.
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(2 s. per rupee u. 12 fl. to £l.)
wovon " " od. more than ⅓ net surplus. (272)

The existing revenue of Dutch India may be divided into 3½–4 mill. [£] St., raised by the taxation of about 11 millions of people, at the rate of about 6s. 6d. per head;

4½–5 mill. £., derived from the profitable cultivation of about 1/26 of the crown lands in Java and Madura;

about ½ mill. £. v. tin mines of Banka, coffee of Sumatra u. spices of the Moluccas. (272)

Wether Whether considered as rent or as tax, the land revenue is in both countries  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Java and Brit. India)
a direct compulsory contribution, as such more or less hateful to a people in a low state of civilization. Indirect taxes, on the contrary … seldom give rise to such feelings among Natives, and least of all when levied in their most objectionable form by monopolies. The peasant who pays an extra halfpenny per lb for salt from the retail dealer, in the interior of India, neither knows nor cares whether such rise in price is due to extra duty imposed by Gvt, or merely to the stock of salt in the neighbourhood having fallen so far below the demand as to make the retail dealers think they can levy this extra price on the people. This latter occurs so often in the interior of India, and the absence of roads makes the prices of all articles, whether taxed by Gvt or not, there fluctuate so much, according to whether the local supply or the local demand is in excess, that the effect of a slight difference in duty is seldom practically perceptible to the consumer. (278)

In 1856 the Java direct compulsory contribution  = 1s. 6¾d. per head, out of a taxation revenue of 6s. 5½d., and out of a gross revenue of 15s. 2¼d. per head.
In 1856–57 in India the compulsory tax = 2s. 8¼d. per head, out of a taxation revenue of 4s. 3½d. and out of a gross revenue of 5s. 0½[d.] per head. So, to raise a revenue relatively less than ⅓ that of Java, people of India subject to not far from 2x the amount of compulsory payment per head.

In Brit. India the land revenue absorbs from ½ to ¾ of the landowner’s net profits u. v. ⅓ to ½ of the produce of crown lands in peasant occupation. Mehr als ½ – if we exclude the opium revenue paid by the Chinese consumer –; near ⅗ of the India receipts are direct land tax. ([279,] 280)

 Bei Money, S. 282: From the return of the Dutch to the introduction of the culture system
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Von 1816 bis 1830 (introduction of culture system)
, the land revenue in Java had risen von about 4 to about 8 mill. fl., this varied von ⅓ to ¼ of the whole revenue. On the population of 1831 the land revenue of that year was 1s. 11d. per annum head. Von der introduction des culture system bis 1845, land revenue had risen to about 12 mill. of fl. Aber in Folge des still greater rise in the culture revenue u. in the indirect taxes, the land revenue had comparatively sunk unter ¼ der local und ⅐ der Gesammtrevenue von 1845; on the population of 1845 the land revenue was 2s. 2¼d. per head. |121 In 1846 the land revenue was assessed more lightly u. from that to present day allowed to remain about stationary, trotz great increase in cultivated area u. value of produce. ([281,] 282)

The form of yearly estimating u. assessing the land rent on the Dutch crown villages is maintained, so as yearly to assert the Gvt’s right as landlord of the crown lands. But the amount thus fixed as land rent on each village is generally only the same as for previous years. As this land rent is collected rateably from the villagers by their elected village chief, each man derives some benefit, from improvements and further cultivation, for which thus practically no further rent is paid. The Gvt land rent levied, though nominally ⅕ of the produce, is now unquestionably far less than that proportion of the yearly increase from the crown lands. The culture revenue has meanwhile increased enormously. 1857 the land revenues less than ¼ of the local, and then ⅒ of the whole receipts. On the population of 1857, the land revenue 1s. 6½d. p. head. (282, 83)

In Java unproductive Expenditure (for administration, army, justice, police) nur⅗ des whole, die directly reproductive (for public works, cultures etc) = ⅖ … this probably exceeds the reproductive expenditure of any other country in the world. (p. [283,] 284) (tables furnished to »Money« by Java Gvt distinguish unproductive u. reproductive expenditure erst seit 1848) Dagegen in Brit. India about 9/10 unproductive, ⅒ reproductive (public works). (l.c.)

The culture outlay was largest at first, when not only the yearly but also the building advances had to be made. Bis 1844 diese expenditure kept in a separate account mit der Dutch Trading Co.  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Maatschappij)
. Seit 1844 das culture outlay made directly durch gvt. Seit 1848 it is distinguished in the expenditure tables supplied to me, and averages yearly about 2 mill. £., out of a total expenditure of von 4½ to 5½ mill. £ st. yearly. ([285,] 286)

Dutch East Indian Debt.  Bei Money, S. 291: from the return of the Dutch
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Von 1816
bis 1833 incl.
the aggregate excess of expenditure over receipts, excl. of the sums advanced by the Netherlands Trading Society  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Maatschappij)
for the establishment of the culture system came to 37,700,000 fl.; this difference, being supplied v. Holland, then formed the real debt of Java; 1838 dies debt reduced to 36 Mill. fl.; aber Java then suddenly saddled mit a new debt of 200 Mill. fl. By the laws of 24 April 1836, 11 March 1837, 27 March 1838 u. 22 Dec. 1838 a new East Indian Debt created of 236 mill. fl[.], or £19,800,000. Von dieser Summe 200 millions fl. were to bear 4% interest, which would require 8 mill. fl. yearly payment. The other 36 mill. bore 5% interest, requiring 1,800,000 fl. Total yearly interest of 9,800,000 fl. so charged upon the revenues of Java. Hiervon schuldete Java nur 36 Mill. to Holland. Die 200 mill. fl. were simply the part of the Dutch national Debt formerly born by Belgium when united with Holland, and repudiated by les braves Belges on the separation of the 2 countries. (291, 292)  Zusatz von Marx, der sich auf den Ausdruck bezieht, den Money einige Zeilen zuvor (S. 292) verwendete.
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Whereupon die brave Dutch (Money speaks of »les braves Belges«)
relieved themselves of this extra burden, by charging the payment of the Belgian interest on the surplus Java revenue. (292)

Dies imposition als unjust charge on the colony opposed besonders by Kruseman , Director[-]General of Finance; aber van den Bosch , damals returned to Holland,  Bei Money, S. 292: directed his energies to relieve the mother country of this extra burden. He carried his point in this, as in other matters, against all opposition
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. (l.c.)

Von 1838 bis 1857 hat Java in der That (nach Abzug des Yearly interest on the real Dutch East-Ind. debt) overpaid an Holland Fl. 291,504,123,  Zusatz von Marx.
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über £24,292,010
. Dies overplus, however, instead of being applied to pay off this  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Belgia-born)
debt, has been taken by the Dutch gvt as tribute from the colony u. verwendt in making railways in Holland and for other European purposes, wovon Java nichts benefits. (292, 293) (293) |

122

Ausser dem interest on the Dutch East Indian debt there is also the interest on a small residue of culture debt.  Kommentar von Marx.
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(Dies neue »Dutch« Räuberei)
The advances made by der niederl. Handels Maatschappij for the introduction of the culture system, their yearly supply of funds to carry it on, and their charges for selling the culture produce in Holland, were regulated by the so-called consignment contract. Der account dieser advances u. of the Co’s commission and charges on sales, was kept in Holland, u. nur die balances, either of advances or repayments, were entered in the Java revenue tables. The amount of the advances averaged about 13 mill fl., more than 1 Mill. £., jährlich v. 1832 to 1844. Hiervon the larger portion borrowed during the first few years, for the introduction of the culture system, u. less for the later years of that period. The company repaid to themselves their advances in certain proportions, agreed on in the consignment contract, by retaining so much of the sale of proceeds received by them on account of Gvt. Letzteres  Bei Money, S. 295: it is said not to have been unusual […] to borrow
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pumpte aber
occasionally von der Co. to supply the immediate necessities of the state. 1844 accounts were adjusted when a balance of about 10 millions of fl. found owing by the Gvt in Holland to the society. Dies balance, by the laws of 6 March u. 23 Nov. 1844 converted into a permanent loan of that amount charged against the colony  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
, the interest at 4½% to be paid out of the colonial revenues. 1849 charter der Co. renewed für weitere 25 J. u. interest reduced to 4%. Durch weiteres arrangement in 1853 Zins weiter reducirt auf 3½%.  Bemerkung von Marx.
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Und notabene
this balance did not arise from payment on account of the colonial but of the home administration  Zusatz von Marx.
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!
(295, 296)  Verweis auf die am Ende des Bands eingeheftete „Comparative and Relative Table of the Revenue and Expenditure of Netherlands India from 1817 to 1857“.
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(Sieh Tabelle Ende dieses vol. I)
[296]

Trade.

Als landlord des greater part of Java erhält Gvt. large proportion u. in some articles the whole of the produce von den crownlands crown lands. Dies exported to Holland u. dort sold by the Handel Maatschappij for account and risk of the Gvt. (304)  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Money, S. 304/305: There is no complaint in the island as to the mode of Government’s obtaining that produce as landlord, but it is accused of a grasping spirit in not contenting itself with the landlord’s profits. The demand is that the state should sell its produce to the merchants in Java for private export, like other landowners, instead of itself taking the merchant’s profits as well as the landlord’s.

amis du commerce: Bemerkung von Marx. Marx greift hier eine Wendung auf, die er und Engels in der „Deutschen Ideologie“ benutzt hatten: „Ebenso kann man das Alterthum insofern als idealistisch fassen, als die Alten in der Geschichte den ‚citoyen‘ repräsentiren, den idealistischen Politiker, während die Neuen zuletzt auf den ‚bourgeois‘, den realistischen ami du commerce hinauslaufen […]“ (MEGA I/5. S. 194/195; siehe auch S. 215.9 und S. 231.27). Vermutlich hatten sie die Wendung von Charles Fourier übernommen (MEGA I/5. Erl. 195.1).
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Dies ennuyirt die merchants in Java, die gern den Export als »private export« für den »private profit« der amis du commerce hätten.
(304, 305) Das ganze gvt produce – save the very small part sold in the  Bei Money, S. 305: island
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colony
– is exclusively exported durch die „Nederlandsche Handel Maatschappij“; sind mere agents for gvt; ist a chartered joint-stock co. mit limited liability, besitzt large capital u. has its head office u. direction in Amsterdam u. its principal factory in Batavia, with agencies at the chief ports in Java u. other parts of Dutch India. (305)

Diese Co. etablirt in Amsterdam 1824; ihr ursprüngliches Capital 37 mill. fl., über 3 mill. £. St.; dies 1827 reducirt auf 24 mill. fl. u. 1835 auf 23 mill. Die erste charter der Co. war für 25 J. m. Zins von 4½% ihr garantirt von Wilhelm I , der selbst einer ihrer principal shareholders. Anfangs sie nicht erfolgreich. In 1827 part u. 1830 the whole of the guaranteed interest had to be paid by the king; aber seit van den Bosch sein Cultursystem in Java errichtete, fortwährende prosperity derselben. Die advances to start and work the culture system, zum Betrag v. about 3 mill. £., made to van den Bosch durch diese society, at 4½% garantirt durch den Staat. Für diese avances die Compagnie appointed the sole agent of the gvt. in buying u. importing in Java alle gvt supplies, u. in exporting the gvt produce v. Java u. selling it in Holland. Diese advances der Co. on a running account repayable out of the proceeds of the culture system u. consequently discharged mit interest in a few years. ([305, ]306)

The private trade of Java unrestricted wie in India. Ebenso growth u. manufacture aller articles frei ausser Opium u. Salt, die gvt monopolies in Indien wie in Java. Import of firearms u. ammunition verboten. (nur importirbar für sporting purposes, under guarantees as to their disposal and use) (p. 306, 307)|

123

Was coffee angeht, so zahlt Gvt immer nur noch 12 fl. per picul, während solcher coffee jetzt 30 fl. worth in Batavia. ([307,] 308)

Java Import trade fast vervierfacht, während population nur verdoppelt seit 1825. Wird imported treasure added to the merchandize, so die relativen proportions der imports zu Bevölkerung 5s. 1d. per head jährlich f. die 5 years ending 1850 1830 , 7s. 9d. per head f. die 5 years ending 1855 u. 9s. 1¾d. per head für 1857. ([308,] 309) Largest increase in europ. Product, namentlich linen u. cotton goods; population verdoppelt in letzten 30 J., aber verzehrt 7× mehr linen u. cotton goods als früher. (l.c.)

Java Exports: versechsfacht jährlich während selber Periode. (309) Addirt man den exported treasure hierzu zu merchandize, so die relative proportions of exports to population 4s. 6d. per head jährlich für 5 J. ending 1830, 11s. 9d. per head jährlich f. 5 years ending 1855, u. 15s. 2¾d. per head f. 1857. ([309,] 310) Entsprechend Steigen v. shipping u. tonnage während selber Periode. (l.c.)

1857 exports über 8½ mill. st. u. imports nearly 5½ mill. £; hence on 11½ mill. of the Java population, import of merchandise = 46,780,033 fl. at the rate of 6s. 8¾d. per head u. export of produce für 99,902,198 fl[.] at the rate of 14s. 4¼d. per head. Inclus. of specie, imports u. exports together at the rate £1.4s. £14s. 4½d. per head. (311)

Export nähmlich > als import, weil ⅓  Bei Money, S. 311: is avowedly tribute to Holland paid by Java
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als Tribut an Dutch fliegt
. (311)

Relatively to population Java trade mehr als 3 times larger than the Indian  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Brit.)
ist. [(]p. ( 313–318)

Japan Trade; galt als bedeutendste Branch des Dutch colonial commerce;  Bei Money, S. 318: is of very inconsiderable importance compared with the rest of their Eastern traffic
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ist in fact »enorm« unbedeutend
. (318)

vol. II

Java u. Madura getheilt in 25 residencies, die hinwiederum composed of 78 regencies. (17)

Criminal justice mostly affects Natives in the lower ranks of life, while civil justice deals chiefly with the interests of large landed proprietors and moneyed men. Causes of complaint, arising from civil regulations, thus arouse the more powerful, who, in a low state of society, and particularly under foreign rule, are the really dangerous classes. (51)

Malay „running a muck“. (p. 138)

The conversion of Java from the Hindoo to the Mussulman religion completed in 16th und 17th centuries; aber unlike the converted Hindoos of India, the Java Mussulmans have not retained any of the Hindoo caste prejudices. (139, 140)

In the East the European identity of the lowest classes and the labouring classes does not hold good. Birth is there the real distinction to which employment is only a corollary. In India  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Brit.)
the labouring peasantry include the highborn and proud Brahmin and Rajpoot, and all the intermediate grades down to the lowborn and humble labourers of the vile and contaminating castes. In Java also there is a great distinction of birth between men whose wordly worldly positions are equally low in a European point of view. In India, however, it is generally the better born among the peasantry who seek military service, whereas in Java the native ranks are recruited almost exclusively from the low born. (140)

 Bei Money, S. 152: The militia is not called out during the four wet months, but parades once a week during the eight dry months.
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4 wet, 8 dry months. (152)

It is to be hoped that the necessity of the crisis  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗Indian insurrection⦘
will excuse in the judgment of history, the Acts passed by the Indian Legislature in 1857 , under which powers of life and death, without restriction of procedure, without record of evidence, and without appeal, were sown broadcast over the land. These were indiscriminately given, not only to official, but to unofficial Englishmen, till but few knew who had and who had not such authority. … in some cases, the absence of appeal and the immediate execution of the sentence, together with the general confusion, enabled these capital powers to be usurped with impunity, and to be exercised equally without authority and without truth. Even among those directly appointed by Gvt, some … most unfit to be entrusted with such responsibilities, … applied them without discretion … abused them most grossly. Men are pointed out by name, whose first application of their new authority was to hang their own creditors, and whose conduct … the cause of certain influential Natives preferring the chances of rebellion to the tender mercies of such interested judges. (161, 162) But the great evil was the concurrent exercise by civil and military authorities of the summary |124 and unguarded judgments generally left to the soldier. Civilians daily sentenced Natives to immediate execution alongside of and in addition to, the summary disposal of suspected rebels by drum-head drumhead courts-martial under military law. No sufficient provision was moreover made for the military judgments. The officers of the newly arrived English regiments, of course ignorant of the language of the natives, were often without the means of repairing their own deficiencies. The frightful spectacle was then seen of English officers summarily judging and hanging Natives, on the mere proof of their having been found in a particular place, without even being able to understand the frantic appeals of their victims. … men … saved from the halter at the last moment, by being accidentally recognized as the servants of other officers, or as attached to some neighbouring regiment, and whose loud assertions to that effect had been previously unheeded, because not understood. Every human feeling stands aghast at the mockery of military justice on a wretch … where the judges do not understand the criminal’s  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗i.e. angeblichen⦘
language, and remain ignorant of even the substance of the defence proffered; or where the forms of justice are prostituted to inflict death on such charges as „winking rebelliously,“ or „mutinous demeanour.“ (162, 163) It was doubtlessly doubtless partly to prevent such scenes that a young civil officer, with a knowledge of the language, was attached to each body of troops, to whom was given uncontrolled and unencumbered power of life and death. But the remedy was worse than the disease. The Iron Duke defined martial law to be the absence of all law … It is the evil fate of war, necessarily more general and indiscriminate in a civil war of white and black races … Aber the common sentiment of civilized mankind is outraged, where equally hasty and often unjustifiable sentences are passed by civil officers without control or appeal, and followed by summary execution without time for reflection or repentance. (163, 164)

The climate in the low lands round the coast is about as hot as at Madras, without much variation in temperature at any season, except that the rather hotter days and colder nights of the 8 dry months are exchanged for about the same amount of muggy heat through the whole 24 hours in the 4 wet months. … aber delicious temperature of the hilly interior, bathed in perpetual spring, producing buds, flower, and fruit indiscriminately throughout the year. (187, 188)

The direct powers granted to Europ. and Chinese landlords over their peasantry are small ⦗diese private estates mostly situated in the districts round Batavia⦘, but their indirect powers are large. The landowner pays yearly to Gvt ¾ of one % on the total value of his estates, estimated every 3 years, and is solely entitled, but at the same time limited, to the ⅕ of produce and ⅐ of labour due from the peasant. He … entitled to appoint, with the approval of the resident or assistant-resident, a Native police officer or chief of the estate, with Native subordinates in each village, all of whom he is further bound to pay. The chief of the estate, and his subordinate village mandors, have the same small police powers and duties as the wedana and mantries on the crown lands, and exercise those powers under the orders of the Native demang, or head police officer. This functionary is appointed by Gvt, and holds a somewhat analogous position and powers, in the districts composed of private estates, to those of the regent on the crown lands. The villagers on the estate also elect their village chief, who is confirmed by the landowner or his manager, and can be by them dismissed for misconduct, in which case the villagers must elect another. The landowner himself has no power of punishment whatever, but sends his people up to the resident for any misconduct which he thinks deserves punishment exceeding the Native police officers’ power to inflict. ([184,] 185) Die Chinese landlords … harsh and exacting masters, though, unlike Native landlords, they improve their properties. (195)

»when When … a new cottier tenant comes to settle on the property, it is customary for the landlord (Europ.) to lend him sufficient money to build his cottage, as well as the usual outhouses wherein to store his crops and to stall his cattle, and also to give him a pair of buffaloes, a plough, and a cart, which gift becomes absolute after he has cultivated two years on the |125 estate. The loan is repaid without interest by instalments …« (p. 217) The landlord is induced to make these advances, for the purpose of increasing the number of cottiers on the estate, and of getting so much more of it brought into cultivation, when he receives his ⅕ of the extra rice crop, and one man’s additional gratuitous labour rent, applicable to cultivation of such improved crop as the landlord grows on the home farm for sale or export. (l.c.) The agreement made between landlord and tenant before the crop is cut, as to the number of piculs which is to be the landlord’s share (⅕), can be set aside by the tenant, if the crop is intermediately injured, on his giving notice to his landlord to content himself with the ⅕ of what crop actually remains. The tenant has … to deliver his landlord’s share of the crop at the manor grange, free of expense, except when the crop is cut down by the villagers, as previously explained; and the village chief is made responsible that the tenant does not remove his grain and defraud his landlord. In like manner, the peasant’s labour rent includes his going and returning, and involves payment by the landowner, if the scene of labour is beyond 5 pauls, = about 5 Engl. miles – from home. (218, 219)

Any agreement for rent made for more than one year, or without reference to the actual crop of the year, is strictly prohibited. This prohibition of the form of rent most common in Europe, and most approved of by political economists, is in Eastern countries a careful precaution against a form of contract in which the improvident Eastern Peasant always gets the worst, whether with European or Native landlord, and against the same peasant’s consequent dissatisfaction thereat. At the same time the small fixed proportion of the landlord’s share gives the cultivator all the previous knowledge necessary to regulate his cultivation and outlay.(219)

There are no leases, but every tenant whom a landlord allows to settle on his property is a lease holder leaseholder, on certain fixed conditions, for the area which the landlord allows him to occupy. This does not derogate from the exclusive right to the soil belonging to the landowner, who cultivates as much of his estates as he pleases for himself, with his peasants’ labour rent and mit day labourers, who acquire no leasehold by such cultivation. (l.c.)

Forced Labour. Besides the ordinary day labourers, the landlord – whether Gvt or private landowner – is further entitled to require the cottiers on his estate to work for him as much as he pleases, but only on the condition of paying each man the highest agricultural  Bei Money, S. 220: wages
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labour
of the district
. This is only real forced labour in Java, and the only point on which the landowner there has any but a strictly limited power over the cottier peasantry of his estate. The labour rent extending all over the island causes no perceptible dissatisfaction, but the forced labour beyond the ⅐ excites bitter feelings if persisted in. Both the labour rent and the forced labour are applied on private estates, to the cultivation of those crops which the landowner is growing on the spare land for his own profit, except so much of the labour as is required for the gardos, and for the maintenance of the roads near the estate, both which the landlords have to keep up from the labour rent. ([219,] 220) If a landowner chooses to exact forced labour from his cottiers, and thereby to create discontent among them, the Dutch officials … take (nur) care that the landowner complies with the law, by paying the highest agricultural wages for such forced labour, and … meet the peasant’s complaint by saying that the landowner is only exercising his right … and that the cottiers must submit or withdraw from the estate. (221)

Ausser [in] den residencies round the north-western end of Java, keine private landed proprietors. Im rest des island Government the landlord; there the relation between the natives and the non-official Europeans limited to the cultivation of ⅕ of the village land, either for the contractors or – for planters on lease of crownlands, but not under advances from Gvt. Contractors u. planters alle under the same restrictions, in the treatment of the Natives, wie private proprietors of land, aber mit further check that, as they cannot appoint a chief of the estate or mandors with any power of |126 punishing the peasants, their only remedy is by complaint to the contrôleur or resident. The unauthorized, or as they have been called, the outlaw courts, held daily by every planter and Native landholder in  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Brit.)
India
, for the punishment of his peasants, are unknown in Java. On private properties, the landlord or manager, the Native chief of the estate, and some of the village chiefs, sometimes hold a kind of imitation landraad for the trial of petty offences, but limited by the legal powers of punishment vested in the chief of the estate. The numerous small complaints which in India are brought to the planter’s or Zemindar’s court, go in Java to the village chief, to the local salaried mantrie, or to the wedana, only the last of whom can fine to 3 florins, but all of whom have powers of conciliation and prevention, which answer most purposes of these small cases equally well. The contractor or planter in Java has no legal judicial authority, and is not allowed to usurp and wield illegal powers of the kind. (226, 227)

Many planters of course express a wish that Gvt would make them owners of the land they cultivate, or would at least give them the landowner’s privilege of appointing a chief of the estate, and of requiring the ⅐ of gratuitous labour rent. Such powers will not be conceded to them, for the Dutch statesmen known know that the great safeguard against the abuse of such powers is the owner’s interest in maintaining the value of his estate, which is of course less strong in a mere planter or contractor for a limited period, than in the absolute hereditary proprietor. But … large parts of the crown lands will probably soon be converted into private property, when the planters and contractors will obtain those rights together with the interests which tend to prevent their misuse. (228, 229)

The generality of Chinese and other foreign Orientals live among their own countrymen in and around the capitals, mostly combining their industrious habits as artisans with the universal trade of usury. (235, 36)

Benamee System  Zusatz von Marx.
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(in Brit. India)
means a peculiar contrivance for getting the benefits and credit of property, and avoiding its charges and liabilities. It consists in one man holding land, nominally for himself, but really in secret trust for another, and by ringing the changes between the two, by sometimes setting up the one, and sometimes the other, as the real owner, relieving the land from being attached for any liability personal to the proprietor. This system dates from the Native rule, when it was resorted to as a protection against violence. The estate was then generally taken in the name of some powerful man, whose nominal ownership was itself a sufficient safeguard against spoliation; jetzt motive for benameesale of land for private debt. (261) Of late years the nominal proprietor has frequently claimed the estate as his own u. wo no secret trust deed sehr difficult to resist the claim. Andrerseits secret trust deed  Bei Money. S. 262: is liable to discovery when the nominal holder is being set up as the real proprietor, and is therefore but seldom resorted to
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gefährlich
, at as its disclosure leads to unpleasant consequences to all concerned etc. Daher present mode: to take the estate in the name of some female member of the real owner’s family, living in his house and under his control u. daher weder likely nor able to turn against him, or to incur liabilities dangerous to the estate. (262)  Bei Money, S. 264/265: Sale of land and loss of power are the chief and peculiar complaints of the old Native aristocracy, and of the large Native landowners, but they as well as the people suffer from the common grievances of bad police, strange and tardy justice, an inadequate number of local officials, and an entire absence of good roads throughout the greatest part of this gigantic empire. Excessive land tax is also one great cause of complaint by all who hold directly under Government, whether as landowners or as peasant cultivators

in Brit. India: Zusatz von Marx.
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Sale of land and loss of power, the chief and peculiar complaints – in Brit. India – of the old Native aristocracy, and of the large Native landowners, während sie excessive land tax ⦗entire absence of good roads, bad police, strange and tardive justice etc⦘ theilen mit allen who hold directly under Gvt as landowners or as peasant cultivators.
([264,] 265)

In Bengal, the land tax was fixed at a certain sum for ever with the large Native landholder  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
on each estate, including wild lands; this formerly a large proportion of the landowner’s rent, now generally sunk to about ⅓ of the net profits. In dem North West, land tax is settled entweder mit landholders od. mit den peasant representatives of village communities for 30 years, when to be readjusted, and wild land, since broken up, will be subjected to a fresh tax; proportions here: ½ the cottier’s produce, u. ⅔ of the landowner’s net profits. In Madras a perpetual land tax fixed mit dem peasant cultivator on each tilled field; |127 proportions vary mit der class of land v. ⅓ to ½ the gross produce. In Bombay wie in Madras land tax settled mit cultivator for each tilled field, proportions same as at Madras, but liable to readjustment after 30 years. (267, 268)

The Java peasant is even lazier than the Indian one, but, while his necessities are supplied by his share of the village lands, his large receipts of money under the culture system induce him to comply with the persuasion of the Native officials, and to invest it in breaking up new land by his family or by day labourers, of which he reaps the whole produce, land rent free for 5 years, and afterwards retains ⅘ of the profits for himself. The result in Java is, that wild crown land is being now brought into cultivation by the peasants, as fast as the increase of population enables this to be done, and Gvt. receives a corresponding benefit. (284, 285)

 Verweis von Marx auf Moneys Ausführungen ab S. 291 in dem Abschnitt „Peasant’s rent to landholder“ (Money, Bd. 2, S. 287–296).
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Cf. über Bengal landed affairs p. 291 sqq.
|

128

Aus:
John B[udd] Phear: The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon. London 1880.
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert

Sir J. Phear: „The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon.“ 1880.

 Nummerierung von Marx.
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I)
Modern Village Life in Bengal.

 Bei Phear, S. 3, Fn. 1: This with the six succeeding sections, almost as they now stand, appeared as an article in the July and October numbers of the Calcutta Review for 1874.
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(Bis wo das Gegentheil angezeigt, das Zeug Abdrucke v. Artikeln in Calcutta Review f. 1874, July and October numbers.)

 Umschreibung von Marx. Bei Phear, S. 3: In an attempt to describe for English readers a type specimen of an agriculural village
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Was der Mann beschreibt, ist »agricultural village«
im Deltaic Bengal; von den sea lines der Sunderbunds on the South, to the curve, which, passing through Dacca, Pubna, Moorscheedabad Moorsheedabad, forms the lower boundary of the red land of the North, the whole country ist  Bei Phear, S. 4: almost perfectly level alluvial plain
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almost perfect alluvial plain
; exhibits generally large open spaces, oft very large, limited to the eye by heavy masses of foliage. Diese open spaces, during the height of the South-West Monsoon, more or less covered with water, at the end of the rains by green waving swarths of rice, u. in dry season to a large extent fallow ground, varied by plots of the different cold weather (rabi) crops. (3, 4) Fast no roads, ausser a few trunk roads of communication zwischen the capital u. district towns, sonst only irregular tracks, sometimes traversable by wheels, along the balks (or ails) which divide and subdivide the soil into small cultivated patches or khēts. Die wenigen sonstigen roads sind kachha kachcha , d.h. unmetalled,  Bei Phear, S. 4: and are pretty nearly useless except in the dry season
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ausser in dry season
. (West Bengal – (im Gegensatz zu Deltaic Bengal – relatively high land) liegt ausserhalb des Delta below the Ghats ghāts , something like roads through and about the large villages, obgleich oft not fitted for wheel traffick. p. 4)

Als main roads for locomotion u. carriage of goods dienen innumerable  Bei Phear, S. 5: khāls
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khals
(canals), branching out from Hooghly, Ganges, Pudda, Megma etc rivers, intersecting the country in all directions. (5) Ob das village placed on the high bank of a  Bei Phear, S. 6: khāl
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khal
(the banks meist of bare, greasy mud, high enough above the water) or is situated inland, it invariably stands on relatively elevated ground above reach of the water während Regensaison u. fast hidden, in the midst of a jungle; diese villages zugänglich von jeder Seite across the  Bei Phear, S. 6: khēts
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khets
by passing along the dividing (ails) balks. No trace of street  Bei Phear, S. 6: or of any order in the arrangement of the houses […] in them
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or any arrangement of the houses in them
. (6) Each dwelling is a small group of huts, generally four – a homestead. The site of the group a carefully levelled platform, raised somewhat above the general elevation of the village land, roughly square in figure, and containing 800–1000 □ yards in area. The huts made of bamboo  Bei Phear, S. 7: or of bamboo […] plastered over with mud, sometimes of mud alone
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and plastered over with mud, sometimes with mud alone
, the floor of the structure also of mud being again raised above the level of the platform; each hut is one apartment only, about 20 feet long and 10 or 15 feet wide, commonly without a window, side walls low, roof  Bei Phear, S. 7: high peaked
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highly peaked
, thatched with a jungle grass, the eaves  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Dachrinnen)
project considerably, thus forming low verandahs on the back and front of the hut. Diese huts (mostly 4) der homestead are ranged on the sides of the platform, facing inwards,  and though they seldom touch one another at the ends, yet they do in a manner shut in
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berühren sich selbst, shut aber gewissermassen in
the interior space – the house-space (uthān). ⦗Ist Hof space \ Ist quadrangle⦘ Hier spielen die Kinder, seeds are spread to dry, the old women sit and spin etc (7, 8)

Die principal hut hat oft ausser der Thüre which opens on this interior quadrangle a second door and well kept verandah on the opposite side opening on the path, by which the dwelling can be best approached; this is the baithakhāna (sitting room) wo strangers or men not belonging to the family, received; u. sehr oft auch das Schlafzimmer der male members der family; the mood mud floor of the hut or verandah, spread mit a mat, reicht dazu hin etc. Die hut which faces the baithakhāna is appropriated to the women and children; eine der 2 andern huts contains the chula (mud fireplace), serves as kitchen; endlich die 4te Hütte ist a gola (store-room for grain[)] . In einer der huts, sei es in quadrangle or outside, ist der dhenki u. die Hütte heisst dhenki ghar; dhenki ist a very large pestle  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Mörserkeule)
and mortar  Übersetzung von Marx, der sich dabei im Wort geirrt hat. Soll sein: Mörser.
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(Mörtel)
dessen main purpose to husk  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(enthülsen)
Reis. Der  Soll sein: Mörser. Bei Phear, S. 9: mortar
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Mörtel
gewöhnlich ein Gefäss ausgehöhlt of a log of wood u. is sunk in the ground; die pestle ist ein Hammerkopf, auch aus Holz, eines horizontalen Hebe bar which works on a low post or support u. dessen anderer arm is depressed by 1 or 2 women applying their weight to it; sobald sie  Bei Phear, S. 10: this arm
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ihren Arm
loslassen fällt der Hammer, pounds the paddy in the mortar u. durch Wiederholung dieser Operation the [husk of the] grain is rubbed off. Paddy, the grain [of] rice, gleicht etwas barley, u. must be husked before eaten. Der dhenki attains its object surprisingly. (8–10)

Ist die Familie better off als on average, so mag die Hüttengruppe der homestead mehr als 4 Hütten enthalten, |129 one or more, der bullockshed, gola od. selbst dhenki-ghar situated ausserhalb des quadrangle, perhaps in front of or near to a corner. (10–11)

The homestead platform generally surrounded irregularly by large trees, wie mango, pīpal, palms. In small clearings among these a few herbs u. vegetables are grown for family use in the curry (diese small vegetable plots meist wenig mehr als irregular scratchings in the midst of low jungle undergrowth; nothing like a garden, no flowers); das whole area or compound belonging to the homestead marked off from its neighbours, generally, very obscurely, by most rude metes and bounds, sehr selten a neat fence; die Weiber halten den hardened mood mud floor des housespace house-space , der principal huts u. verandahs sehr clean, often adorn the front wall des baithakhāna mit grotesque figures in chalk; in der Regel remainder of the homestead compound in a most neglected dirty state. Der modern Bengali wenig Begriff of neatness, ist absolut unfähig, unassisted, of drawing a straight line or an evenly curved line; the traces left by his plough, the edges of his little fields, the rows of his planted paddy etc like inked spider legs across a sheet of paper. (11, 12)

The ordinary agricultural village of Bengal is a closely packed aggregate of such homesteads … more or less concealed among the trees of their compounds; hier u. da waste land in the shape of unoccupied sites for dwellings; auch tanks or ponds of water in the excavations, which furnished the earth for the construction of the homestead, plat-forms platforms etc. (12)

 Bei Phear, S. 13: These tanks
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Diese Teiche (Weiher) od. Bassins
oft rich in all sorts of abomination (wimmeln alle mit fish), overhung mit jungle, and surface covered with shiny pond[-]weed; hier the people bathe, cleanse their body cloths, get their drinking water, catch fish in them. (13) In Bengal jeder pool of water swarms with fish, small or great; the very ditches, gutters and hollows dried up for months, on the first heavy downfall filling them, turn out to be complete preserves of fish. (l.c.) Manchmal has a fortunate or wealthy ryot a tank attached to his homestead all his own, to which his neighbours have no right to resort. (l.c.)  Bei Phear, S. 14: maidān (green). Siehe das Glossar von Phear, S. 293: Maidān. – An open grass-covered space.
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maidān (green bewachsen)

Das land tilled by the cultivators of the village, i.e. the bulk of the inhabitants, is a portion of the lower[-]lying plain outside and around the village. Die family of the homestead – consisting of a father and sons, or of brothers or of cousins – cultivates von 2 to 10 acres in the whole, made up of several plots often lying at some distance from each other. Die men gehn zu ihrem Work at daybreak, plough on shoulder, driving their cattle before them along the nearest village path which leads to the open; manchmal they return at noon for a meal and a bath in the tank u. gehn dann wieder aus for their work; öfter aber bleiben sie bis afternoon, having some food brought [to] them about midday by the women and children. (14[, 15]) One man and his young son (still in his boyhood) with a plough and a pair of oxen will cultivate 3 acres (u. so [on] in proportion), perhaps more, with the aid received in reaping etc. No purely  Bei Phear, S. 15: agricultural labouring class as we English know it
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agricultural class wie in England.
Small cultivators u. die überflüssigen Hände einer Familie arbeiten spare times for hire on their neighbours’ land; in some villages, wo die occupation of a caste, z. B. the weavers caste, naturally died out, the members forced to earn their livelihood by manual labour, arbeiten u. a. auch auf Land for wages.  Bei Phear, S. 15: For the harvest
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Für den Herbst
ist oft besondres arrangement made. The paddy grown on land in one situation reift oft später od. früher als paddy grown under slightly different circumstances ⦗Crops are known by designations drawn from the months or seasons in which they are reaped or gathered, as Bhaduwi, Kharif, Rabi; u. diese respectively depend upon the season of sowing.⦘ u. so small gangs of cultivators from one village or district go to help the cultivators of a distant village to cut their paddy, this assistance being returned if needed. The remuneration received for this work is usually one bundel bundle out of every five, or out of every seven, that are cut. The foreigners build a mat hut for themselves in the harvest field u. nach geleistetem Dienst carry home their bags of grain. (15, 16)|

130

Grosse uniformity of life etc in all the component classes of a village. (16) Das House des wealthier or more influential man ist manchmal pakha pakka or brick-built (aber Plan wie bei bamboo homestead) generally out of repair and partially broken down. Er hat zahlreichere Kleider u. better blankets; seine cooking ustensils u. die sehr wenigen other domestic articles sind vielleicht of Brass statt Erdenwaare, seine hukhas  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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(hukha od. hookha a form of pipe for smoking tobaccoo tobacco)
of metal or even silver mounted statt einer Cocosnussschale, seine Weiber tragen reicheren u. zahlreicheren Schmuck. Er hat vielleicht a wooden gaddi (takhtaposh[)]  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291 (gaddi) und S. 294 (takhtaposh).
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(gaddi = a seat, takhtaposh = a low platform or sitting place)
in his receiving room, on which he and his guests or clients may sit crosslegged cross-legged, slightly raised above the earthen floor. Hat vielleicht a richly carved statt a plain sanduk (strong box) for the custody of his valuables, or a plurality of them. Sonst both households gleich primitiv; food rice in some form or other and curry  Zusatz von Marx.
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(mit Currysauce bereiteter Ragout)
u. dies eaten by taking it out of the platter or off the plaintain leaf with the fingers. (17, 18) Zu Haus u. while at work most men go naked, ausser the dhoti (loin cloth) u. Kinder bis 7 od. 8 Jahr meist absolut nackt. (18) Wealth zeigt sich by the expenditure of money at family ceremonies, wie bei marriages, bei shraddhas (funeral obsequies) u. readings of national and religious epics, the Bhagbut, Rāmāyan Rāmāyana etc. Bei shadis  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 294.
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( shady shádi = nuptial ceremony)
u. shraddhas the cost is in the purchase and preparation of offerings, presents and payments to Brahman priests, presents to, and the feeding of, Brahmans generally. For the readings, the Brahman narrator (kathak) paid very highly u. he u. his audience oft maintained for several days by the employer. Then certain religious festivals are kept annually by such families as can afford it, Kalis’ in Kartik (October), Saraswati’s or Sri Panchamis’ in Magh (end of January), and ceremonies in honour of Durga commonly performed by well[-]to[-]do people. (19, 20) Th The Social Respect commanded by wealth, meted out in Bengal very much according to the mode or degree of magnificence with which these semi-public family duties (in fact spectacles) are performed. (20)

Women all sehr superstitious etc, do all the menial work of the household, even when family of the better classes; go daily to the tanks to fetch water, gives opportunity for gossip etc,  Bei Phear, S. 22/23: their down-sittings and uprisings, walking, sleeping, eating, drinking, may be said to be subject to the arbitrary control of spiritual agencies; and a numerous body of astrologers finds employment and a not despicable means of living in the interpretation of the phenomena, by which these supernatural governors show their will or intention to be discovered
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astrologers live in all villages als Auguren zur Deutung aller phenomena des täglichen Lebens, gelenkt durch supernatural governors. (spiritual agencies)
(21–23)

Der Boden worauf die homestead stands u. the small surrounding compound, is hired of a superior holder; a common rent is  rupee
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Re.
1, 1–4, 1–8 p.a. for the homestead plot u. etwas weniger für das attached piece. Die Buildings, die die homestead bilden, gewöhnlich constructed durch tenant, gehören ihm; zieht er fort, so kann er die Materialien mitnehmen od. verkaufen; dies ein Grund, warum mud, mat u. bamboo dwellings the rule u. pakka (brick-built[)] houses) the exception. The largest mat hut of a homestead kostes Rs 30–50 to build entirely anew; the chulha (cooking stove) is made by the women of mud. The dao (bill-hook,  Übersetzung von Marx.
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Spitzhaken
), as a tool the Bengali’s jack-of-all trades, is got from the village blacksmith for a few annas. The plough-handle des cultivator prepared almost for nothing by the ryot himself, perhaps mit assistance des village carpenter, u. its toe is shod with iron by the village blacksmith for 1 rupee. Plough is a most simple wooden tool ohne Eisen ausser the pointed ferule at the toe; gleicht genau in shape a thin anchor; one claw goes into the ground at such an inclination that the other is nearly vertical and serves as as a handle for the ploughman; the shank is the plough-beam to which the bullocks are attached. There is no share coulter or breast; the pointed end only stirs the earth, does not turn it. The whole so light that a man easily carries it over his shoulder.⦘ An average pair of bullocks obtainable for Rs 20, u. the price der few earthen pots and pans of various sorts – constituting the necessary ustensils for household purposes – may be reckoned in pice. (23, 24) So klein das accumulated capital des villager’s u. selbst dies oft due to the mahājan  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292/293.
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Mahājan = merchant, moneydealer money-dealer – one who makes it his business in the villages to advance money and grain to the Ryot on the pledge of crop
. (24) Extreme |131 poverty of by far the largest portion, i.e. the bulk of the population in Bengal (the richest part of India  Zusatz von Marx.
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!
) seldom rightly apprehended by the English people. The tropical climate u. the tropical facility of producing rice admit of life and a certain low type of health being maintained on a minimum of means. 7 rupees a month a sufficient income for support of a whole family; food the principal item of expense, u. probably one rupee 8 annas a month in most parts of Bengal sufficient to feed an adult man u. 12 annas a woman even in a well[-]to[-]do establishment. Die villagers, die cultivators, have mostly sufficient rice of their own growth for their home consumption; the little cash they require is the produce of the sale of the rabi (cold weather[)] crops) . Die andren villagers buy their rice unhusked (paddy) from time to time in small quantities, u. alle so ihr Salz, Taback (wenn sie ihn nicht selbst bauen), gurh  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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(coarse sugar of date tree etc, hardened into a cake – molasses)
, oil, masala  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
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(spice, seasoning)
fast täglich at the general dealer’s (modi) shop. (25) Für Kaufen, wie of curry spices, the pice or ¼ anna (1 anna = 1 /16 silver rupee), the lowest piece struck by the Mint, nicht sufficiently small u. cowries  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292.
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(Kauri a small shell (cypræa) used as money)
at the rate of about 5,120 to the rupee universally employed to supplement the currency. (26)

In a large village 3 or 4 modi’s shops. (Sells auch liquid articles)  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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Beschreibung solchen shop’s.
(25–28)

Hāt or market held in most villages twice a week; meist a tolerably open part of the village site; meist keine stalls for the protection of the sellers or their goods; when so simply long narrow lines of low shed roofs covering a raised floor, supported on bamboo posts, without any side walls. (28, 29) Zum hāt bringt der producer his spare paddy, muster-seed mustard-seed , betel-nuts, sugar-cane, gurh-treacle gurh treacle , his chillies, gourds, yams; the fisherman his fish, the seedcrusher his oils, the old widow her mats and other handy work, the potter his gharas  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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(= a necked, narrow mouthed, earthen vessel)
u. gamlas  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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(gamla = open earthen vessel)
, the hawker his piece[-]goods, bangles etc; the town trader’s agents u. the local modis come to increase their stocks, the rural folks to supply their petty wants, all gossip, not a few stay to drink. (not rare this accomplishment in India) Each vendor sits crosslegged cross-legged on the ground with his wares set out around him, u. for the privilege of this primitive stall he pays a certain small sum or contribution in kind to the owner of the hāt,  Bei Phear, S. 30: who is generally the proprietor, in the peculiarly Indian sense of zamīndār, of the rest of the village land.
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meist der Zamīndār. (proprietor of the rest of the village land)
Die profits derived from a popular hāt sufficiently considerable [relative] to the ordinary rent to induce a singular competition on the part of the neighbouring Zamīndārs; jeder will set up a hāt, verbietet den ryots Besuch der andern,  Bei Phear, S. 30: If orders to this effect fail of success, resort is sometimes had to force, and so it happens that the holding of hāts has become fraught with danger to the Queen’s peace, and the legislature has found it necessary to give extraordinaiy preventive powers to the magistrate
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führt oft zu Keilereien
. (29, 30)

Ist das village, or any substantial portion of it, inhabited by Mussulmans, dann a masjīd (mosque) in it; of brick, wenn a member der community defrays the cost of erecting it, meist of mat and bamboo; the mulla, who officiates there may be a tradesman, or modi, gifted with a smattering of Arabic sufficient to read the Koran; ist in theory chosen by the mahalla (Muhammedan quarter), aber praktisch the office hereditary, remunerated durch small money payments made bei marriages u. other ceremonies. ([30,] 31)

Patshāla or hedge school; along a village path a group or of 10–20 almost naked children, squatting under a pīpal tree, near a homestead, or even under a thatched verandah dazugehörig, engaged in marking letters on a plantain or a palm leaf, or in doing sums on a broken piece of foreign slate, od. even on the smoothed ground before them – the indigenous means of educating the rising generation. Instruction here given gratis, for contrary to an oriental’s social and religious feelings of propriety that learning of any sort should be directly paid for; der teacher an elderly Brahman: Guru Mahasoy; eigentlich soll er nur Brahmanen u. andre twice[-]born classes unterrichten, thut’s aber faktisch für outside classes für reading u. writing the vernacular, arithmetic etc; gelegentlich verbindet ein modi mit seinem shop auch dies business mit Bezug |132 auf die children squatting under the eaves of his shop hut. – Der instructor erhält bei special events in der family v. den parents of his pupils small presents of rice or dāl  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
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(= split peas, or any other split pulse)
, or even a piece of cloth, ditto when an urchin achieves a marked stage in his progress. (32, 33) A Brahman [guru] gets in addition his share of the gifts to Brahmans, so serious an item of expense in the celebration of the many festivals obligatory on a well-to-do Bengali. (34)

In parts of Bengal noted for Sanscrit learning, wie Vikrampur u. Nuddea etwas Aehnliches gleich einer old[-]fashioned Engl. grammar school sometimes met with; a turn of the village path brings you to a Tol; dort in half open mat shed sit crosslegged cross-legged on the raised wood mud floor a dozen Brahman youths decently clad, mit Sanscrit manuscripts on their laps, learning grammar; each remains 2 or 3 or even more years at this monotonous occupation, wie transcribing sacred rolls, until he is able to pass to the home of deepest learning, Nobodweep. Master of the Tol a Brahman Pundit who in obedience to to the Hindu principle not only teaches but maintains his scholars, (34, 35), personally stets poor (35). Er u. seine disciples leben v. den Gaben der richer Hindus in neighbourhood; während 2 Monaten Ferien besucht er sie der Reihe nach, u. never leaves a roof ohne Honorar von 1 Rupee, 2, selbst 20 je nach wealth of his host. (35, 36)

One or more specimens of the Byragi and his female companion – coarse licensed  Bei Phear, S. 36: mendicants
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beggars
of a religious ascetic order  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(aber meist lose Vögel)
in den meisten villages; in seiner homestead one of the huts a thakurbāri of Krishna (an incarnation of Vishnu) wo die members of the very numerous sect of Boistubs od. Vaisnabas (Vishnubites) on certain festivals lay their offerings. The Byragi ist der minister einer der sects which owe their origin to the great reformer Chaitanya about 300 years since. (36, 37)

The homestead of the goāla, or cowman, wovon several in a village, wie die seiner neighbours, ist cultivator wie most of them.  Bei Phear, S. 37: Probably
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Meist
the cowshed [will be] actually brought up to the uthan uthān and fill one of the sides. Die cows tiny little animals often not more than 3 feet high u. miserably thin. Are kept tethered close, side by side of each other in the open shed, there fed with dried grass, wetted straw, ausser when under the care of a boy they can on the waste places about the village, and on the fallow khēts pick up what they find. All Hindus – if they can afford it, consume milk; after rice and pulse (dāl bhāt) it [is] the staple food of the people; keine Butter noch Käse; der gaōla goāla verkauft nicht nur Milch in raw state, sondern compounds auch die various preparations of it, thickened; eine davon dahi gleich a mass of thick clotted cream (with all the fluid portion omitted), is daily hawked about from homestead to homestead by the goālas in earthen gharas, carried scale[-]fashion, or bahangi  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 289.
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(a bamboo furnished with cords at each end, by means of which luggage is carried slung across the shoulder)
, suspended von den 2 extremities of a bamboo across the shoulder. (28, 29 37, 38, 39)

Blacksmith’s shop: a thatched shed, with old iron and new of small dimensions lying about in confusion. Im centre des mud floor is a very small anvil, close to the fireplace, welcher a hole sunk in the ground. The nozzle of the very primitive bellows is also let into the ground. The headsmith, sitting on a low stool or on his heels, works the bellows by pulling a string with one hand while with a tongs in the other he manipulates the iron in the fire, and then, still keeping his seat, turns to the anvil [whereon] with a small hammer in his right hand he performs the guiding part in fashioning the metal, and an assistant also squatting on his heels follows his lead with a larger hammer. The hammer heads are long, on one side only of the haft, and unbalanced by any make[-]weight, and the anvil is exceedingly narrow; yet the blows struck by both workmen with unerring precision. The villagers brauchen nur wenig in the shape of iron work; a few nails, the toes of the ploughs, cultivating hoes (kudalis) billhook or cleaver (dao), the bonti  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 289/290.
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⦗a broad sickle-shaped knifeblade, fixed vertically into a heavy wooden stand. In use, the stand is held firm by the feet, and the fish, vegetable, straw or other article to be cleaned, sliced, or cut up, is with the hand duly worked against the concave cutting edge thus made fast.⦘
of domestic and other use (fixed curved blade), all diese articles made or repaired by the village blacksmith. His stock of Iron is mainly English |133 hoop iron bought at the nearest town by him, or for him, which has come out to India in the shape of bands round the imported piecegood bales. (39–41)

»Professionals« im village: not seldom the kabiraj or native doctor (of the Vaidya caste), trägt seine Pillen in paper packets in a tolerably large bundle (cover with within cover) in the end of his chadr  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
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od. chadra Chadar (a sheet, or cloth)
mit sich herum; many of his pills, compounded after receipts of antiquity, excellent specifics; der kabiraj macht vorher in jedem einzelnen Fall bargain, z. B. Re 1 od [Rs] 2 f. die ordinary medicine mit 2 or 3 visits in an obstinate case of malarious fever. (41, 42)

Astrologer, fast in jedem principal village; ist an Acharjee (Lugu Acharjee), but of a somewhat low class of Brahman, whose business is to paint the thakurs (idols) u. die various traditional representations der deities; to prepare horoscopes etc. Andre paint pictures in water colours for decorative use bei great ceremonies performed by the richer families; keine Perspektive, aber outline u. colour well depicted on the flat; many together of these men work together on a given subject for monthly pay of Rs 20–30; meist aber each prepares his pictures at leisure in his own home u. presents them when finished to some rich person, wofür er meist ample remuneration erhält. (42, 43)

Gottesworship bei den Mohammedanern congregational u. personal; the masjid, public preaching, united prayer u. adoration offered by individuals collected in congregations die characteristic features. (43)

Bei den Hindus der Cultus domestic u. vicarious; the family idol, daily service u. worship des idol performed by a priest for the family, and the periodic celebration of ceremonies in honour of that manifestation of the deity which the family adopt adopts, wie for the deceased ancestors’ souls, die principal ingredients. Unter den wealthy Hindus the hereditary spiritual guide, the hereditary Purohit  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 294.
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(family priest)
and the service of the jewelled thakur form the keystone of the joint family structure; u. die poor folks of a country village  Bei Phear, S. 44: make the best shift they can to worship God under the like family system
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dasselbe in ärmlicher Form
. Jeder respectable household that can afford the small expense has a rude thakur, or image of its patron deity placed in a separate hut of the homestead u. a Brahman comes daily to perform its worship u. service; die village purohits – belonging to a lower cast caste of imperfectly educated Brahmans – an extremely ignorant set of men. In some district districts mostly foreign to the village, coming there from a distance, residing in it for a few years, then return home for an interval, providing a substitute or vicar während ihrer period of absence; erhalten remuneration in the shape of offerings u. small fees, haben pretty good livelihood by serving several families at a time.  Bei Phear, S. 45: With
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Wie
die andren Brahmanen they come in for a share of the gifts distributed by wealthy men bei family ceremonies u. festivals. Grossentheils purohit erblich; stets so bei families of social distinction; diese haben mehre spiritual guides exclusively for themselves; the guru (spiritual instructor of the individual who gives him the mantra  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
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= a passage from the Veda, a prayer
), der higher class purohit who is a an Acharjee u. conducts the periodic puja  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 294.
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(Poojah = Worship)
festivals of the family in addition to the ordinary purohit who performs the daily service of the thakur. (44–46)

The mass of the ryots who form the population of the village too poor to have a family deity; müssen sich begnügen part der audience zu bilden bei religious festivals celebrated by their richer neighbours, u. den annual pujas performed at the village mandap  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
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(an open[-]sided roofed structure or building)
on behalf of the community. (46)

Mandal Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
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the village headman
; the chaukidar Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
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the village watchman, or constable
; the barber, u. the washerman auch noch wichtige Personnages, ebenso carpenter, potter, weaver, fisherman; jalkar-wála =  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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one who has a right of fishing
; pith-worker etc. [47]

|134

Zemindar and Mahājan.

The wooded dwelling area (des village) is skirted by waste or common land of very irregular breadth u. beyond this again comes the cultivated land of the open plain (māth). Up to a certain line – of immemorial origin but ordinarily well ascertained – all the land both waste u. cultivated, reckoned outwards from the village, belongs to the village (als possession); on the other side of the line begins another community land. In Theilen von Bengal wo portions der country in a state of nature the limits des village territory include jungle u. sonst unappropriated land. (48, 49)

The village and its land als Ganzes heissen a mauzah. (49) Dies Land des mauzah cultivated in small patches by the resident ryots on payments of dues, according to the nature of the soil, and the purpose of the cultivation , to the Zemindar; they are most commonly variable and capable of adjustment from time to time zwischen Zemindar u. Ryot, (50)  Bei Phear, S. 51: To the English observer it is very remarkable at first to find that the land belonging to the village is, with extreme minuteness of discrimination, classified according to characters attached to it by custom, and having relation to data which are not all concrete in kind
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are classified mit extreme minuteness according to characters attached to the land by custom, not all concrete.
(51) So:

Sali – land wholly submerged während period of rains – of different grades; Suna, not submerged, also of different grades;

Nadki, land for which rent is paid in cash per bigah; Bhaoli, land for which rent paid in kind, part of the produce; – ebenso Bhaoli: land for which rent is paid in cash per crop per bigah,

Bhiti – raised houseside house-site land. (51) Khudkasht, lands which the residents of the village are entitled to cultivate;

Pahikasht – land which outsiders may cultivate. (52)

Diese characters adhere almost permanently to the same land; for each village a recognized rate of rent (nirkh) properly payable according to them. When the occupation, wie meist der Fall mit Sunaland, on an utbandi-jama  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 295.
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(rent according to the land actually tilled, when land tilled one year is allowed to lie fallow the next)
u. die cultivation is by alternation of cropping u. fallow, zahlt der Ryot nur so viel von jeder Sorte of lands as he actually tills. In most villages by far the larger portion of land is Khudkasht. (52)

Also the open lands des village divided up among the resident ryots in small allotments, oft consisting of several scattered pieces, generally comprehending land of various qualities – rarely über 10 acres in Total u. oft viel weniger, … Zahlung der Rente durch each ryot to Zemindar nach shifting scale, depending upon more or less of the elements mentioned. (53)

 Marx entnimmt die nachstehende Tabelle dem Anhang von Phears Buch, S. 285/286.
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Abbreviated example of the year’s account zwischen ryot u. zemindar. [53]

Description of land Quantity Big. Cot. Rate
Amount of rent.
Big. Cot. Rs. As. P. Rs As  P.
Sali, rice land, first quality 2. 10.  0. 4 0. 0 10 0  0
ditto second qual. 1. 1. 0 3 0 0 3 2  2
ditto third qual. 0. 7½. 0. 2 4 0 0 13  10
Bamboo 0. 6. 0. 15 0 0 4 8  0
Waste 0. 2. 15 1 0 0 0 2  4
Homestead 0. 1. 0 20 0 0 1 0  0
Compound 0. 1. 0 15 0 0 0 12  0
Excavation 0. 5½.  0 1 0 0 0 4  8
 Zusatz von Marx.
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Total
4. 14. 15 0 11  0  (285)

 Marx’ Zusammenfassung der Ausführungen von Phear, S. 285/286.
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In extenso füllt diese Geschichte (285, 286) 40 u. oft mehr Parallele Columns, mit column for arrears etc. (286)
Matter of fact that the Bengal ryot [is] little disposed to move u. for generation after generation, from father to son, the same plots of land, or approximatively approximately so, remain in the hands of the same family. (53)

The zemindari is an aggregate of many entire mauzahs. (54)

Die jährliche Rente meist gezahlt in 3 or 4 kists (instalments) die collection dieser Rents nur |135 ausführbar durch an organized staff , commonly called, both individually and collectively, the zemindar’s, or zamindari amla; besteht gewöhnlich aus:

einem Tehsildar (collector of the rents; if the zemindari is large, one Tehsildar collects für je 3 or 4 mauzahs.)

In jedem village od. Mauzah a Tehsildar’s kachari kachahri ,  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292.

auch called: Marx' Worte.

(wie hier): Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗(auch called »Cutcherry« nämlich a court or office where public business, or the business of a zemindar’s estate (wie hier), is done)⦘
; dort the zamindari books and papers relative to the village collection collections made up and kept. Bookkeeping von Hindus carried to an almost absurd extent of detail; would be tedious to describe all the books kept in due course of the kachhari kachahri business; the principal of them are: 3 or 4 books genannt Chittah chittha  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
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(Memorandum – name of a business book used in the management of a Zamindar’s property, in which measurements and other like information are entered)
; dies ist in fact a numbered register in various ways and in minute detail of all the small dags, or plots into which the village lands are divided, the measurement of each, its situation, the quality of the land, the ryot who cultivates it etc, the last of them being the khatiyan  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292.
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(an account book of the nature of the ledger)
, or ledger, which gives under each man’s name all the different portions of land held by him, with their respective characteristics. The jama bandi a sort of assessment paper made up for each year, with the view of showing for every riot ryot, as against each portion of the land held by him, the rate at which it is held, according to quality or crop, and also to exhibiting the total amount which in this way becomes due from him, and the khists kists in which it is to be paid; and the jamawasil-baki (resuming the principal statements of the jama bandi) –  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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an account paper showing simultaneously the full rent, the amount collected, and the amount of arrears, in respect of an estate, village, or district
.

A Bengali account book is formed by sewing together with a cord any number of very long narrow loose sheets at one of their ends, and when it is closed the free ends of the sheets are folded back upon the ends which are thus bound. (55–57)

The Gumashta  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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(Gomashta) ⦗generally agent, one who carries on business for another⦘
u. Patwári:  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 294.
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⦗one who keeps the collection papers of a mauzah, and commonly also makes the collections of the village⦘
, or similar offices, whatever their different names in different districts, are charged with keeping up the kachhari-books kachahri-books according to the varying circumstances of the ryots’ holdings; haben daher das ganze Jahr durch  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Phear, S. 58: It will be seen at once that persons charged with the functions of these zamindari amla have much temptation to use the opportunities of their situation to their own advantage.
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(als spies des Zemindar!)
a sharp eye upon the ryots’ doings. As a rule  Bei Phear, S. 58: they
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diese Burschen
selbst belong to the class of village ryots u. sind selbst cultivators. Findet sich hence that the plots in their hands are the best in the village; ihr »proper work« verhindert sie selbst to cultivate u. they are »supposed« to pay other ryots tilling the soil for them;  Bei Phear, S. 58: but it is too frequently the case that they manage somehow to get this done gratis. And they are by no means ignorant of the art of obtaining the offer of gratifications when they require them.
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sie mogeln meist dass dies gratis geschieht; erschleichen u. erpressen sich auch »the offer of gratifications«
. In so weit dies office hereditary, dass generally the son succeeds the father; aber das meist nothwendig, weil selten mehr als 1 od. 2 andre unter den villagers das für dies Geschäft nöthige Quantum v. Lesen u. Schreiben besitzen. (57–59)

Der Zemindar ist der »superior lord« der ryots (»subjects«) both by habit u. feeling glebae adscripti;  Bei Phear, S. 59: They would be entirely at the mercy of the zamindar and his amla were it not for another most remarkable village institution
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seine Authorität u. die seines amla in Zaum gehalten durch den mandal
(gewöhnlichste Bezeichnung, wechselt aber mit District), the village head man, mouthpiece u. representative der ryots des village in all matters between them and the zemindar or his officers. Der Mandal cultivator wie die übrigen ryots, keineswegs der reichste unter ihnen; sein offen office in theory wählbar, in fact fast invariably von father to son u. so hereditary aus selbem Grund dass alle occupations u. employments in India hereditary. Er muss hinreichend lesen u. schreiben u. die Zemindari accounts verstehn können u. Bekannt bekannt sein mit den customary rights der villagers; erhielt nicht directes emolument, aber die ryots helfen ihm v. Zeit zu Zeit gratuitously in his cultivation, zahlt oft auch geringere Rent als die andren ryots. Der mandal u. a few of the elder men constitute the village panchayat, by whom  Bei Phear, S. 60/61: most of the ordinary disputes and quarrels
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the most ordinary disputes u. quarrels
are adjusted.  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293/294.
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⦗Er erklärt Pancháyat a body of five caste men, villagers or others, who deal [with] and settle disputes relating to caste, occupation etc.⦘
In more obstinate cases the mandal and the parties go to the zemindar or his representative the náib  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
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Deputy or representative – the head officer or steward representing the zemindar in the management of large zemindaries⦘
or gumashta, for discussion and |136  Bei Phear, S. 61: arbitration
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representation
. So ohne die theuren public courts viel Justizadministration in den rural districts of Bengal abgemacht. (59–61)

Residirt der Zemindar im Dorf, so oft der barber who shaves the members of his family, the dhobi who washes for them, the head darwan (porter) and other principal servants – sind hereditary, haben portion of village land zu relative relatively low rent or rent free; der dhobi u. barber have the right to be employed at customary rates of pay by all the ryots; oft carpenter u. blacksmith in gleicher Lage; der hereditary watchman (chaukidar) erhält sein Land rentfree rent free ; ebenso Brahman priest, whether of the Zemindar’s family, or maintained for the village pujas etc. (61, 62)  Kommentar von Marx. Bei Phear, S. 62: We have thus before us, in the Bengal village community, a social structure which, for want of a better term, may in a certain qualified sense be called feudal. The principal features can be summed up as follows: – At the bottom is the great mass of hereditary cultivators of the village lands (ryots); at the top the superior lord entitled to rents and dues from these cultivators (zamindar); next to him, and connected with his interests, come those who constitute his fiscal organisation (amla) and his privileged servants; on the other side, again, are the representatives and officers of the village, and by the union of both elements, so to speak, is formed a court leet which when occasion requires disposes of any topics of internal friction by the autoritative declaration of custom and usage.
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(dieser Esel Phear nennt die Constitution des village feudal)

Ausserhalb dieser Village Constitution der Mahājan, der village capitalist. Der village ryot muss periodisch Geld auslegen; z. B. a Hütte der homestead neu zu bauen or to repair, Pflug od. anderes Instrument zu machen, Paar bullocks zu kaufen, Saat für Aussaat nöthig, endlich Reis für sich u. Familie, several kists of his rent to be paid before all his crops can be secured and realised. Im western part des Delta reichen seine savings selten hin to tide him ganz über die Periode die verfliessen muss bevor seine jährliche Production einkommt. Muss also zum Mahājan gehn for money and for paddy as he wants them. Gewöhnlichste Transactionsweise zwischen beiden Seiten: das paddy for sowing and for food, u. auch andrer Saamen, wird geliefert unter Bedingung dass er sie returnirt +50% in quantity  Bei Phear, S. 64: at the time of harvest
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zur Herbstungszeit
; Geld andrerseits to be repaid, auch at harvest time, mit 2% per Monat Zins entweder in Form von Equivalent of Paddy, reckoned at Bazaar prices, or in cash at the option of the lender. Als security für Execution dieses Uebereinkommens nimmt der mahājan häufig Hypotheke auf des ryot’s future crop u. er hilft sich selbst to the stipulated amount on the very threshing floor, in the open field. ([62,] 63, 64)

 Bei Phear, S. 64: The zamindar, who at first sight appears to fill the place of an English landlord
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Der Zemindar – dieser falsche engl. landlord
– merely a rent-charger; der ryot a field-labourer, living from hand to mouth; der mahājan, der das farming Capital liefert, die Arbeit zahlt u. allen Profit einsteckt, ist ein stranger, having no proprietary interest in the land; a creditor only, whose sole object is to realise his money as advantageously as possible. After setting aside in his golas  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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gola = a hut, meist circular in form, in which grain is stored.⦘
as much of the produce come to his hands, as he is likely to need for his next year’s business, he deels deals with the rest simply als cornfactor, sending it to the most remunerative market. A thriving mahājan may have a whole mauzah or more under his hand – and yet he has no legitimate proprietary status in the community, while those who have – the ryot … and the Zemindar … for different reasons are apparently powerless. (64–65) Hence x) der unprogressive character of an agricultural village, so beschrieben by a young zemindar, Babu Peary Chund Mookerjee Beng. Soc. Sci. Trans. vol. IV, sec. 4, p. 1.

„A husbandman of the present day is the primitive being he always  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
has been. With a piece of rags rag round his loins for his clothing, bare feet, a miserable hut to live in, and a daily fare of the coarsest description, he lives a life … unruffled by ambition. If he gets his two meals and plain clothing he is content with his lot, and if he can spare a few rupees for purchasing jewellery for his wife and children, and a few rupees more for religious ceremonies, he will himself consider himself as happy as he can wish to be. He is the greatest enemy of social reform  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗? wäre nicht enemy of getting himself the rent he pays to Zemindarees Zemindars, old or joung young!⦘
, and never dreams of throwing off the trammels which time or superstition has spun around him. He will not send his son to school for fear  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗and a very just one, too!⦘
of being deprived of his manual assistance in the field; he will not drink the water of a good tank because he has been accustomed to use the one water of the water one nearer to his house; he will not sow a crop of potatoes or sugar-cane because his forefathers never did it; he will allow himself to be unmercifully fleeced by his hereditary priest to secure the hope of utter annihilation after death … the ryots too poor  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
, too ignorant, too disunited among themselves to effect … improvement.“ (65–67)

Domestic life.

Wealthy enterprising zamindars sehr selten im Mofussil  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292.
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[ ( ] or Mafassal) = the country as opposed to the town; the subordinate as opposed to the principal⦘
. The Hindu |137 gentleman of the Bengali village, the landed proprietor of the locality,  Bei Phear, S. 68: may have an income
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had income
von Rs 100 to Rs 200 per Jahr höchstens; nicht immer a pakka house; his property is probably a share of the village, or of several villages together, held on some tenure; his net income = dem remainder of the collections he has made from the ryots after he has paid the jama  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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⦗od. jamma = the aggregate of payments made for land in the year – the total rent
of his tenure to his superior or to the Government, as the case may be. (68, 69)

Bhadra-log,  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 289.
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respectable well[-]to[-]do people
, who are not Brahmans [70];

Andar Mahal  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
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⦗das Wort Mahalla = a division of a town, a quarter⦘
, the portion of the house or homestead allotted to the female members of the family, which strangers and non-privileged males are not allowed to enter. [72]

Ashan = a square piece of carpet; thāl a metal plate or dish; pān = a betel leaf. [72, 73]

Tiffin = a refreshment;  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 289.
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bau = young married girl
; bári =  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 289.
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a dwelling house, homestead
. [73, 75, 76]

Universal habit in Bengal prevalent in all classes for the members of a family to live joint and to enjoy the profits of property jointly. z. B. in Ryot’s family: nach Tod des Vaters, seine Söhne, früher dependent members of the family living in the same homestead and assisting the father in the cultivation of his jot  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292.
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(= jote = both the land which the cultivator tills, and his tenure of it)
, continue [to live] in same homestead, cultivating the same jot, but now as owners. Manchmal tragen sie ihre Namen collectively ein statt dessen des Vaters in das book of the zamindar’s kachahri; manchmal the dead man’s name remains there unaltered. Jeder brother, with his wife and children, if possible, occupies a separate hut in the homestead, u. so oft nöthig für dies purpose, an additional hut added to the group. (76, 77) Die brothers by law entitled to equal shares of inheritance in the whole of any heritable property they have thus taken in common, and each has a right at any time to compel a partition. Stirbt einer der Brüder, his sons, wenn er keine hat, his widow , step into his place and represent him in all respect respects. (77) Generation auf Generation fortgehend würde dies a complex distribution of undivided shares hervorbringen; aber bei ryots kommt’s rasch zu End the smallness of the original subject rendering the aliquot parts insignificant. Eh es so weit, die jüngereren jüngeren members der family give up or sell their shares to the others u. suchen sich andre Beschäftigung. Ist das jot inheritable in its nature, so die jointly living members of family actually divide the land unter einander according to their shares and cultivate separately. So das Land in some villages subdivided into absurdly small plots u. this evil has a natural tendency to increase. (78)

In wohlhabenden Familien mit bedeutenden Besitzungen sei es in Handel od. in Zamindaries u. other landed tenures, the state of „jointhood“ dauert gewöhnlich lang. The whole property managed by one member of the family called the „karta“, meist das älteste Individuum der ältesten Branche; theoretisch responsible to the entire body of joint-co-sharers, jeder von denen kann einsehn die family books of accounts u. papers regularly kept in a sort of office (daftarkhana) by the family servants; selten jedoch one interferes, bis quarrel, dann fought out mit acrimony, partition effected and accounts insisted upon. As a rule the co-sharers content to be supported in the family house, out of the family funds, each getting, as he wants, sufficient small sums of money for ordinary personal expenses. Das money saved nach disbursement of the general family u. proprietary expenses, is invested by the karta in the purchase of some addition to the joint property; das Geld required for extraordinary family ceremonies or religious performances commonly raised durch den Karta in the form of a loan charged on the common property. (78–80) Dies domestic community oft sehr numerous; erstens die co-sharers, Brüder, Neffen u. male cousins deren fathers’ shares have devolved upon them u. die widows or daughters of co-sharers, verstorben ohne Söhne oder Enkel; zweitens: the mixed class of dependent members – wives and children of existing co-sharers, wives and daughters of former co-sharers (whose shares went to sons) and individuals labouring under any infirmity disqualifying them from inheriting. In Calcutta u. selbst im Mofussil Beispiele von Familien v. 300–400 Individuen, incl. servants, living in one house. Meist zählt die family 50–100. (80, 81)|

138

deorhi ⦗entspricht der French conciergerie; nämlich in entrance passage of old family house, oft auf beiden Seiten a raised floor mit 1 od. 2 open cells worin die darwans (doorkeepers) sit, lie u. sleep, in fact dwell.⦘ [82]

Puja dalan: die verandah, deren chief purpose to serve as a stage for the performance of religious and domestic ceremonies. [83]

Shámiana  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 294.
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(Tent cavas canvas stretched horizontally across, as a covering, from side to side of a quadrangle, or from top to top of poles, firmly fixed in the ground – awning.)
[83]

Thakurbāri, chamber where the figure of the family deity (thakur) resides u. where its daily service u. worship is performed. Weiber dürfen nicht selbst worship the family idol or any visible thakur, ausser der clay figure of Siva made for every[-]day worship. The Shastras forbid to women and Sudras all knowledge and use of sacred texts. [84]

Hat die Familie 3 or 4 generations, removed von dem common ancestor, erreicht, so there several heads of branches; diese branches settle themselves by stirpes, in separate parts of the house under their own heads; … manchmal die Separation so complete that the portion of the house allotted to each branch is parted off from the remainder of the house by blocking up of doors, and by the opening of a separate entrance. Each group as a rule messes by itself, and every adult member of it has a room to himself in which he lives, all the female members together in the inner apartments, commonly called among Europeans the Zenana. All the branches usually keep joint with regard to the worship of the family deity. Und selbst wenn the branches sever in everything – i.e. in food, worship, and estate – the same family deity is commonly retained by all, and the worship conducted by the different branches in turn, each turn proportionate in duration to the owner’s share in the joint property. z. B. if family in its divided state is represented by 4 heads, 2 brothers, and their 2 nephews, sons of a 3d brother deceased, the turn or pallas of worship would be respectively 4 months, 4 months, 2 months or and 2 months or equimultiples of these. (85, 86)

Nur in Calcutta u. andern sehr large towns the family swarm continues in the family hive at such dimensions. Aber in country villages, wo des Zamandar’s Zamindar’s family sich maintained for many generations, much about the same thing occurs. (86)

 Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen
Maidán, an open grass-coverd space
; mandir  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen
a temple
; mandap  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen
an opensided open-sided roofed structure, or building
.

Majlis an assembli assembly.  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
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Mohant the superior of a math (an endowed temple od. shrine; máth dagegen, the open arable plain, forming the cultivated land of a village.)
 Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
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Gaddi, a seat.

Grave and Gay.

inordinate love of spectacles. (89) Drinking to a considerable extent. »In a portion of the Veds the delights of intoxication are dwelt upon, and some of the tantric writings [are] devoted to the encouragement of drink.« … tarí, spirit made [from] many sort sorts of saccharine juices, especially from the juice of the tarí palm, u. made largely in every village by crude native methods, is evidently of purely home origin. (90)

Bengali of all ranks like gambling; cards u. dice the common form prevaling with the middle classes. ([90,] 91)

In Bengal 2 distinct sects under the Muhammedans, Sunís Sunnís u. Shias; both a good deal given to observances u. practices of Hinduism; the Bengali Musulman is nothing but a roughly converted Hindu. In den besten u. fruchtbarsten Theilen des Delta das mohammedan. Element über 60% der Bevölkerung, im rest of Bengal Proper ists 30–40%; in einigen districts die villages ganz mohammed. od. ganz Hindu, aber more commonly hat jedes village sein Mohammed. quarter u. sein Hindu quarter. (91, 92)

Viele sects auch unter den Hindus[,] (92) pretty universally in the rural villages Boistobs (mit immense number of varieties u. subdivisions), Saktas, Sivas, Ganapatyas etc. (93) Die chief development der Boistobs – deren Vishnu ist the Brahma  Zusatz von Marx aus Phear, S. 36.
Schließen
(Krishna eine seiner incarnations)
[–] originated mit Chaitanya , who preached purity, meditation, and the equality of all men, without distinction of sect or caste, before God. And a certain freedom from caste trammels and disregard of religious observances, with an appreciation of the importance of conduct, still seem to characterise the sect. The Boistobs have been, and even now are being, recruited from all castes, but taken together in all their varieties … are commonly reckoned as a sort of caste by themselves etc. (94)

Die Saktas vielleicht die majority der village inhabitants; jetzt in a great deal united mit den Saivas, die upon Siva (the Destroyer) look as the primary and more exalted form of Brahma u. die Saktas speziell verehren die divine nature in its activity, the female forms of the supreme deity, as Dúrga od. Kalí; der Sivaite u. Sakta worship |139 in a marked degree a worship of dogma, gorgeous ceremony, u. bloody sacrifices etc. Die Boistobs den Saktas gegenüber »Protestanten«. (94, 95)

Der monastic order is celibate u. in great degree erratic u. mendicant, hat aber anchorage places u. headquarters in the maths (Ursprünglich Bedeutung von math scheint Cell oder Chamber wie von Eremit); heutzutag typisch math ist an endowed temple or shrine mit a dwelling place for a superior (the Mohant) u. his disciples (Chelas); das endowment der math entweder result of a private dedication, oder aber of a grant by an aready already existing wealthy math, gegen die es in gewissert gewisser Art Subordination bleibt etc. (96–100)

In einzelnen Fällen the Mohants, either by decline from the strict path of sanctity originally marked out for them, or even in prosecution of the founder’s purpose  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗für die Stiftung, nicht für die einzelnen Mönche⦘
, make the acquirement of wealth by trade their great object. Sehr viel instances davon in the northwestern-parts north-western parts part der Bengal presidency, wo numerous trader Mohants of great wealth and influence to be found. (p. 97)

A shrine (dargah) of some holy Mohammedan fakir oft to be met with on the wayside, with the hut or homestead of its keeper near at hand. Passers-by of all creeds and denominations throw in their cowries and pice. (101) In a large village will be a mandap, i.e. a spacious open-sided covered-in room, wo die village púja festivals celebrated u. other village gatherings (as in a vestry room) occur; manchmal ist’s pakka structre structure, meist of bamboo u. thatch; ist usually kept up by the Zamandar Zamindar. (l.c.)

Rural crime.

Dakaiti  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
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Dakait one of a gang of robbers⦘
or gang robbery ( Zusatz von Marx.
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anglice
: dacoity.) ( Bei Phear, S. 102: The badmashes or bad characters of two or three adjoining villages are, to a certain extent, associated together.
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badmashes = the bad characters of a village
; [102] pitara:  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 294.
Schließen
a wicker work or other slightly-constructed box of peculiar shape
) (p. 102–105)  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Phear, S. 105: the police may sometimes be found waging a warfare against dákaiti which is very characteristic
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Verfahren (charakteristisch!) der Polizei.
(105–107)  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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Das Gericht.
(108–110) Mookhtar = law agent. [108]

Mord for vindicating family honour  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen
(relates to womankind)
. (111–115)

Purely agrarian outrage more common than any other. »A strong sense of vested right unprotected by the arm of the law leads in India as elsewhere to the endeavour at vindicating it by violence.« (115)  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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Krakehle (blutige) unter den Ryots selbst.
(115–118) Affray of the Zamandar’s Zamindar’s people on den Mandal. (headman of the village) ⦗A mauzah had been sold in execution of a decree, a stranger had purchased it; der new Zamandar Zamindar takes measures for enhancing the rents of his ryots; war successful at obtaining kabulyats  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292.
Schließen
kabulyat = the counterpart of a pottah or lease, nämlich given by the tenant to his landlord
at increased rates from several ryots, aber der mandal des village, dessen example most influential, sturdily held out and led the opposition. Gegen ihn schickt der Zamandar Zamindar seine  Bei Phear, S. 118: peons and adherents
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retainers
, with the view of capturing him and carrying him off. ( Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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Endet mit Mord v. ein paar Leuten; aber Mandal Sieger
p. 118, 119) p. 119–120. Andrer case wo die Ryots gegen den Mandal weil er zu sehr die Seite des Zamindar in certain matters nehme; therefore resolved in „committee“ that he should be punished and warned, lassen ihn durch einige »charged«  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen
damit dch prügeln durchprügeln. (wobei er †)
(120, 121)

Faction fight zwischen den Ryots verschiedner tenure-holders. (p. 121, 123)  Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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(Todtschlägerei)

 Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291/292.
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Jangal (Jungle) = a wood, any tract, large or small, wo das natural growth of trees, bushes, and vegetation undisturbed
.

 Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 289.
Schließen
Bhát = boiled rice; bigha a landmeasure; in Bengal = about ⅓ acre; Arhar = kind of pulse (cytisus cajan) grown for food
.

Administration and Landlaw.

 Siehe Phear, S. 3, Fn. 1: This with the six succeeding sections, almost as they now stand, appeared as an article in the July and October numbers of the Calcutta Review for 1874. – Anscheinend hat Marx den Hinweis bei Phear missverstanden. In der „Calcutta Review“ war auch der nächste Abschnitt (VII), „Ways and Means“, abgedruckt (S. 369–373).
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(Dies der letzte Abschnitt (VI) dieses Buchs, der schon vorher in Calcutta Review gedruckt.
)

 Bei Phear, S. 124: A zillah district in Bengal, which is sometimes roughly compared with an English county
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A zillah district in India, fälschlich compared to an Engl. county
, umfasst area von 2–3000 □ m. u. has population von  Bei Phear, S. 124: of say from one to two million souls
Schließen
2 millions f.i.
, während County of Suffolk, z. B., hat nur area v. 1,454 □ m. u. population of some 360,000. Alle European officers of a Zillah höchstens a dozen, ⦗wovon ½ about kept by their duties at the Zillah station⦘, viz. 1 magistrate, 1 and collector mit 3 od. 4 joint assistant u. deputy magistrates, 1 district and sessions judge, 1 small court, or subordinate judge, 1 superintendent of police, 1 assistant superintendent of police u. 1 medical officer. ([124,] 125)

⦗Selten »has one of them a real command of the vernacular language«. (126)⦘

No taxgatherers in India  Bei Phear, S. 128, Fn. 1: This was written before the imposition of the license tax.
Schließen
(save those recently introduced, mit der imposition of a license tax)
; all taxes sind land revenue, stamps (needed for every proceeding in a court of justice or public office or copy of any paper filed in a court or office or document of agreement or receipt etc), customs u. excise (die tari u. Salz für Ryot vertheuert). Kürzlich Steuervermehrung durch imposition of a road cess, a small rateable addition to the rent of each ryot, which he pays to his rentreceiver rent-receiver, dieser an Government. (128, 129)

A portion of the rent, every cultivator of the soil pays for his plot, goes to Government as land revenue; es bezieht about 20½ Millions £St per annum in the shape of land revenue. (133)|

140

 Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Phear, S. 133–135: The collection of the revenue and its payment to Government was effected by officers who, in later days were, in Bengal, generally called zamindars, each being responsible only for the revenue of the zamindari, taluq, or otherwise named district, of which he was certainly the fiscal head. Whether […] he was regarded by the people as the proprietor, in any degree, of the zamindari, or whether he himself looked upon the land of the zamindari as belonging to him personally, are questions which, perhaps, cannot now be satisfactorily answered. […] For the moment it may be asserted positively that the zamindar never did before the Permanent Settlement (and that he does not to this day) stand towards the ryot in the position which the English landlord occupies relative to his tenant.
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Vor dem Bengal settlement of 1793 der Zemindar bekanntlich nur Steuercollector, nicht landlord.
 Zusatz von Marx.
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Bursche Phear says
: »The area of his Zamandari zamindari covered large districts of country and was reckoned not by in bighas but in communities of menmauzahs.« Seine »money proceeds« wurden nicht »spoken of as rent, sondern als jamas (collections) of the included villages«. Seine assets were »made up of the jamas of the sub-tenures, and the collections of the villages.« (135) The zamindar’s village kachahri (schon vor den Engländern) was an office in each mauzah, with a headman, an accountant, and a field officer. (hatten die früher beschriebnen duties der jetzigen Collectors etc. des Zemindar) Die kachharis kachahris von je 5 or 6 mauzahs, je nach deren size, were supervised by a superior officer, say a Tehsildar, who had his own kachahri, with its books and papers, either duplicates of, or made up from those of, the mauzah kacharis kachahris . Die collections effected by the officers of the village kachhari kachahri were handed over to him, and he passed them to a next high officer. So the moneys arrived at last at the Zamindar’s own kachhari kachahri ; out of them he paid the Gvt revenue due from his Zemindari, and kept the rest for himself. ([137,] 138)

Each middleman was so the apex and head of a structure precisely like the principal structure in form and constitution, nur mit a smaller basis. A slight disturbing force might serve to detach it and leave it standing by itself, or to put it into an appendent condition. (139) (See also: Hunter: „Orissa“) Lang vor den Engländern the original simplicity of the Zemindari system lost; there were Zemindaris u. taluqs of several orders and designations paying revenue directly to Gvt; innerhalb derselben wieder subordinate taluqs u. tenures converted from the condition of being parts of a homogeneous collecting machine into semi-independence, u. zahlend in that character a recognized jama directly to the superior kachhari kachahri statt to send on to it in ordinary course their respective collections. ([140,] 141)

(By u. by) jeder subordinate jama-paying »mahal« or tenure wurde bald a miniature zamindari, worin gewisse jamas were taken in lieu of collections, and the remaining collections were made by the old machinery. Waste Land grants or concessions were also the origin of taluqs, both dependent and independent, and so, too, jaghir grants for services. (141, 142)

Innerhalb des village selbst – mit Bezug auf die occupation of land – an analogous process came into operation. The principal persons of the zemindari amla and the headmen of the ryots (mandals), or others of influence, and privileged persons such as Brahmans, often got recognized as holding upon fixed and favourable terms larger portions of the village lands than they could or did cultivate. These … they sublet, wholly or in part, and so arose varieties of »jots« u. ryottee[-]tenures. (142) Vor der legislation of 1793 die middle tenures, wie sie damals existed, depended for their maintenance upon usage, and the personal power and influence of the holder. The ryottee[-]tenures u. jots ditto regulated by usage, the arbitrament of the village panchayat u. the Zamindari amla; alles customary, involving nothing of personal proprietary right. (142, 143)  Zusammenfassung und Kommentare in Klammern von Marx.
Schließen
Die Verwandlung – durch die English rogues and asses – der Zemindars in private proprietors machte eo ipso (wenn auch nicht in Idee jener asses) all intermediate interests zu rights in land
, u. the owner of any such interest could encumber the land or alienate it within the limit of the right; seine ownership selbst konnte wieder die complex Hindu joint-parcenary form annehmen. (147, 148)

A middle tenure or interest below the revenue[-]paying zamindar is essentially the right, on payment of the proper jama to a superior holder, to make collections from the cultivators of land and to take the jamas from subordinate holders within a specified area. (148) The middle tenure of every degree is thus in a great measure an account book matter, and is very completely represented by the jamabandi paper. Will the owner of such a property benefit a child or a family connection, so kann er’s thun by making him a mokarari  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
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(= that which is fixed or established – permanent)
grant, in some form, of a portion of his collections. (149) Allzumeist the tenure of the grantor himself amounts only to a right to a fractional share of the rents, etc, and then his grant  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Phear, S. 150: But not only may a tenure-holder make a grant of this nature to some one whom he desires to benefit
Schließen
⦗made to child etc⦘
will pass a fraction of a fraction. (149–50) Such a tenure holder mag auch make a grant dieser Art to a stranger in consideration of a bonus or premium. Er mag’s auch thun um to ensure to himself, in the shape of the rent reserved on the subject of grant, the regular receipt of money wherewith to pay his own jama. Oder er mag, by way of affording security for the repayment of a loan of money made to him, temporarily assign to the lender unde under a zar-i-peshgi ticca his tenure right of making collections. In these or similar modes, the Bengali tenure-holder, proprietor, zemindar |141  Bei Phear, S. 150: (however he may be designated)
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(whatever else the name)
is obliged to deal with his interest when he wants to raise money, or to confer a benefit;  Bei Phear, S. 150: (excepting that of out-and-out sale of the entirety of his interest, to which he rarely has recourse if he can avoid it)
Schließen
veräussert er also nicht ganz u. gar the entirety of his interest, wozu er nur selten Zuflucht nimmt, wenn er’s vermeiden kann –
so klar that in each instance he creates a fresh set of proprietary rights. (150)

 Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Phear, S. 149 und 151.
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Was ferner a middle tenure or right of land als Gegenstand of joint ownership angeht, so z. B. eine ganze share of a village (oder of any number of villages)
sei = 16 annas (= 1 Re.); nun habe einer a fractional share, say a 9½ annas share; dies kann statthaben in 3 od. 4 verschiednen Formen. Es kann bedeuten, 1): the tenure holder has a mokarari  Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(permanent)
right to the rents and dues arising out of a specified portion of the area of the village which is separated from the rest by metes and bounds; and bears to the entirety the proportion of 9½ : 16. Oder: 2) in certain parts of the area covered by the grant he has a sole right to the rents, and in other parts to a fractional portion only, so arranged that in the whole he gets 9½ out of 16 annas of the entire profits of the area etc. Meist incidental to his right, dass er das ihm Zuständige can collect by his own officers at his own kachhari kachahri ; vielleicht hat er aber auch nur das Recht to draw his fractional share of the net collections made at a joint-kachari joint-kachahri belonging, so to speak, to several shareholders. (151, 152) Aber der owner dieser mokarari tenure of 9½ annas of property usually a joint-family, or a group of persons representing an original joint-family: alle Glieder solcher Gruppe haben jedes seine eigne share in the tenure, which, although existing in a state undivided from the rest, is capable of being assigned to a purchaser separately from them. Ausserdem, very often, each member of the group can, as between himself and his shareholders, insist upon having an actual partition of the subject of tenure. Sobald dies geschehn wird er by himself separately entitled to a fraction z. B. der 9½ anna tenure; sage zu ⅙ derselben; dann seine besondre share of the rents and profits accruing from the area covered by the tenure, subject of course to the payment of the superior rent or jama, is ⅙ of 9½ annas = 1 anna 7 9 pie. So das mauzah selbst, the unit in terms of which the zamindari calculated, comes to be divides divided into small portions; u. der rent[-]receiver who stands to a particular ryot in the position of zamindar kann sein u. ist oft a very small man indeed. z. B. der ryot may have to pay the whole of his rent to the patwári of the 1 anna 7 pie shareholder, or to pay 1 anna 7 pie out of 16 annas of his rent to him, and the remainder to the other shareholders separately, or in groups; or he may have to pay the entirety of his rent to the joint-kachari joint-kachahri from which each shareholder will get his share on division. (153, 154)

This system of sub-infeudation and subdivision of joint-interests, accompanied by severalty of right, prevails universally throughout Bengal. (154) Daher beispiellose complexity of landed interests u. keiner hat ein Interesse improvements des land zu machen. (l.c.)

Unter diesem System die locally resident zamindars generally small shareholders of subordinate tenures, deren means nicht greatly superior to those of the well-to-do ryots. (155)

Die lands of a village broadly unterscheidbar in 2 sets: the ryottee lands (the bulk of the village area, the village lands) einerseits, u. andrerseits the Zamindar’s  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗in letzter instance der dem government revenue-paying Zamindar⦘
Land, ziraat, khamar, nijjot nij-jot or sir-lands  Bei Phear, S. 156: or whatever they may be termed
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(auch noch andre terms dafür)
. (155, 156) In Bengal heisst das erstere Land meist the ryot’s »jot«. (156) Wenn dieser wieder sub-lets, so his lessee derives everything from him and goes out of possession with him whenever he goes  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(erhält also nie a sub-tenure properly so called)
. (157) By legislative enactment, actual occupation of the same land for a period of 12 years confers upon the ryot (if he has it not otherwise, by custom etc) a personal right of occupation on payment of a fair and reasonable rent; and occupation for 20 years at a uniform rate of rent generally confers a right of occupation at that rate. A very large number of ryots in Bengal have in one way or another acquired permanent rights of occupancy in the land which they cultivate, but the remainder, a larger number, merely occupy, on payment of the rents and dues which usually have been paid to the Zemindar’s kachahri in respect of their land; meist much less in rate than rents paid by agricultural tenants in Engld. Zemindar kann theoretically verlangen was ihm gutdünkt before the commencement of every year, u. turn this class of ryot out, if he does not agree, but seldom does so. (157–58)

On ziraat, khamar, nij-jot, or sir-lands Zamindar kann das Land auf eigne Rechnung bebauen, or put in cultivators on any terms which they agree to accept; sie sind seine tenants, er ihr landlord im  Zusatz von Marx.
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(europäischen)
ordinary sense of the word; hier hat der Zamindar unqualified ownership in land … – in ryottee lands the use belongs to the ryots. (158–59)|

142

In einigen Theilen Bengal’s, jots od. ryottee interest in considerable tracts of unclaimed unreclaimed jungle, or otherwise waste lands, have at times been granted, of a perpetual character, upon insignificant rents; das land afterwards sub-let to cultivators. In solchen Fällen nicht zu unterscheiden between the jot-dar u. an ordinary middle-tenure-holder middle tenure-holder. (159)

Ways and Means.

 Bei Phear, S. 161: The imperfection
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Fast absence
of the means of intercommunication between village and village, and between one portion of a rural district and another. (161) there is not a stone, or anything harder than clay, to be found in the soil of the delta; and the floods of the rainy season break down, and sometimes almost obliterate, such roadways as have not been expensively constructed by skilled engineers. (161, 162)

The vehicle vehicles in use for the carriage of goods are boats, the heads of men and women, little tiny bullocks, and bambu carts of very rude construction; when well-to-do people travel they are carried in palkis and doolies, or go by boat. In the dry season the men, the bullocks, and the carts can and do go anywhere. The local traffick usually takes place in detail of very small quantities. The dána  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
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(= grain)
or other seed is trodden out by the bullocks at the khaliān almost on the plot where it is grown. ⦗In some districts wie in Chota Nagpore, a rude handflail is used for thrashing grain⦘; and both the grain and the straw are very easily carried to the homestead on the heads of the various members of the ryot’s family. The surplus produce, if any, of the ryot which does not go to his mahajan passes in little items to the nearer hāts, and so becomes diffused over the neighbouring mauzahs, or is carried on further to the larger hāts, the mahajan u. the modi affording the only village depôts. The larger hāts again, or local centres of country produce trade, are commonly situated on roads or khāls. The produce trader here, by his agents, gathers in the result of his scattered purchases, and sends it away in carts or boats; and thus the outflow takes place very evenly. (163, 164)

It is often said, on occasions of scarcity or famine, that the stream will not reverse itself when necessary. (164) Aber die Sache die: As long as the ryots are able to pay the requisite retail price, the village mahajans u. modis will succeed in keeping up their their stocks,  Bei Phear, S. 165: whatever the local deficiency of crop
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whatever the local deficiency may be
. (164, 165) Aber wenn season of scarcity approach approaches sind beide, mahajan u. modi »inactive«. They know very accurately the extent of their clients’ and customers’ means. Der mahajan naturally enough declines to increase his stock at great cost to himself, when his clients are already hopelessly involved in debt to him; u. der village modi for like reason will not lay in a stock at abnormal prices to retail it to those who cannot pay for what they purchase. This state of things would be completely changed if neither the mahajan nor the village dealer had reason to doubt the ability of the ryot to pay a remunerating price for imported food. (165) It is the occurence of pauperism in the ryots, when a certain price of food-stuffs is reached, which throws the ordinary machinery out of gear. (166)

 Bei Phear, S. 166: It is not the purpose of these pages to discuss a question of political economy. But it may here be added that in times of scarcity the action of Government does not always appear to have been directed immediately to this object.
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Was aber in times of scarcity the Government activity betrifft etc ⦗paralysirt diese sich selbst to a great extent, dies der sense of the »Kohl« of Phear, aber sehr richtig dies.⦘
Was thut Gvt in emergencies of this sort? Errichtet »relief works on a large scale, where great numbers of people«, drawn from their homes, are massed together within limited areas; grain in cosiderable quantities ist transported from the outside to certain local centres, for the support of those engaged on these works and for the distribution so far as practicable by the hands of the local committees. (166) Die preparations des Government für dies unusual work themselves very greatly hinder ordinary traffic in rural lines of route; boats and carts etc, have to be collectedeven impressed – in all directions, and become locked up for days and weeks, before they are actually wanted, damit sie certainly ready when needed. So, nicht nur while gvt is importing, sondern long before it commences to do so, private enterprise is left without a vehicle. (166, 167) Die Govmt method of proceeding hat direct tendency to remove the pressure upon the village mahajans u. modis u. to make the market which they supply noch unsichrer, indem das Gvt draws away as many persons as possible, u. zwar die ablebodied able-bodied rather than the infirm, from their homes, u. wirkt ebenso by supplying grain. – As soon as Gvt announces its anticipation of a famine and its intention to take extraordinary measures of prevention, all natural effort at the village end of the system ceases. (168)|

143

Peon (for Piada) = footman (inferior servants of a Zemindar or landholder); Sandúk or sinduk = a wooden chest;

Ryot = – Raiyat, originally a subject, jetzt peasant;

Rabi od. Rubbee = The March or and April period of the year; the harvest season of the crops sown or planted after the cessation of the monsoon rains in September or October of the preceding year.

Táluq = a dependency; Tehsildar or Tahsildar, one who collects rents or revenue.

Top, od. tope, od. topu – a grove of fruit[-]bearing trees.

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Zu bemerken dass
Tári od. tádi vulgarly toddy the juice of palm tree, fermented or unfermented; auch spirit made v. other sources. [294, 295]

Ueber die Means der agricultural families in Eastern Bengal: s(?) ie h(?) Memorandum, dem Phear zugestellt von Baboo Ram Sundar Basack , of Dacca. Phear giebts in »Appendix«, Note A

Value of Property possessed by different classes of Ryots. (p. 284)
Classes of Ryot. House. House-hold Ustensils Sinduks. Charpoys. Clothes incl. Kantha u. Pillow. Ornaments. Articles in Cookroom. Gola articles. Cattle. Ploughs. Daos etc. Boat. Total
1st class Rs. As. P. Rs. As. P. R. A. P. R. A. P. R. A. P. R. A. P. R. A. P. R. A. P. R. A. P. R. A. P. R. A. P. R. A. P. Rs. As. P.
162  0 22. 0. 0 12. 4. 0 1. 0. 0 18. 8. 0 45. 0. 0. 3. 0. 0. 95. 0. 0. 80. 0. 0 8. 0. 0 5. 0. 0 25. 0. 0 477. 4. 0
2nd class 112. 8. 0 15. 8. 0 3. 8. 0 1. 0. 0 10. 8. 0 30. 0. 0 3. 0. 0 45. 0. 0 40. 0. 0 5. 0. 0 3. 0. 0 15. 0. 0 283. 0. 0
3d class 35. 0. 0 10. 0. 0 0. 12. 0 1. 0. 0 5. 8. 0 11. 0. 0 3. 0. 0 25. 0. 0 20. 0. 0 3. 0. 0 2. 0. 0     Bei Phear, S. 284: …
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vacat
116. 4. 0
Last class 25. 0. 0

 Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
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Charpoy = a frame of wood, having a web of tape or cord stretched across it, and resting upon 4 short legs.

Dao billhook or cleaver.

Ist class of ryots; cultivate 15 bigas and upwards and have a family of 1 or 2 brothers u. 4 or 5 grown-up sons. Ihre Zahl sehr gering.

II class〃〃; cultivate 8 or 10 bigas, mit about 3 or 4 male adults in the family. Ihre Zahl > als die der first class. Ein ryot hat oft no other adult male in the family to assist him, but capital enough to employ labourers, gehört dann zu 1st od. 2nd class.

III class〃〃 4 or 5 bigas, have 1 son or brother or nobody to assist them (können daher nur 4–5 bigas bebauen). Bilden die Majorität.

IV class: a large number; haben 1 or 2 bigas of land, sustain themselves u. family mainly by working for other others on hire; sind labourers more properly than regular cultivators. 275, 276

Ist class haben generally 4 thatched houses in good condition to inclose the quadrangle together, mit 3 or 4 out-houses to serve as the dhenkighur  Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
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(dhenki a pestle u. mortar chiefly used to husk and clean rice)
, cowshed u. gola. Das Haupthaus unter den 4 inclosing the quadrangle costs generally Rs 30 or 40, the labour being supplied by themselves. Die other houses kosten generally about Rs 20 or 25. Cost of house erection für such a family daher Rs. 150 or 175 Rs.
IInd class ausser den 4 des quadrangle nur 1 od. 2 outhouses; ihre value altogether Rs 100–125.
IIId class, has 1 or 2 houses with a cow-shed cowshed, or 1 or 2 single thatched houses to serve as kitchen, dhenkighur etc. Der value dieser houses Rs 30–40.

Die values hier estimated at cost of erection; if sold in good condition fetch generally less, variirt aber (sale price) mit condition, situation, demand etc.

Ist class ryot has generally a brass kalsi (kalsi = a large water pot) 3 or 4 lotahs (lotah or pali = tumbler), 4 or 5 thalas (plates), 1 or 2 batis (bati = 1 cup), 1 boughna (brass vessel) or 2 iron pans. The quantity of brass forming these ustensils about 12 or 15 seers; when bought the cost per seer von Re. 1, 8a. to Rs 2; when sold the price varies von 12a. (annas) to Re. 1 4a. per seer. On the whole the value of these ustensils = Rs 20. – The iron basins and 1 or 2 china plates in the case of Mahommedans, u. country earthenware pots and dishes to be valued at couple of rupees.

Baskets u. other ustensiles utensils made of bamboos or cane-work, wie jhakee, dalli, kula, dalla, katta u. dhama, or measure of capacity, may be valued at 1 Re.

Bei IInd class ryots the total quantity of brass about 8 or 10 seers = Rs. 8, 12, or 15; the other class of utensils at Rs. 2.

A IIId class ryot has generally 1 or 2 brass lotahs (tumblers), 1 or 2 thalas, sometimes a boughna; quantity = 5 seers, about = Rs. 8. Die earthen u. bamboo utensils same as in 2 nd  class, for the want of brass utensils to be supplied by these.

Unter Ist class ryots haben nur wenige anything like the sinduk, stets in the house of a trading class in the village. Preis = 15–20 Rs. Statt der regular family sinduks haben die ryots dieser Klass Klasse meist one small chest of mangoe or other inferior wood, and 1 or 2 petaras  Zusatz von Marx.
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(od. pitara (see oben))
constructed of matted cane, zu price von Rs. 2 to 4 (die petaras kosten ebensoviel[)]. |145 Ausserdem haben meiste Ryots od. deren females 1 or 2 small wooden or tin boxes to keep cash, ornaments od. other valuables. Price davon 1½ Rs. Gesammtvalue dieser chests, boxes etc = 6–8 Rs.

IId class families haben generally 1 petara and 1 small box or 2, about = 3 or 4 Rs.

IIId class ryots haben höchstens jhaels or small petaras in some cases, v. Price = about 1½ Rs.

The general custom to keep the valuables hidden in earthenware pots kept under the ground or outside.

Mit sehr wenigen Ausnahmen haben die Ryots keine chowkees or charpoys etc. Statt dessen different spreadings on the floor, at night for the bedding. 1 Re. for each family … average value of spreadings for all  Bei Phear, S. 279: classes
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sects
of ryots. All ryots use chhalas or gunny bags to sit upon, which are, when occasion requires, used also to hold grains.

Seats of various kinds made of bamboo slips, canes, and splinters of betel-nut tree, and of small planks called peera or low stools; so small in size that they can hold only one man on each. [276–279]

Each ryot male or female has 2 dhutees of coarse Manchester cloth for ordinary use while out of work about 12 feet long and 3 feet broad. In well[-]to[-]do families haben ausserdem namentlich die females country sharees u. zenana coats, and men chaddars, manchmal peerans. Für die Wintersaison haben elderly men u. women chaddars of thick cloth, while at work they use very narrow and short gamchas or worn out clothes turned into smaller size. No difference among the different classes as to the clothes possessed by a family ausser so weit soweit dies depends upon the number of individuals in each. Der average value of clothes belonging to each individual male u. female, about Rs 2.

Dhutee: a piece of Manchester cloth, known in the bazaar as longcloth or American drill; Shari, a piece of cloth put on by women having borders of different colours; Chadars or sheet – a piece of American drill or long cloth measuring about 9 feet in length; Peeran or shirt, a coat newly introduced into fashion of American drill or longcloth. Gamcha or napkin, a piece of cloth short in breadth and length. Kantha, quilt stuffed with rags.

In Ist class (ryot) family, of 12 persons, 4 of whom may be left out of consideration, in consideration of the different persons wearing the same clothes, the value der clothes = Rs 15 or 16; In IId class of about 7 persons, wo 3 persons may be left out for same reason, average value of clothes = Rs 8 or 9; in IIId class families of 2 or 3 individuals, clothvalue = Rs 4 or 5.

In addition to these Rs 3, 2, and 1 may be taken as the average value of leps (quilt), kanthas, and pillows belong belonging to a family of Ist, IInd, and IIId class ryot respectively.

Ornaments: adult males use none; boys have sometimes brass or silver bangles for the hands and mandulees or patta to hang from the neck; women use ornaments of various kinds made of gold or silver and sometimes of brass, als da sind:

Nath, a ring for the nose; Besar, an ornament hung from the nose; Dana beads for the neck used by Hindus, but very seldom; Kalse ornaments for arms; Balla = bangles; Mul or kharu-anklets; Churi, bracelet used by Mahommedans; Hasli, a large ring round the neck. – On the whole, the value of ornaments belonging to a Ist class family = Rs 40–50. (Women whose husbands are living, when Mahommedans use churi of silver or of lac, u. when Hindu a pair of shell bracelets.) für IInd class family about Rs 30, für IIId class family about Rs 10 or 15. [279–281]

Im cookhouse kaum article ausser pata (a flat stone) und puta (a stone mullar muller) for grinding condiments in addition to brass and earthen pots. So: Ghotee, a brass or earthen water-pot; Raing, an earthen pot used in cooking rice; Patil, an earthen basin used in cooking curry; Shara, an earthen cover for a pot; Jhajree, an earthen vessel for straining water when washing rice etc; Hatta, an iron or wooden ladle or spoon used in cooking; Bowlee an iron tongs used in catching pots when warm; Tagaree, a wooden bowl for holding things cooked.

Diese, zus. mit dhenki, ukti u. mosal (a large wooden mortar u. pestle) to be valued about 3 Rs. for each family.

Ryots keep generally, according to their circumstances, a quantity of rice, mustard etc, for consumption during the year, and seeds for next year’s cultivation; the value for 1st class 90–100 Rs, 2nd class Rs 40–50, 3d class Rs 25. [282]

Cattle: Ist class family 8 or 10 cows and bullocks, manchmal a couple of goats or sheep; in case of Mahommedans a number of fowls; IInd class family 4 or 5 cows, u. a IIId class 2 or 3; the value of cattle for Ist Rs 70, IInd Rs 40, IIId Rs 20.

Instruments: A Ist class family besitzt about 8–10 ploughs u. 3 or 4 harrows, valued at Rs 8; for IInd u. IIId class respectively value der ploughs Rs 5 u. Rs 3.|

146

A Ist class family hat generally 3 daos, 4 or 5 kachees, 2 kodalees or spades, 1 khuntee (a digging hoe) u. an axe: Gesammtvalue Rs 5; IInd u. IIId class selben articles in less numbers, of value of Rs 3 u. Rs 2 respectively.

Boats: Ryots living in low lands u. fields etc, watered by annual inundation, and on river side, have generally a dingee (a small boat) of value of Rs 10–30.  Ausdruck von Marx.
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Dieses Luxus »instrument«
nur bei Ist u. IInd class ryots, sehr selten bei IIId class.

The large IV class hat im allgemeinen a single house, a brass lota or thalla, or a stone or wooden plate and cane or bamboo basket etc, and nothing in the way of a sinduk or charpoys; 1 or 2 mats and kanthas and pillows and a couple of dhutees, a plough, a harrow, a dao, a kodalee, a kachee u. manchmal a cow or 2; value des ganzen Krams in average may be estimated at Rs 25. [282, 283]

Kodál or Kodáli: a hoe, by means of which the work of the spade, the shovel, and the hoe alike is done.

Kathak: a professional story teller; one who recites traditional poems etc.

Láthi, or Láttee: a stick or bludgeon, usually of bamboo, heavily ringed and feruled with metal; Morha, a stool.

Mulla or Mulána: one who has charge of the village mosque, Mahommedan schoolmaster.

Kachcha: Raw, crude, immature, incomplete; Pakka: ripe, mature, complete.

Nirkh, a standard or customary rate, as of rent, etc.

Pálla, a turn  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Reihe die an einen kommt)
as of worship, or enjoyment of property.

Dhoti: the cloth worn round the loins; Bhát, boiled rice;

Ghát: the landing slope, or steps, on the bank of a river, or of a tank; the pass up a mountain or ridge of hills, sometimes the line of the hill itself.

Jágir, Jághir, a service tenure of land or revenue; Jalkar-wála, one who has rights of fishing. [289, 291–293]

 Diese Angaben entnimmt Marx der „Introduction“ von Phear, S. LII.
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Folgt nun die 2te Abtheilung v. Phear’s book über Ceylon. Dieser Bursch residirte 10 Jahre in Calcutta; lebte in Ceylon 1877–79. Das 3d  Paper (Evolution of the Indo-Aryan Social u. Land System) was read 1872 durch den Burschen vor der Bethune Society of Calcutta.

II) The Agricultural  Bei Phear, S. 171: Community
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Economy
in Ceylon.

 Arabische Nummerierung der Abschnitte von Marx. Phear hat die Abschnitte auch in diesem Teil römisch numeriert.
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1)
The Village Economy.

Island of Ceylon = a Pear; the circular portion of the Pear occupied by a mass of mountains rising manchmal to 7–8000 feet, bordered at its base with a margin of lower land which continues to the coast on all sides. (173)

The New North Central Province, constuted constituted on 6. Sept. 1873, for administrative purposes, covers the mid-island portion of the Northern plain … interminable jungle in a state of nature, dotted very sparsely with tiny specks of yellow-green cultivation mit some few pools of water or tanks … the surface nicht absolutely flat, sondern mit considerable undulation an einigen Stellen, an andern broken by low ridges or rounded bosses of gneiss. In der Regel die pools seem by origin nur accumulations of water in natural depressions of the ground as have no outlet sufficiently low to drain them … aber their depth u. size in most instances artificially increased durch an earthen bund or embankment, thrown across the lower side of the depression. In den drier seasons des Jahrs, as the water bulk shrinks back towards the bund, i.e. towards the deeper side, it withdraws from the greater portion of the tank space, so that the jungle is enabled to flourish there (as it also does on the embankment itself) eben so vigorously als überall sonst in the surrounding tracts. Daher schwer den tank zu sehn, selbst wenn man in seiner Nähe. Und when der tank voll, much of it closely resembles a circuit of flooded forest. (173–75)

Anuradhapura, the classic city of the Mahawansa, für 7–800 Jahre die metropolis der successiv regierenden dynasties ruling over the larger portion of Ceylon, dann für eben so lange Zeit left to decay, is sehr nah dem Mittelpunkt der neuen Provinz. Ihre nachträgl. Bevölkerung (1871 nur 16 to □ m., the inhabitants of the rural villages u. the modern bazar counted together) für sehr lange Periode, bis lately, preserved by the remoteness u. inaccessibility of its situation v. disturbing action of foreign influences of [any] kind, daher dort a »living specimen typical« sehr primitiver agricultural economy u. civilization. (175–6)

Die People are Singhalese u. class themselves mit den Kandyan or highlanders im Unterschied v. den low-country Singhalese  Bei Phear, S. 176: who border the coast on either side
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who border on the coast of either side
; sehr verschieden von den comparatively slight-limbed, black-complexioned Tamils, who constitute the population of the Northern portion des Island. (176, 77) Die Singhalese language belongs to the |147 Aryan group, apparently sprung from a root closely allied to the Sanscritic prakrits of Northern India; aber die Singhalese people haben Aussehn das hindeutet auf intermixture of an Aryan mit some other, yellow[-]tinted, coarsely[-]built, ethnic element; sind broadshouldered broad-shouldered, deepchested deep-chested, muscular, with a pronounced calf to the leg, like all Mongolian peoples, unlike the Aryans of India; schlagendste peculiarity – excessive hairiness of both male and female. Dies findet sich nicht bei den best bekannten mongolischen Stämmen; aber die Ainos, a Turanian race on the extreme east of Asia, possess this extraordinary capillary development in noch höherem Grad. (177–78)

The Tamil inhabitants der Northern Province, sind ununterscheidbar von their brethern brethren of the mainland of India, with their slight build, black skin, thick lips, open nostrils, coarse hair; they belong unmistakably to the Dravidian race. (179)

 Bei Phear, S. 179: Naturally enough
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Exceptionally
, auf den Grenzmarken der Tamil u. Singhalese districts, to be found low caste villages, wo no pure type of either kind  Bei Phear, S. 179: preserved; but these are exceptional.
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preserved.
(l.c.)

Ausser der distribution der population des Districts by agricultural villages Fälle of petty u. often ephemeral bazars sprung up at convenient places along the highways – gradually as these have been opened out through the forest, perhaps never kept by the Kandyans, sondern nur durch low country Singhalese, Moormen, or Tamils. (l.c.)

Controlling element des village – the paddy tract or paddy field which is itself »a function of the supply of water«. (179, 180) Meist das field attached, or appended to, a tank u. ist oft strikingly tiny im Verhältniss zum size des entire tank; es wird irrigirt by the flow of water passing out from the tank through a masonry culvert  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Abzugskanal)
piercing the lowest part of the retaining bund u. öfter noch through a breach or cutting made in the bund itself u. die Lage (the lie) des Feldes so, dass the outflow of water can be made to flood the whole of it in a succession of flats, to the lowest and most remote from it; the line of soil surface from side to side being almost always horizontal throughout. Je nach dem local Character des ground hat das field more or less irregular shape, with its longer extention stretching away from the tank bund. Sonst ist es a simple clearing in that universal jungle prevailing on all sides, selbst bedeckend the actual bund of the tank, and very much of the tank bottom itself. (180[, 181])

Jedem Feld entspricht a gama or village, i.e. group of homesteads wo die cultivators live; selten hat a village mehr als ein field; die Gruppe steht im Jungle neben dem field, obscured by trees, and next the bund; exhibits gewöhnlich no order of arrangement. Die einzelne homestead, wenn ihr owner well to do, a low, thatched, mud-wattled hut, of perhaps 2 unlighted rooms opening upon the diminutive veranda, deren floor die earth platform der hut, u. deren roof its projecting eaves; in front dieser hut small, mud-plastered attawas, or roofed cylinders of wicker-work, raised upon supports for storage of grain. (ist equivalent der golas of Bengal) Auf einer Seite steht ausserdem a large open shed, with its little loft for cattle (if the cottier has any), implements, curry grinder, rice pounder (the dhenki of Bengal), etc. Under the back eaves of hut auch a place for ploughs, the surface-smoother, harrows etc. Abutting upon the little homestead’s curtillage curtilage, or partially enclosing it, – a garden or loosely cultivated plot for fruit trees, condiments, curry vegetables (sāg of Bengal) etc; the whole meist ill kept and neglected; die different homesteads der village group von einander getrennt durch irregular, ill[-]defined, muddy tracks. (181, 182)

An Spitze a territorial head, wird in diesen modern days  Bei Phear, S. 182: though the term does not seem to be in all respects accurate
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(fälschlich!)
»proprietor des village« genannt; er Nachfolger des primitive chieftain; er mag jetzt die Krone  Zusatz von Marx.
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(engl.)
sein, or a religious foundation, or a private Singhalese gentleman. (182)

Das village field, or paddy tract, divided into portions by parallel balks drawn across it from side to side at right angles to the line of water-flow; each such portion hereditary share of some one person or family resident in or belonging to the village. The principal portion or share – genannt Mottettuwa (Ziraat in Bengal) gehört dem head des village; alle andern shareholders hat haben  Bei Phear, S. 183: to the head
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dem Burschen
to make some contribution of produce in kind, or to render him some defined and specific service, domestic or agricultural. Dies distinction of tenure – produce in kind oder aber service – entspricht genau den raiotti (Ryots) u. lakhiraj conditions |148 of holding in Bengal. Nur der Unterschied: In Bengal die raiotti holding (holding by contributing of share of produce) is the prevalent form u. lakhiraj holding die exception; in Ceylon the holding by rendering of service nilakariya is (or rather was) all but universal, and the other the exception.  Kommentar von Marx.
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Dies beweist, dass Ceylon form die primitivere; denn der Dorfälteste or villagechief war kein landlord, hatte keine »rent« zu beziehn, wurde abgefunden durch »services«⦘
In Bengal the service or of the lakhiraj holding stets free u. honourable, such as that of the priest, doctor, watchman etc; in Ceylon that of the nilakariya is usually menial. (183, 84)

Meist a plurality of villages have a common head, u. früher the household establishment of a wealthy native chieftain kept up by turns of menial service discharged by villagers, drafted from the many villages in due order upon the footing of their land tenure obligation. Jetzt the service tenure has so to say become freehold  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
.  But where a Buddhist Vihara, or temple, is the head or proprietor of the village, as happens frequently in the North Central Province, the personal service which in this instance takes special forms, such as
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Wo a Buddhist Vihara, or temple, was oft in der North Central Province, der personal service der hier special forms bekleidet, as:
maintaining illuminations, thatching or doing other repairs to the pansala (the Buddhist’s priest Buddhist priest’s residence) etc, noch in vollem Gange. (184, 85)

Die administrative organization, zur Perception der services für das head of the village, bestand aus 1 or 2 officials, the Gamerale (the village man), the Lekham (writer or accountant) etc. Some of the more wealthy of the shareholders in the village field, probably by reason of being by family origin of the same blood with the chieftain, hold their share by the service of filling hereditarily one of these offices, or of yielding hospitality to the head of the village, when he comes, or to any other visitors whom the village receives. (185–86)

Einige dieser services bestehn in doing smiths’, carpenters’, dhobis’ work or even that of the doctor (Vederale). Im village selbst diese persons paid in their turn by their fellow villagers for their professional or artisan’s functions, either by labour done for them in the tilling of their shares of the village field, or by a quota of the paddy on the payer’s threshing[-]floor, measured out and delivered when the harvest completed. Other service consists in supplying the village head mit oil, betel-nuts, honey from the jungle, game etc. (186)

Viel wichtiger the combined action on the part of the villagers for their joint benefit, necessitated by the exigencies of cultivation under the primitive conditions obtaining in the North Central Province, and indeed allgemein in Ceylon, z. B. fencing the village field every season against the wild animals of the jungle which surrounds it; kein einzelner shareholder könnte unaided execute the whole work; u. wenn ein Riss (Mangel, flaw) in it irgendwo so ist every shareholder’s plot open to invasion; jeder shareholder so direct interessirt in this work, has to bear his portion of it in proportion to his share in the field. Ebenso wenn a breach im bund  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Damm)
to be filled up, or some repair to be done to it, dies done by all the shareholders jointly furnishing out of their families or dependents, each in due proportion, a continual supply of labour in successive relays until the work is done. (187)

Obgleich jeder shareholder in the village paddy field, hat erbliches Recht in his plot u. right of cultivating it exclusively, dennoch  Bei Phear, S. 188: the primitive method of cultivation
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the mode of cultivation
which is generally pursued connects him … in almost every step of his tilling with his neighbours, above and below, either in a dominant or a serviant character. Der Process der Zubereitung u. clearing the soil for the seed sowing or planting, of killing the weeds and keeping them down, and of promoting the growth of the paddy plant, is from beginning to end in a large degree effected by the aid of successive submersions of the plot, which have to be varied as regards the depth of water according to the process and the stage of it. Commonly 3 prolonged submersions in the course of tilling, and 7 shorter ones during the growth of the plant. Da die submergence of a relatively lower plot generally means the submergence of the plots above it, while the paddy plant cannot be depended upon to grow equally fast in all the plots, hence, damit kein risk of one shareholder’s operations destroying the young plants of his neighbours, usual rule dass the shareholder of at the lower end of the field should commence the operations of the tilling season in his plot before any one else, and so get a safe start of the man next above him. Selbe order followed by all the others in succession. (188–89)

Wenn in einem Jahr, von Mangel an Wasserzufuhr od. sonst welchem Grund T nur ein Theil des village paddy field can be effectively cultivated, wird that limited portion taken as the whole u. is divided unter den village shareholders as the original entirety was. Die Entscheidung darüber genommen durch die shareholders as a body. Dies jetzt nicht überall known in practice, aber ist oft vorgesehn in the newly framed Gansabawa rules, at the instance of the villagers themselves, to indicate that it was a deeply rooted ancient custom. (189)|

149

Ganz unabhängig v. den relations zum head of the village, daher in each village of the North Central Province (u. in fact prevailing universally) Beamte, the  vel vidahne u. others chosen by the shareholders to control and carry out the system of fencing, ploughing, sowing, shifting of allotment, when necessary etc or generally the internal agricultural economy des village. (190)

Die Reis production der irrigated fields nicht genügend to form even the principal portion of the shareholder’s support in der Mehrzahl der villages dieser Provinz. Der ordinary staple of life the dry grain, koraccan korakkan , grown upon the upland, i.e. on merely unwatered ground, or ground which the flow of the water cannot be made to reach. A piece of the forest which surrounds the village and the village paddy field, is felled and burnt, and a crop of karaccan korakkan is raised thereupon for a couple of consecutive years at most, when the clearing is allowed to relapse into jungle again; and this process is not repeated on the same spot for another 10 years at least. (190–91) This process of chena clearing is often done in the North Central Province by the joint action of the village shareholders, under the management of their own officers; and sometimes the whole course of cultivation which follows is also joint, with a partition only of the produce. Manchmal aber auch, nachdem the clearing effected, the land is divided u. allotted previously to the cultivation; dies immer in case of the plots required for the growth of each household’s vegetables or curry stuff. (191)  Zusatz von Marx.
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(cabbage garden)
– In den Maritime Provinces scheint dies System of joint clearing unbekannt; jeder who has chena land scheint to own it absolutely, cultivates u. clears it himself at long intervals, or gets this done for him on some terms of anda letting. (191–92)

In einigen wenigen instances, it is said, forest u. chena ground recognized as appurtenant to the village in dem Sinn: die shareholders des village paddy field können ohne Erlaubniss of head of village od. Government clear and cultivate in oben beschriebner Art any portion on the foundation of, and in proportion to their village holdings. Generally the Crown  Zusatz von Marx.
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(John Bull)
asserts a paramount claim to all jungle u. waste land wherever situated, which has not been before appropriated to actual use; no tree  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
can be felled or chena cultivated thereon ausser mit gvt license. (192)

Das actual work of tilling meist verrichtet durch jeden villager by the hands of his family; paddy cultivating speciell so respectable, fast of sacred character, dass women unwürdig daran Theil zu nehmen, u. dürfen sich nicht zeigen on the threshing floor, namentlich wenn der so called hill paddy, or more highly valued sort of rice grain, is being threshed. (192–93)

Wenn der shareholder ist Weibsperson ohne Kinder, oder er anderweitig beschäftigt, od. gut genug dran to be able to abstain from manual labour, dann common arrangement dass his share cultivated for him by another person upon the terms of this latter, die dann renders dem shareowner a specified share of produce; dies benamst  a letting in ande, i.e. half share; meist, vielleicht fast immer, the agreed upon share = ½ the produce both in straw and paddy ; der cultivator muss ausserdem give a share to the responsible servant usually sent by the shareowner to remain on the ground and look after his interests from the day of reaping to the day of partition, and having moreover to feed this man during the interval. (193–94)

Fast alle vicarious cultivation assumes this shape; not known: letting the land for a money rent; existirt ditto no class of agricultural labourers, working on the land of another for money hire. In fact, in dem rein agricultural village of Ceylon – practically no money in use. Vielleicht Mehrzahl der villagers haben nicht paddy enough to last them for food till next season of harvest or for seed, oder haben no plough or no oxen. Diese erhalten sie when and as they are required, vom  Capitalist des village, on the terms of setting apart for him on the threshing floor a certain stipulated quantity or share of the produce in return for each item of loan. Ebenso remunerated the services des Vederale, village blacksmith u. other artisans. Selbes mag manchmal vorkommen auch in the matter of land labour, aber general custom for neighbouring shareholders to mutually assist one another in this particular when needed. (194–95) Der head of the village mit Bezug auf his muttettuwa has this cultivated umsonst under Aufsicht of the officers by the turns of tillage service due to him from those of the villagers whose tenures involve the service; cultivirt er in this way, so gehört ihm das ganze Product des harvest. Aber auch er zieht |150 oft vor to dispense with these services u. to let out the muttettuwa land in ande (ande on terms of receiving a specified, originally half, share of the produce[)]. (195) Die gegebne Schilderung genommen v. North Central u. Kandyan provinces. (196)

Erst errichtet sich a regal  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
hierarchy on the basis of the village; aber die sovereign power  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
, when once constituted, wird in course of time the instrument for generating u. developing ganz neue conditions u. notions  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
of property in land. (l.c.)

2) Land Tenure and State Economy.

 Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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to Adigars, Dessaves etc u. andern chieftains by the kings conferred – nicht tracts of land (zum Lohn für military u. civil services), sondern grants of dominion over populations.
Der grantee erhielt the chieftains chieftain’s customary rights over the villages u. unappropriated lands; daher Nindegama (village unter private ownership) as opposed to the royal or Gabada-gama. (197, 198) Sub-infeudation nicht in Ceylon to any considerable extent. (198) ⦗Even the Bengal subtenures did not attain their extraordinary modern development until after the Permanent Settlement had given the Zamindars an absolute right of property in all the land of their Zemindaries, – a right without parallel in Ceylon.⦘ (199) Einige grants – royal or durch private seignior – became cultivating settlements, having the grantee (nicht the grantor) at their head; der grantor had no connection mit der new community ausser the link of service which bound the grantee to him u. which often in course of time wore out, became unforceable unenforceable. Others perhaps were from the beginning exclusive u. free of continuing obligation. (199, 200)

 Bei Phear, S. 200: To these several origins may be referred with some degree of probability
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Daher will Phear ableiten
die sehr zahlreichen cases of cultivators u. even of non-cultivating proprietors, who own lands by a right of an absolute u. independent character, to be found in all parts of the country, speciell in the maritime provinces, obgleich hier the Dutch dominant authority probably effected the larger part of the change which has taken place in modern times. (200)

So now coming into existence an agricultural labourers’ class ; denn wealthy native gentlemen, die Geld auf andrem Weg als Agricultur gewonnen, found themselves able to obtain the labour of the poorer village proprietors for daily money wages, u. so to „farm“ their lands extensiv im English Sinn des term. (200, 201)

Joint family system ebenso conspicuous in Ceylon als in Bengal, doch im erstern selten of so large dimensions; besonders charakteristisch [für] das Ceylon joint-family system: 2 or  Bei Phear, S. 201: possibly
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probably
more brothers living together under one roof will have one wife between them
; practice discouraged by English legislation, aber keineswegs extinct; still enters as a curious factor in the law of inheritance, which has to be administrated by the civil courts. (201)

Enjoyment der property der joint-family managed by agreement, express or implied, aller adult joint sharers in the family property, who often separate themselves into smaller groups each taking its own plot of land; jeder dissentient sharer can claim to have his share divided off for him. ([201,] 202) In Fällen von cocoa-nut or areca[-]nut plantations, of jak trees u. selbst of paddy fields, usual that every gathering of the crop should be made in the presence of all the sharers, and the produce then and there divided according to the shares. In  such cases verrichten all the sharers together the necessary work incidental to the cultivation or the keeping up of the plantation and constitute in fact a cooperative society. Eine andre Praxis ist dass die sharers let out the land or plantation in anda, entweder to an outsider, or to one or more of themselves. Dann alle sharers to be present at the division of the produce, which is effected in 2 steps, first division into moieties und dann a division of one moiety among the sharers. (202, 203)

Manchmal the enjoyment of the property by tatta maru succession;   Bei Phear, S. 203: The subject is supposed to be divided into as many equal parts as will just admit of the proportionate share of each coparcener being represented by an integral number of these parts; and then instead of an actual division being made acccordingly
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erst getheilt (ideell), u. every sharer obtaining his proper number of parts, dann
takes the entirety for the same number of seasons as he is entitled to parts, giving it up at the end of such period of time to the sharer who stands next in the rota etc. z. B. A, B, C jointly entitled to a paddy field in undivided shares proportionate to 2, 3, and 4, i.e. to 2 9 , 1 3 , 4 9 share of the whole respectively, then A would take the whole field for 2 years, B for 3, u. schliesslich C for 4, u. then the set of turns repeated in the same order, for successive periods of 9 years, until some sharer [should] insist upon having an actual partition of the field. (203, 204)

Aehnliche Sorte of Reihenfolge adoptirt in einigen villages an der Küste zum enjoyment by the villagers of the |151 fishing grounds belonging to the village: diese are divided into localities; u. die recognized boats of the village fish these localities by turns which are settled by gansabawa arrangement. Jedes dieser boats mit its nets is a valuable property, belonging to many co-sharers jointly, who are commonly members of one family, and have become entitled to their shares by inheritance … On a day’s fishing the produce is drawn ashore, divided in a sufficient number of lots, each estimated to be worth the same assigned value, u. diese lots then so distributed, dass:

1/50 to the owner of the land on which the fish are brought ashore; ¼ to those engaged in the labour; ⅕ for the assistance of extra nets etc, rendered by third parties in the process of landing and securing the fish, which together: = 2 + 25 + 20 = 47 100 ; die remaining 53 100 go to the owners of the boat and net according to their share shares therein. (204, 205)

panguwa = share of the village paddy field, das dem Singhalese nilacaraya nilakaraya zukommt. (206)

the cultivation in ande bei den Singhalese ist precise counterpart der batai cultivation der Bengalese. The deputing of the right to cultivate the soil, as distinguished from the letting out land as a commodity in beiden agricultiral systems. The usufructuary mortage, flowing from this conception, is the prevailing form of dealing mit the panguwa u. the jot respectively, as commodities. (207, 208)

In Ceylon wie in Bengal double set of village officers, one ernöthigt durch relation der members der little village republic to each other, andre durch relation »with their  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
lord«; der gamerale, lekhama, kankaname entsprechen dem bengal. naib, patwari, gomashta; andrerseits der vel vidane equivalent dem mandal. (208) (3d Ceylon u. Bengal p. 206–213) batai-agreement batai agreement (Bengal), under which the tilling is done by a person not the owner – in consideration of a definite share of the produce being yielded to the owner. (237)

4) The Grain Tax.

Obligation des cultivator to pay to the Crown a tithe or share of his paddy crop if he has any, u. in some parts der country, also of his other grain crops. (214)

In vielen instances villages were kept in hand by the Crown (held khas as it is phrased in India) for the especial support of the central establishments: the muttetuwa darin was service-tilled, or let out in ande, under the direction of royal servants; the produce thus accruing was deposited in kind in royal storehouses (gabedawa), arsenals (awudege), or treasuries (arramudale) according to its sort, u. die personal services due were rendered at the palace or elsewhere, to meet some immediate royal requirement. Die Crown villages or lands were known under various designations: as ratninda or ande, original Crown lands; nillapalla, those which had fallen into the Crown from failure of the office to which they were attached; mallapalla, those reverted to the Crown from death of the Grantee. (216, 17)

 Bei Phear, S. 217: The whole period throughout which the Portuguese exercised any authority in the island
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Unter Portugiesischer Herrschaft
several native powers at times maintained a separate simultaneous existence in the different provinces; but little continuity of general municipal administration of any kind. Village system still in activity, even, im Theil des Landes most affected by foreign influence u. other disturbing forces, in the low part of the country near the coast; durch die services u. contributions derivable from this source, first the native powers of the low country u. nach ihnen the Portuguese, recruited their military forces u. obtained the means of gvt. The Portuguese, when become supreme over the southern maritime circuit of the island, took up the position der native kings, whom they superseded, and adopted their fiscal and administrative machinery as it stood. (217, 218)

Die Holländer, having turned out the Portuguese, ditto in power über die maritime provinces, displaced all the native local heads u. officials; ihr Gvt übernahm the direct collection and benefit der various dues, cesses u. services, fastened upon the holder of the land to whomsoever they had been rendered. (218, 219)

Engländer, in their turn, assuming the gvt der maritime provinces, folgten zuerst dem Vorgang der Dutch, brauchten die services derer, die land on tenure of service hatten (u. on that account duty free), nahmen auch an den storehouses etc the seignior’s share of produce in kind, von den Mallapalla, Nillapalla, Ratninda, or Ande lands u. nahmen endlich |152 such benefits as were derivable from holders of land on other u. uncertain tenures, inclus. the payment of quotas of produce, u. of measures of paddy. (219)

Diese letzte sort of dues converted durch Royal Proclamation of 3 May, 1800, in tax of ⅒ des Produce, scheint sich zu beziehn auf das residue of lands nach Abzug der Government lands u. der lands held on tenure of service to Government. Offenbar waren private seignior und the vihara headship schon verschwunden vor den Dutch. (219, 220)

3 September 1801 durch Proclamation die obligation to service on tenure of land in den maritime provinces abgeschafft (ab von 1 Mai 1802)  Bei Phear, S. 220: and land held duty free on account of that service was subjected
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u. solches Land unterworfen
 to payment to Gvt of ⅒ des produce if high land, ⅕ of produce if low land. Zugleich the payment of ¼ of the produce für Mallapalla, Nillapalla, Ratninda or Ande lands reserved. (220)

Obgleich so die obligation to service divorced from land, ward dem Governer Governor the power reserved to exact it by special order von persons aller castes u. conditions for adequate pay to be given therefore. Die exigencies of the Kandyan war  Bei Phear, S. 221: led to a renewal of the
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gaben dem Gvt dann den Vorwand to renew a
general claim to the services of the people, nicht mit Bezug auf Grundbesitz, sondern of custom and caste, payment to be made at rates fixed by Gvt; 1809 wurde Wegbau zu gratuitous service gemacht, lying on the inhabitants des districts through which they passed. ([220,] 221) Diese enactments applied nur to the maritime provinces acquired von den Dutch. 1815 erhielten die Britishers durch conquest u. treaty auch das government of the Central or Kandyan Province, bis dahin solely under the adminisration der native powers. 1818, durch Proclamation von 21 November, alle duties bis dahin payable in royal storehouse, treasury, or arsenal u. alle andern duties u. taxes abgeschafft, ersetzt durch tax of ⅒ of the produce on paddy lands, reduced to 1/14 in certain specified Korles. (221, 222) Zugleich die services due in respect of service tenure lands (auf welche grade die neue Tax fiel) retained, obgleich stipulated that the services generally should be paid for at an established rate; aber repair u. making of roads, wie in den maritime provinces, gratuitous service gemacht. (222) Durch Proclamation v. 21 Nov. 1818 auch die liability of certain inhabitants of temple lands to perform service to gvt also retained. (l.c.)

Auf Report v. 24 December 1831 des Lt. Colonel Colebrooke , (nämlich dieser u. Mr. Cameron waren commissioned worden die Administration von Ceylon to inquire into) an Order of Council d.d. 12 April 1832 erklärte, dass Niemand of His Majesty’s native or Indian subjects im island liable to render any service in Bezug auf ihre land tenure, oder wegen ihrer Caste od. sonstwie, zu welchem die subjects of European birth were not liable. Aber auch diese Proklamation enthielt the reservation of services to the crown of holders of land in royal villages in the Kandyan province u. dasselbe for vihara u. private owners in the same province. (l.c. 222, 223)

According to Ribeyro, Knox u. Valentyn in the Portuguese u. earlier times there was almost no money in the country. All trade which was not a Crown monopoly was effected by barter Paddy was the commodity which commonly filled the place of coin. Die meisten presents which accompanied all service, took the form of paddy, and nearly all obligations by the way of remuneration or duty were discharged by a measure of grain drawn from the contents of the threshing floor at harvest. (225)

 Bei Phear, S. 227, Fn. 1: For the following information I am indebted to the learned Suriyagoda Unanse, Librarian of the Malagava, Kandy.
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Von dem librarian of the Malagava, Kandy, dem »learned« Suriyagoda Unanse erhielt der Bursch Phear folgende bemerkenswerthe Notiz
:

Die frühste Erwähnung irgendeiner tax or contribution des Volks für support of a royal person to be found in the historical books of Ceylon, occurs in the Aggauna Satta Sutta (a sermon by Buddha himself) in Diga Digha Nitraya, u. in the commentary thereon called Sumangali Sumangala Vilasani by the learned Buddhist divine Buddhagosha . Der passage des sermon lautet: „We shall give a portion of our paddy.“ Dazu commentirt Buddhagosha: „We shall give you at the rate of ammunan of paddy from each field of ours. ⦗Das word „Sali“ im Original is literally a particular kind of rice, soll aber hier stand for all grain produce⦘ You need not follow any trade. But be you our chief.“ (227, 228) Weiter keine tax or obligation an governing power erwähnt;  Bei Phear, S. 228: The growth of the system of services, which in modern times very largely dis-placed it, must have taken place subsequently.
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nichts von Diensten; diese, meint Phear, späteren Ursprungs;
u. the paddy cesses ultimately often again superimposed upon the services, came in later still, with an increase in the central power of exaction. (227, 228) Das Singhalese word „otu“, wodurch die Gvt tax or claim meistens benamst, heisst „one“, also equivalent only to one portion or one share ohne indication |153 irgendeiner Proportion der share zum Ganzen. (228, 229)

Also das ⅒ im English impost scheint founded upon the practice of the Dutch in granting out Crown lands. Die grain tax folglich nicht älter als the century; in a certain sense return to the earliest u. most widely prevalent form of national revenue developed from the basis of the village organization, aber charakteristisch dass die Ceylon Aryans from the same basis produced the service system in its stead. (229)

III) Evolution of the Indo-Aryan Social and Landed Land System.

At the present time every settlement report sent in to the Government (in India) will be found to furnish instances, and to describe the circumstances of newly created agricultural communities. (234.  Kommentar von Marx.
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Phaer Phear hätte besser gethan statt seines hypothetischen Kohls description solcher instances zu geben!
)

 Bemerkung von Marx.
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Dieser respectable Esel bildet sich ein, dass
»there grew up to be, even from the commencement, a gradation of respectability and employment within the village itself Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
 Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Phear, S. 235–237.
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(Der asinus lässt auch auch alles durch private families gründen)
(p. 238)

The proprietary conception went no farther than this namely, that the particular plot of land which the family or the individual claimed was the part of the village land, which he or it was entitled to cultivate, or to have cultivated for his own benefit. The business of allotment (so long as the practice of allotting remained), the order of cultivation, the maintenance of the water supply, the keeping up of fences, and all other affairs of common interest to the little community, were managed by the heads of families, entitled to their share of the village lands, in the panchayat assembled. ([240,] 241)

Each little colony or abad. (242) nij or private lands. (243)

Kshatria caste nur mentioned in Brahmanical pages, and it certainly has no reality now. (See Growse’s „Mathura“ .) (p. 246) Ebenso the existence of the Vaisya (Kaufmann’s) Kaste nur evidenced by Brahmanical writers. (248) The great bulk of the descendants of the original settlers (speaking of villages in the mass) less careful of purity of blood, or of preserving any mark of descent from the immigrant race … mit ihnen gradually intermixed people of all kinds, aborigines, run-aways from other abads for cause of pauperism, feud, or otherwise, some of whom came to be even allowed a portion of the village lands. (248, 249) Probably the Brahman, Kshatria, Vaisya u. Sudra der Brahmanical codes blos Utopian class distinctions of a prehistoric More. (250)

In allem there is at most conceived only the right to cultivate land, and a deputing of that right to another in consideration of a share in the product. (255) Selbst in seinem private land or nij der chief had only the right to cultivate by himself, or to get somebody else to do it on condition of dividing the produce. (256) The share of produce which the Chief could take from the cultivators was not regulated by his own pleasure, or by the making of a bargain, but by custom, or practice, in regard to which the village panchayat was the supreme authority, and the chief had no power to turn the cultivator out of possession. (257) Die Verwandlung dieser quotas of produce into money payments, or their equivalent (an event which has not happened universally even yet) machte sie nicht zu rent paid for occupation and use of land as an article belonging to and at the disposal of the person paid, but were dues payable to a superior ruling authority … Der Chief, though zamindar of all the land within the Zamindary, was at most landlord (u. das nur als one merely having the right to dispose of the occupation and tilling of the soil) of his nij lands, and in some instances probably of the wastes. Seine machinery was sein kachahri, the centre of local authority, side by side womit the panchayat, i.e. the old abad self-government. (257, 258)

In  Mānava-dharmaśāstra oder Manu-smriti bzw. Manu-smṛti (Gesetzbuch des Manu), ein indischer Text aus der Zeit zwischen dem 2. Jahrhundert v. Chr. und dem 2. Jahrhundert n. Chr., der die Darlegungen des mythischen Stammvaters der Menschen Manu (manchmal Menu transkribiert) über den Dharma enthält, d.h. über das für den Herrscher, die vier Klassen (Varṇas), die vier Lebensphasen (Āśramas), Männer und Frauen angemessene Verhalten. Die Manu-smriti wurde erstmals von William Jones aus dem Sanskrit ins Englische übersetzt: Institutes of Hindu law; or the ordinances of Menu, according to the gloss of Cullúca, comprising the Indian system of duties religious and civil: verbally transl. from the original Sanscrit [by William Jones]. Calcutta 1794. 1833 publizierte Auguste Loiseleur-Deslongchamps eine Übersetzung ins Französische: Mânava-Dharma-Sâstra. Lois de Manou, comprenant les institutions religieuses et civiles des Indiens; trad. du sanscrit et accompagnées de notes explicatives, par A[uguste] Loiseleur Deslongchamps. Paris 1833.
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Manu’s „Institutions“
nowhere a mention of land as a subject of property in the modern English sense. Private ownership of cultivated plots is recognized, ist aber simply the ownership of the cultivator; the land itself belongs to the village; no trace of rent; owner is only another name for cultivator. Er ist under obligation to cultivate lest the Rajah’s or lord’s dues in kind be shortcoming, aber er might cultivate by servants, or arrange with some one else to cultivate on a division of crops. (i.e. |154 the batai system, a form of metayer) In another place of Manu, every one enjoined to keep a supply of grain sufficient for his household for 3 years … almost everybody so supposed to be an actual cultivator… The practice of batai … did not in fact lead to the letting of land: u. rent in any form unknown to Manu. (258, 259)

Selling of land, or even of the use of land, nirgendswo directly alluded to … Appropriating a field, giving a field u. seizing a field erscheinen alle bei Manu , aber nicht buying or selling a field. (259, 260)

Etwas später, nach the  Ein Ende des 11./Anfang des 12. Jahrhunderts enstandener Kommentar zu den Yajnavalkya Smriti, der in großen Teilen Indiens als autoritative Quelle des hinduistischen Erb- und Eigentumsrechts galt.
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Mitakshara
, separated kinsmen had acquired uncontrolled power of disposing of their respective shares of the family allotment; dies was a mere transfer of a personal cultivating right, incidental to personal status in the village community, and subject to an obligation to render to the lord his share of the produce. Daher the transaction to be accompanied by specified public formalities; and an out-and-out sale discountenanced except for necessity. Ausserdem, when the transfer not absolute, but conditional by way of security for the repayment of a debt, it always took the form of what is now called a usufructuary mortgage. (260, 261) the usufruct of land by actual tillage on the footing of a right of partnership in the village cultivating community, and not the land itself, constituted the object worauf sich das word »ownership« in den Hindu law writers bezieht. (261)

 Bei Phear, S. 261: The same story is brought down to the modern times by
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Dies auch bestätigt durch
copper-plates of title, old sanads u. ähnliche evidence; sie disclose the pretty frequent grant or assignment of the right to make collections u. other zamindari rights proceeding from a superior lord, or the gift of a plot from the waste, or out of the zamindar’s ziraat, to a Brahman or other person; . But no instance of private transfer by purchase and sale of actual land, or even of the lease of land for a term of years in consideration of a rent. (261, 262) Das Sanchi tablet, wovon a translation given in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal v. VI, p. 456, bezieht sich nicht auf purchase u. sale of land as between private owners; sondern an enfranchisement of some sort (such as redemption of liability to pay revenue to the lord) with the view to the land becoming debattar. (262, note 1)

Mr. La Touche’s „Settlement Report of Ajmere u. Mhairwarra“ recently published,  Bei Phear, S. 263: notwithstanding that Mr. La Touche very often uses language which broadly declares the State’s right of ownership in all lands constituting the territory of the State. Mr. La Touche, I admit, appears to employ these words “right of ownership” in their widest English meaning; but I do not think that his facts require anything nearly so large. In his first passage on the “Tenures” of Ajmere, he says: “The soil is broadly divided into two classes – khalsa, or the private domain of the Crown, and land held in estates, or baronies, by feudal Chiefs originally under an obligation of military service,” and I cannot help thinking that he has been misled by an analogy which his phraseology borrowed from feudal Europe suggests, and which, to say the best of it, is only imperfect.
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obgleich La Touche nach Phear die facts verfälscht durch phraseology borrowed from feudal Europe.
([262,] 263) Die Sache kömmt darauf heraus: Certain members of the village community enjoy the permanently cultivated or improved lands of the village by some recognized hereditary or customary right of cultivation, sometimes termed ownership u. sometimes proprietorship; zahlen sie the customary share of the produce to the person entitled to receive it, so they consider themselves entitled to continue undisturbed in the occupation and cultivation of their land, or even to transfer it to another; no such thing as the letting of land on terms of profit; private sales of land practically unknown u. the sale of land by the Civil Court (an English innovation) has been prohibited because so opposed to ancient custom as to be incapable of being carried into effect; mortgages are almost all of an usufructuary kind, and in Mhairwarra a kind of metayer system established between the mortgager and the mortgagee: the State – the representative of the former superior Chief – collects the revenue (the modern equivalent to the old customary share of the produce) from the cultivators by certain agency machinery etc, ausser over lands, wo the Chief’s rights to collect dues, and of other kind, were assigned by him to minor Chiefs, – istamrardars or jaghirdars – on conditions of military service, or for other consideration; unter den rights so exercised by the State u. its assignees, was the right to dispose of waste land; obgleich within the State area of collection the revenue is settled in the form of a money payment, in all jaghir estates the revenue is collected by an estimate of the produce, and money assessments are unknown. (p. 263–265) u. sagt La Touche selbst: „the land tenures are, as might be expected, entirely analogous to those prevailing in the adjacent Native States“. (p. 266)|

155

In Europe, im Unterschied vom East, in place of the produce tribute was substituted a dominion over the soil – the cultivators being turned out of their land u. reduced to the condition of serfs or labourers. (366, 367 266, 267)

In the East, under the village system, the people practically governed themselves, and the contest for power among the Chiefs of the noble class was mainly a struggle for command of the kachahri tabils. (271)



Aus:
Rudolph Sohm: Fränkisches Recht und römisches Recht. Prolegomena zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte. Weimar 1880.
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert

Rudolph Sohm (Prof. in Strassburg). „Fränkisches Recht u. Römisches Recht. Prolegomena zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte.“ Weimar 1880.

[»]Eine Ausnahmestellung  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Sohm, S. 3–19.
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⦗v. d. Sieg des fränkischen, speciell salisch-fränkischen, i.e. nordfranzösischen Rechts über alle andren deutschen Stammrechte⦘
nimmt nur das römische Recht … u. das langobardische Recht ein.« (p. 19)

 Weder haben unsere Vorgänger irgendeine Verordnung erlassen, die über jenem Recht (dem römischen) oder im Gegensatz dazu gestanden hätte, noch erlassen wir eine.
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Karl der Kahle im Edict. Pistense a. 864, c. 20: »super illam legem (Romanam) vel contra ipsam legem nec antecessores nostri quodcumque capitulum statuerunt, nec nos aliquid constituimus.«
p. 20, n. 20.

Ueberhaupt darf nicht übersehen werden, dass das Privateigenthum an Grund u. Boden verhältnismässig jung ist und ein Grundbesitzverkehr erst seit der Reichsgründung, d.h. seit der Berührung mit römischem Recht u. römischer Schrift eine Rolle spielt. (p. 32, n. 42)

Zu erinnern »dass in den Städten das kleine  Siehe Sohm, S. 48: Wir müssen unsern Ausgangspunkt von den Rechtsverhältnissen des dritten Standes im Mittelalter, von den Verhältnissen der gemeinfreien kleinen Grundeigenthümer nehmen.
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⦗gemeinfreie⦘
Grundeigenthum in weitaus den meisten Fällen aus ursprünglich hintersässigen Verhältnissen hervorging. (Cf. Arnold: „Zur Geschichte des Eigenthums in den deutschen Städten“. (Basel 1861) , auch E. Rosenthal : „Zur Geschichte des Eigenthums in der Stadt Würzburg (Würzburg, 1878)) Aus der Häuserleihe entstand das mit dem Grund- oder Wortzins belastete „pfleghafte“ Eigenthum des Bürgers an seinem Hause. Die Verwandlung des Leiherechts in Hauseigenthum war eine unmerkliche, dem Bewusstsein der Zeitgenossen sich entziehende«, daher »blieben für das Eigenthum des Bürgers an seinem Hause die Ueberlieferungen des Leiherechts in Kraft«, so »dass nach wie vor die Veräusserung des Hauses nicht durch einfaches privates Rechtsgeschäft, sondern nur unter Mitwirkung der Obrigkeit, d.h. des früheren Grundherrn, erfolgen konnte. So entstand in den süddeutschen Bischofsstädten begegnende Auflassung im Gericht des bischöflichen Officials, welcher mit der geistlichen auch die grundherrliche Gerichtsbarkeit des Bischofs ausübte. In gleicher Weise zu erklären die in norddeutschen Städten häufige obligatorische Auflassung vor dem Rath (mit Eintragung in das Stadtbuch): der Rath ist als Nachfolger der Stadt- u. Grundherrschaft auch in ihre Rechte bezüglich der Auflassung, d.h. in ihre Consensrechte eingetreten.« ([48,] 49)

Für das Landrecht waren die Verhältnisse der bäuerlichen kleinen Grundeigenthümer entscheidend. Das kleine Eigen auf dem platten Lande ist im 13 Jhdt, wie der „Sachsenspiegel“ bezeugt, gleichfalls „pfleghaft“, zinsbar geworden. Die Lasten des öffentlichen Rechtes haben hier die „Pflege“ hervorgebracht; die Abgabe für den »Heerbann«, die »Gerichtsdienste u. Gerichtsabgaben«. ⦗Wie Rittersleute von der Heersteuer frei, weil sie die volle Wehrpflicht leisten, so Schöffen von den Gerichtssteuern, weil sie die volle Gerichtspflicht (zu allen Dingen zu kommen) erfüllen. n. 71. p. 50⦘ Die Erheblichkeit dieses Grafenschatzes  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗da der Graf der Richter⦘
daraus erkennbar, dass zum Erlass desselben seitens des Grafens Grafen Zustimmung seiner Erben erforderlich war, so wie aus der nicht unbeträchtlichen Summe, welche für Ablösung desselben gezahlt wurde. (p. 49, 50) Mittelalter ausser Stand auf die Dauer zwischen |156 Abgaben aus privatrechtlichem u. öffentlichrechtlichen Titeln zu unterscheiden, so lässt die Pflege das Verhältniss der pfleghaften Leute zu ihrem Grafen schon im 13t Jhdt als ein Analogon des Hintersassenverhältnisses erscheinen. Die Grafschaft wird gegenüber den Pfleghaften zur Vogtei. ⦗So was „ratione cometie“ zu zahlen ist, in Urkundenbuch der Stadt Halberstadt I, N. 140. (a. 1274) ⦗sieh n. 73. p. 50⦘ als „jugum advocatiae advocatie  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(Joch der Vogtei)
bezeichnet.⦘ Der Landrichter, (Graf) ist um seiner Abgabenrechte willen an der Erhaltung der Leistungsfähigkeit des kleinen Grundeigenthums interessirt. Darum ist in seinem Interesse die übermässige Parcellirung des pfleghaften Grundeigenthums verboten. Darum ist die Veräusserung des pfleghaften Grundeigens an seine Zustimmung geknüpft. Darum kann wie der Zinsmann nur durch die Hand seines Herrn, so der Pfleghafte nur durch die Hand des Richters veräussern … darum ist für das pfleghafte Eigen die landgerichtliche Auflassung obligatorisch. ([50,] 51) Weder die Hochfreien, noch, wie bisher angenommen die »Schöffenbarfreien«, sondern die geringen »pfleghaften Freien« im Mittelalter die Träger des Landrechts u. des Landgerichts. Ihr Gericht ist, und zwar grade in Sachen ihres Grundeigenthums, das echte Grafending unter Königsbann. ⦗Sie Sieh Otto v. Zallinger: „Ministeriales u. Milites“ Innsbruck 1878 Bei Sohm, S. 51: Aus ihren Rechtsverhältnissen.
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Aus ihren Rechten
das Landrecht des 13t Jhdts hervorgegangen. Die obligatorische gerichtliche Auflassung des Landrechts ist entstanden weil die Masse der freien Grundeigenthümer pfleghaft geworden ist … einer der Bausteine für die werdende Landeshoheit, einer der Vorgänge, durch welche die Grafschaft in Vogtei, der öffentliche Beamte in einen Herrn seiner freien Leute sich verwandelte. Die bis dahin freie Veräusserung des Grund u. Bodens ist aufgehoben u. dem Consensrecht eines Herrn auch die Veräusserung des Eigenthümers unterworfen. Die obligatorische Auflassung im Landgericht bedeutet die Minderung der gemeinen Freiheit u. des gemeinfreien Eigenthums, die Uebermacht der feudalen und hofrechtlichen Ideen im Mittelalter über das einst „echte“ Eigenthum. Die Ueberlieferungen des Hintersassenverhältnisses haben nunmehr auch den kleinen freien Grundbesitz ergriffen. (51, 52)

Es giebt im deutschen Mittelalter … nur ein einziges Recht: das fränkische Recht. Was wir sächsisches Recht des 13t Jhdts nennen, ist vielmehr der sächsische Dialekt des Frankenrechts, grade, wie das schwäbische u. bairische Recht derselben Periode gleichfalls nur andere Dialekte des gleichen fränkischen Rechts bedeuten. (63) Und zwar nicht etwa das ribuarische, d.h. das deutsch fränkische, sondern das salische, d.h. das westfränkische, modern ausgedrückt das französisch-fränkische Recht triumphirte über die deutschen Stammesrechte. (65) Deutschld ist im Mittelalter eine Provinz genau des gleichen Rechts, welches in den Coutumes von Nordfrankreich verzeichnet wird. Aus diesem Grunde vermag der Sachsenspiegel in den Coutumes der Normandie u. in den Gewohnheitsrechten von Paris einen Commentar zu finden u. umgekehrt. (65[, 66]) Die mittelalterliche Rechtsgeschichte ist die Geschichte der Reception des westfränkischen Rechts in Deutschland. (66)

Mit den Normannen zog nach England auch das normannische, d.h. das nordfranzösische Recht. ⦗Sieh: Brunner: Entstehung der Schwurgerichte. 1872 ⦘ Der Normannenkönige gesetzgeberische Erlasse bewegen sich zunächst ganz in den Bahnen des angelsächsischen Rechts; letzteres aber vernichtet nicht durch die »Gesetzgebung«, sondern durch die »Rechtsprechung« des normännischen Königsgerichts, wo die normännischen Traditionen übermächtig u., von dem Königsgericht ausgehend, waren es die reisenden Richter, die Sendboten des Königs, welche durch ihre Rechtsprechung die nämlichen Traditionen über das ganze Land verbreiteten. (68) Sehr bald concentrirte sich in den Gerichten der Gewaltboten des Königs, der reisenden Richter, die Hauptsumme aller Rechtspflege. Die ordentlichen Grafschaftsgerichte verschwanden so gut wie völlig u. das angelsächsiche |157 Recht fast unmerkbar aufgehoben. Nur in einigen Theilen des öffentlichen Rechts, bes. in der Stellung der hohen Aristokratie des Landes, der Stellung des vicecomes, des heutigen Sherif (scirgerêfa), auch in der Gemeindeverfassung sind Reste des angelsächsichen Rechts erhalten. Im übrigen Privatrecht, Processrecht, Strafrecht völlig normannisirt (i.e. gleichbedeutend mit Frankonisirung). Das fränkische Lehnwesen, Privatrecht, überhaupt das fränk. Rechtswesen nahm nunmehr auch von Britannien Besitz. (69) Das englische Recht stellt noch heute im Wesentlichen wenig modernisirtes altfranzösisches Recht dar. (l.c.)

Das römische Recht war nicht untergegangen mit dem röm. Reich; aber in den Provinzen der Germanenreiche, bes. des Frankenreichs, schnelle Degeneration des röm. Rechts. In Südfkch, in Churräthien, wo sich eine compacte römische Bevölkerung erhalten, erlitt das röm. Recht trotzdem starke Einbusse durch eindringende germanische, insbes. fränkische Rechtsideen. z. B. Lex Romana Curiensis zeigt die Barbarisirung des röm. Rechts.

In Fkch u. Süddeutschld war das röm. Recht dem deutschen nicht gewachsen; auch in Oberitalien ging’s unter u. blieb dem langobardischen gegenüber nur noch nominell erhalten. … Die südfranzös. Coutumes zeigen uns späterhin, wie das geschriebne Recht Südfkchs keineswegs reines römisches, sondern frankorömisches Recht. (70) Die Forterhaltung des röm. Rechts war keine andre als die der röm. Sprache. Wie aus dem Lateinischen durch Aufnahme germanischer Elemente das Provençalische, so ist das röm. Recht durch die gleiche Aufnahme barbarischer Rechtsgedanken zu provençalischem Recht geworden. In Süddeutschland u. Südfkch nicht mehr römisches, sondern nur noch romanisches Recht, das eine entfernte Verwandtschaft, mit dem alten Römerrecht hat, u. lediglich ein Provinzialrecht nebst neben andern Provinzialrechten war. (71)

In Italien erhielt sich neben der volksthümlichen eine gelehrte Ueberlieferung des röm. Rechts u. dadurch ein Zusammenhang mit der klassischen altröm. Literatur. Antike Bildung, wie auch speciell jüristische, ging hier niemals völlig unter. Eine Reihe von Rechtsschulen erhielt die Continuität mit dem Rechtsunterricht der einstigen röm. Kaiserzeit. Aber die gelehrte Literatur des röm. Rechts vom 6t bis ins 11te Jhd ausser Zusammenhang mit der Rechtsanwendung, die unaufhaltsam versank in eine von germanischem Geist getränkte Barbarei. Jene Literatur selbst beschränkt auf die Institutionen u. die Novellen, das »Pandektenrecht« ihr zu schwer. (71, 72)

Im 12t Jhdt: Wiedergeburt des röm. Rechts in Italien. Glossatoren (der »Pandekten«) von Bologna. (72)

Rechtsanwendung blieb aber im alten Geleise. Erst gegen Ende des 12t Jhdts beginnen die Wirkungen – sehr beschränkter Natur – der Schule v. Bologna in den Gerichtsurkunden sich zu zeigen.  Bei Sohm, S. 73, Fn. 106a: Grösser war der Einfluss, den die Glossatoren durch die Wiedererweckung der römischen Kaiseridee auf die allgemeinen Vorstellungen ihrer Zeitgenossen übten.
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Grösser der Einfluss der Glossatoren auf die Wiedererweckung der röm. Kaiseridee.
(73)

Das altrömische Recht war in der Hauptsache im 3t Jhdt post Ch. abgeschlossen. (l.c.)

Die Anpassung des römischen Rechts an die gegebnen Verhältnisse vollbracht:

1) Durch die klassische päbstliche Gesetzgebung des 12 Jhdts; Uebersetzung des römischen Rechts ins Kanonische; hat auf dem Gebiet des Privatrechts nur einzelne Rechtssätze dem röm. Recht zugefügt; aber auf Gebiet des Process- und Strafrechts völlige Umwälzung; aus dem röm. Process ging der kanonische Process u. aus dem röm. Strafrecht das kanonische |158 Strafrecht hervor. Die ganze moderne Welt hat Process- u. Strafrecht des Corpus Juris Civilis nur in der Umarbeitung aufgenommen, die ihm das Corpus Juris Canonici gegeben: das Gesetzbuch der Päbste … die Auflage, in welcher das  Zusatz von Marx.
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(röm.)
Kaiserrecht dem Mittelalter verständlich u. anwendbar wurde. (73, 74)

2) Das lombardische Recht – i.e. das in den zahlreichen Stadtrechten Oberitaliens zum Ausdruck gelangende, auf altlangobardische Ueberlieferungen zurückgehende Gewohnheitsrecht. Durch sie ward das Recht des Corpus Juris einer Umbildung unterzogen, spec. durch die Commentatorenschule des 13 u. 14 Jhdt , Bartolus, Baldus u. ihre Nachfolger; sie verbinden das röm. Recht mit der Praxis, d.h. dem oberitalischen Lokalrecht, bewirken Aufnahme lombardischer Gewohnheiten in röm. Recht u. Aufnahme v. röm. Recht in lomb. Gewohnheiten, berücksichtigen auch das kanonische Recht u. vermitteln seinen Uebergang in die weltlichen Gerichte Italiens; schufen durch Verbindung des röm. Rechts mit kanon. Recht u. german. Recht zum ersten Mal einen modernen Gebrauch des Pandektenrechts. (74)

Mit 16 Jhdt endet die schöpferische  Zusatz von Marx.
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(jurist.)
Kraft des ital. Geistes u. antiker Geist zog nach Deutschld u. Fkch (zus. mit italien. Kunst u. Wissenschaft). In Fkch unter Führung v. Cujacius u. Donellus Renaissance des röm. Rechts. Cujacius schliesst sich nicht an Bartolus, sondern an die Glossatoren an, u. bearbeitet zuerst historisch das klass. röm. Recht, während Donellus zuerst systematische Behandlung des röm. Privatrechts.  Bei Sohm, S. 75: Während der Receptionsperiode im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert blieb die deutsche Rechtswissenschaft ohne eigene schöpferische Kraft. Sie lehnte sich in sklavischer Unterordnung an die Commentare des Bartolus und Baldus an
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Im 16t u. 17t Jhdt in Deutschland dagegen sklavische Unterordnung an die Commentare des Bartolus u. Baldus
; so dass in Deutschld scholastische, in Fkch humanistische Rechtsmethode überwiegend. Deutsche schlossen sich an die scholastische Form an – (nicht ans Alterthum) – die das röm. Recht in Italien angenommen hatte. ([74,] 75) ⦗Sieh u. a.: Stintzing: „Ulrich Zasius“. Basel 1857 u. v. selbigem: „Geschichte der populären Literatur des röm.-kanon. Rechts in Deutschld“. Leipzig 1867

Aber in Fkch blieb gleichzeitig das röm. Recht ohne tiefgreifende Wirkung, während in Deutschld, dem Land der Halbgelehrten u. handwerksmässigen Juristen, das röm. Recht recipirt wurde.  Bei Sohm, S. 76: Zwar haben in Frankreich die homologirten Coutumes des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts dem römischen Recht ihren Tribut gezahlt
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In Fkch die homologirten Coutumes des 16 u. 17 Jhdt v. röm. Recht inficirt
, namentlich auf Gebiet des Obligationenrechts; aber das System des fzs. Rechts blieb als Ganzes unberührt; selbst noch in codes des Napoleon »Privatrecht« u. »Processrecht« zeigen sich als Abkömmlinge, weder des röm., noch des italien., sondern des fränk. Rechts.

In Deutschland selber ging das Deutsche Recht zu Grunde; an die Stelle des deutschen Rechts trat das italienische. Zustand der deutschen Gerichtsverfassung u. des deutschen Processrechts der eigentliche Grund dieses Vorgangs: einerseits wissenschaftl. Bewegung, die mit Geist Italiens auch das italien. Recht aufnahm, andrerseits, wie durch Stölzel A. Stölzel. Die Entwicklung d. gelehrten Richterthums in d. deutschen Territorien. 2 Bde. Stuttgart. 1872.⦘ festgestellt, die vermittelst der Schiedsverträge der Parteien den Rechtsstreit anstatt an das nach deutschem Recht erkennende Gericht, an die nach fremdem Recht procedirende Verwaltungsbehörde brachte. (76, 77)

Auf Gebiet des Processes u. Strafrechts Niederlage des einheimischen deutschen (fränkischen) Rechts vollkommen (in Deutschld), behauptete in Privatrecht dagegen einzelne Positionen: das Immobiliensachenrecht u. das ehliche Güterrecht, aber auch diese nur in einer Reihe von Partikularrechten erhalten; das recipirte italienische Recht auch auf Gebiet des Privatrechts für alle Theile desselben als gemeines Recht Dtschlds recipirt. (77)|

159

 Bei Sohm, S. 77: Aber während in Frankreich und England dem einheimischen Recht eine Rechtswissenschaft, eine selbstbewusste Praxis und ein Königthum zur Seite standen, welche das aus dem Mittelalter ererbte Frankenrecht gegen den römischen Eindringling vertheidigten, – Thatsachen in Folge deren die Renaissance an dem englischen Rechtsleben so gut wie spurlos vorüberging, – fand sich in Deutschland keins jener Bollwerke, um hier das mittelalterliche fränkische Recht gegen den Sturm der Renaissancebewegung zu vertheidigen. In Deutschland gab es keine Praxis mit so festen Mittelpunkten, wie sie das englische Recht am königl. Hofgericht, das französische Recht an den Parlamenten Frankreichs besass
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Die Receptionsperiode des 16 u. 17 Jhdt für das ganze Abendland Kampfzeit zwischen fränkischem Recht u. römischem Recht; aber in Fkch (durch die Parlamente etc) hält sich erstes gegen Eindringling u. am engl. Recht geht die Renaissancebewegung fast spurlos vorüber (der Court of Exchequer, Westminster etc od. wie Sohm sagt das kgl. Hofgericht
. Dagegen hatte das Reichshofgericht Deutschlands im Lauf des Mittelalters aufgehört eine nennenswerthe Macht für das Rechtsleben der Nation zu bedeuten; die Reorganisation des höchsten Reichsgerichts fiel grade in die Zeit der andringenden Renaissance u. Reichskammergericht ward so ein Halt für die moderne Rechtsprechung nach italien. Muster. (77) Die bäuerlichen Schöffengerichte auf dem platten Land seit 30j. Krieg theils verschwunden, theils zu blosser Reminiscenz geworden; dagegen in den Städten – wo schon im Mittelalter eine Reform des materiellen Rechts u. des Processrechts stattgefunden – blieb eine Reihe von Schöffenstühlen noch lange hinaus in voller Wirksamkeit etc. (78) Im 16 u. 17 Jhdt entstanden die Landrechte in den Territorien u. die Reformationen in den deutschen Städten – die homologirten Coutumes des deutschen Land- u. Stadtrechts. Sie vermittelten den Compromiss, welchen die deutschen Partikularrechte zwischen dem deutschen mittelaltrigen Recht  Zusatz von Marx.
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(fränkischen)
u. dem fremden Recht  Zusatz von Marx.
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(italienischen)
zu Weg brachten. Zugleich damit in die deutsche Rechtsgeschichte eingeführt der Gegensatz des »gemeinen« Rechts (i.e. das recipirte fremde) u. des Partikularechts (der Hauptsache nach das gerettete mittelaltrige Recht). (78[, 79]) Die Vorgeschichte des gemeinen Rechts spielt in Italien. Vom 16 Jhdt nach Deutschland herüber; seine Quellen sind das röm. u. kanonische Corpus juris, der Liber Papiensis, die italienischen Statuten u. die italien. Doktrin. (81)

Die coutumes v. Ndfkreich sind dem Sachsenspiegel näher verwandt als die alte Lex Saxorum u. der Schwabenspiegel kann mehr Licht durch englische Rechtsquellen als durch die Lex Alamannorum empfangen. (81, 82)

Neben dem fränkischen Recht, (wie dies dem Einfluss des röm. Rechts ausgesetzt) die gothischen Rechte mit Einschluss des burgund. Rechts, das altalamannische u. das altbairische, u. soweit noch erkennbar das altthüringische u. das altsächsische. Unmittelbar od. mittelbar hier Einwirkung des röm. Reichs u. der röm. Kirche, dann des fränkischen  Bei Sohm, S. 82: des fränkischen Reichs
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Rechts
; die Betrachtung dieser Stammrechte mit der des fränkischen Rechts zu verbinden. (82)

Ausserhalb der Geschichte des fränkischen Rechts: die nordgermanischen (skandinavischen) Rechte, das ihnen nah verwandte friesische Recht u. das angelsächsische Recht. (letztres entstand zwar im Umkreis des alten röm. Reichs, blieb aber unberührt vom röm. Recht wie vom Frankenrecht bis zur normannischen Eroberung) Sie wichtig nicht für die eigentlich deutsche, sondern nur für die germanische Rechtsgeschichte und Mittel der vergleichenden Rechtsgeschichte, um aus den gemeinsamen Grundzügen, welche sie mit den übrigen germanischen Rechten aufweisen, auf das gemeinsame Urrecht älterer Zeit zurückzuschliessen; namentlich um die altgermanischen Zustände, die Cäsar u. Tacitus uns schildern, zu reconstruiren. (82, 83)|

160

Aus:
Henry Sumner Maine: Lectures on the Early History of Institutions. London 1875.
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert

Sir Henry Sumner Maine: „Lectures on the Early History of Institutions. London, 1875.“

In den Uebersetzten der Brehon Laws – an assemblage of law tracts – [die] wichtigsten:

Senchus Mor (Great Book of the Ancient Law), and the Book of Aicill. Nach Mr. Whitley Stokes das erstere compiled in od. kurz vor 11 Jhdt; das Buch v. Aicill ein Jhdt früher. (12)

Edmund Spenser: „View of the State of Ireland“.

Sir John Davis. [18]

Laws of Wales . [19]

Brehons a class of professional Irish Lawyers, whose occupation became hereditary. [24]

B. G. Caesar . VI, 13, 14: [32]

The learned writer of one of the modern prefaces prefixed to the Third Volume of the Ancient Law Laws contends that the administration of the Brehon system consisted in references to arbitration. (p. 38)  Zusatz von Marx.
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(See: „Ancient Laws of Ireland“ )
 Bei Maine, S. 39: If you have a legal claim against a man of a certain rank and you are desirous of compelling him to discharge it
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Will ein vornehmer Mann seine Schuld (a claim upon him) nicht discharge
, Senchus Mor tells you to „fast upon him“. (l.c. 39; „Ancient Laws etc“ vol. I, p. 113) Dies identisch mit was die Hindu call „sitting dharna“. (39, 40)

 Bei Maine, S. 38: All sacerdotal or religious authority must have passed
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Alle Pfaffenautorität in Irld ging natürlich
, nach der conversion der Irish Celts[,] über an die „tribes of the saints“ (the missionary monastic societies founded on all parts of the island[)] u.) die multitude of bishops dependent on them.  Bei Maine, S. 38: the religious sanctions of the ancient laws, the supernatural penalties threatened on their violation, would disappear
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Der religious Theil der old Laws daher superseded
, ausser so far as the legal rules exactly coincided with the rules of the new Christian code, the „law of the letter“. (38) The one object of the Brehons was to force disputants to refer their quarrels to a Brehon, or to some person in authority advised by a Brehon, and thus a vast deal of the law tends to run into the Law of Distress, which declares the various methods by which a man can be compelled through seizure of his property to consent to an arbitration. (38, 39) The Brehon appears to have invented  Bei Maine, S. 44: at pleasure […] but these cases seem to be purely hypothetical, and only intended to illustrate the rule which happens to be under discussion.
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(durch hypothetische Conjecturen) , i.e. purely hypothetical cases)
the facts which he used as the framework for his legal doctrine. His invention necessarily limited by his experience, and hence the cases suggested in the law tracts … throw light on the society amid which they were composed. (43, 44)  Bei Maine, S. 50: So far as the Brehon law declared actual ancient and indigenous practices, it shared in the obstinate vitality of all customs when observed by a society distributed into corporate natural groups.
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The „law of nature“ meint das ancient law \ (custom) explained by the Brehons, u. dies bindend
as far as it coincided with the „law of the letter“  Zusatz von Marx.
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(i.e. dem christlichen Kram)
. (50) The Brehon did claim that St. Patrick and other great Irish Saints had sanctioned the law which he declared, and that some of them even revised it. (51)

Durch die Churchmen, die mit notions of roman law ⦗rather direct of canonical law⦘ more or less imbued, kam auch der röm. Einfluss (– so far as it goes –) on Brehon law. (55) Daraus im Interesse der Kirche Testament derived (»Will«); ebenso conception of »Contract«  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 55/56: I am inclined to think that the influence of the Roman law has been very slight, and to attribute it not to study of the writings of the Roman lawyers, but to contact with Churchmen imbued more or less with Roman legal notions. […] Brehons were indebted to them for one conception which is present in the tracts – the conception of a Will; and we may probably credit the Church with the comparatively advanced development of another conception which we find here – the conception of a Contract. The origin of the rules concerning testamentary bequest which are sometimes found in Western bodies of law otherwise archaic has been much considered of late years; […] these rules had universally their source in Roman law, but were diffused by the influence of the Christian clergy. This assertion cannot be quite so confidently made of Contracts; but the sacredness of bequests and the sacredness of promises were of about equal importance to the Church, as the donee of pious gifts
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(the »sacredness of promises« etc sehr wichtig für Pfaffen. )[.]
Eine Unterabtheilung (published) des Senchus Mor, nämlich Corus Bescna chiefly concerned mit »Contract« u. zeigt sich darin that the material interests of the Church furnished one principal motive for (its) compilation. (56)

Nach dem Brehon law giebts 2 Sorten of »contract«: „a valid contract, and an invalid contract“ … Anciently the power of contract is limited on all sides … by the rights of family, distant kinsmen, co-villagers, tribe, chief, and, if you contract  Zusatz von Marx.
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(später mit Christenthum)
adversely to the Church, by the rights of the Church. The Corus Bescna is in great part a treatise on these ancient limitations. (57, 58)

The „Book of Aicill“ provides for the legitimation not only of the bastard, but of the adulterine bastard, and measures the compensation to be paid to the putative father. The tract on „Social Connections“ appears to assume that the temporary cohabitation of the sexes is part of the accustomed order of society, and on this assumption it minutely regulates the mutual rights of the parties, showing an especial care for the  Bei Maine, S. 59: interests
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rights
of the woman, even to the extent of reserving to her the value of her domestic services during her residence in the common dwelling. (59) Dieser tract on „Social Connections“ notices a „first“ wive wife. (61)  Kommentar von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 61: and the recognition may be attributable to the Church, but on the whole my impression certainly is that the extremely ascetic form under which Christianity was introduced into Ireland was unfavourable to its obtaining a hold on popular morality
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Dies hält Maine für Kircheneinfluss, kommt aber überall in higher state of savagery vor, z. B. bei Red Indians.
|161 The common view seems to have been that  Zusatz von Marx.
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(die christliche)
chastity … the professional virtue of a special class (monk, bishop etc). (61)  Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 68–70, wo Morgan und sein Essay „Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family“ (Washington 1871) erwähnt werden.
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(die folgenden »Extracts« zeigen, einerseits, dass Herr Maine sich noch nicht aneignen konnte was Morgan noch nicht gedruckt hatte, andrerseits, dass er Sachen, die sich u. a. schon bei Niebuhr finden, darzustellen sucht as »pointed out« by the identical Henry Sumner Maine!)
–: »From the moment when a tribal community settles down finally  Kommentar von Marx.
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(dies »finally«! absurd, da der tribe, wie wir sehr oft findet finden, having once settled down, migrates de nouveau and settles again, either voluntarily, or forced to do so, somewhere else)
upon a definite space of land, the Land begins to be the base of Society in place of the Kinship. The change is extremely gradual etc.« (72)  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Dies zeigt nur, wie wenig er den point of transition kennt⦘
Er fährt fort: »The constitution of the Family through actual blood-relationship is of course an observable fact, but, for all groups of men larger than the Family, the Land on which they live tends to become the bond of Union between them, at the expense of Kinship, ever more and more vaguely conceived.« (72, 73)  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Dies zeigt, wie wenig die Gens a fact observed by the identical Maine is!⦘
»Some years ago I pointed out  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
(„Ancient Law“, p. 103 sq.) the evidence furnished by the history of International Law that the notion of territorial sovereignty, which is the basis of the international system, and which is inseparably connected with dominion over a definite area of land, very slowly substituted itself for the notion of tribal sovereignty.« (73)

Nach Herrn Maine, first: Hindoo Joint Family, 2nd  Bei Maine, S. 78: House-Community
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Household Community
of the Southern Slavonians
, 3dthe true Village Community as found first in Russia and next in India.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗dies »first« u. »next« bezieht sich nur auf die relative periods worin diese things dem great Maine bekannt geworden⦘
(78)

Ohne den collapse der »smaller social groups« and the decay of the authority which, whether popularly or autocratically governed, they possessed over the men composing them, we,  Zusatz von Marx.
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sagt der würdige Maine
, [»]should never have had several great Conceptions which lie at the base of our stock of thought« (86) Zusatz von Marx.
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u. zwar sind diese great conception conceptions:
»the conception of land as an exchangeable commodity, differing only from others in the limitation of the supply«[,] (86, 87) »the theory of Sovereignty« , or (in other words) of a portion in each community possessing unlimited coercive force over the rest«, »the theory of Law as exclusively the command of a sovereign One or Number«, »the ever increasing activity of  Bei Maine, S. 87: Legislatures
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legislation
« u. –  Zusatz von Marx.
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o asinus!
– der »test of the value of legislation[«] … viz:  Maine bezieht sich offensichtlich auf das von dem italienischen Rechtsphilosophen Cesare Beccaria in seinem Werk „Dei delitte e delle pene“ (1764, S. 4) formulierte Prinzip, das von dem Begründer des modernen Utilitarismus Jeremy Bentham zu einem „fundamental axiom“ seiner Philosophie gemacht wurde. Siehe oben und [Jeremy Bentham:] A fragment on government; being an examination of what is delivered, on the subject of government in general, in the introduction to Sir William Blackstone’s Commentaries; with a preface, in which is given a critique of the work at large. London 1776. S. II.
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»the greatest happiness of the greatest number«
. (87)

The form of private ownership in land which grew out of the appropriation of portions of the tribal domain to individual households of tribesmen is plainly recognized by the Brehon lawyers; yet the rights of private owners are limited by the controlling rights of a brotherhood of kinsmen, and the control is in some respects even more stringent than that exercised over separate property by an Indian village community. (89, 90) [»]Dasselbe Wort: „Fine“ or Family  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
is applied to all the subdivisions of the Irish Society, von dem Tribe in its largest extension u. all intermediate bodies down to the Family  Bei Maine, S. 90: as we understand it
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(in the present sense)
, and even for portions of the Family«. (Sullivan. Brehon Law. [„]Introduction“) (90) Sept = sub-tribe, or Joint Family in den Brehon tracts. (91) The chief for the time being was, as the Anglo-Irish judged judges called him in the famous „Case of Gavelkind“, the caput cognationis . (91) Not only was the Tribe or Sept named after its eponymous ancestor, but the territory which it occupied also derived from him the name which was in commonest use, – so wie „O’Brien’s Country“ or „Macleod’s Country“. (l.c.) Von portions des land occupied by fragments of the tribe some are under minor chiefs or „flaiths“. (93) All the unappropriated tribe-lands are in a more especial way the property of the tribe as a whole, and no portion can theoretically be subjected to more than a temporary occupation. (93) Among the holders of tribe-land … groups of men calling themselves tribesmen, bilden in reality associations formed by contract, chiefly for the |162 purpose of pasturing cattle. (l.c.) Auf dem „waste“ – common tribeland not occupied – Stücke beständig brought under tillage or permanent pasture by settlements of tribesmen, and upon it cultivators of servile status are permitted to squat, particularly towards the border. It is the part des territory worüber die authority des Chief tends steadily to increase, u. here he settles his „ fuidshir fuidhir “, or stranger-tenants, a very important class – the outlaws and „broken“ men from other tribes who come to him for protection … are only connected with their new tribe by their dependence on its chief, and through the responsibility which he incurs for them. (93)

Particular families manage to elude the theoretically periodical re-division of the common patrimony of the group; others obtain allotments with its consent as the reward of service or the apanage of office; and there is a constant transfer of lands to the Church, and an intimate intermixture of tribal rights with ecclesiastical rights … Brehon law shows that by the time it was put into shape, causes etc tending to result in Several Property … had largely taken effect. (95) [»]The severance of land from the common territory appears most complete in the case of Chiefs, many of whom have large private estates held under ordinary tenure in the addition to the demesne specially attached to their signory.« (l.c.)

 Kommentar von Marx.
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Dieser asinus bildet sich ein dass
»modern research … conveys a stronger impression than ever of a wide separation between the Aryan race and races of other stocks  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
, but it suggests that many, perhaps most, of the differences in kind alleged to exist between Aryan sub-races are really differences merely in degree of development.« (96)

Anfang des XVII Jhdts erklären die Anglo-Irish Judges the English Common Law to be in force throughout Ireland, u. so  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 99: from the date of this decision
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seit dem lausigen James I
all land to descend to the eldest son of the last owner, unless its devolution was otherwise determined by settlement or will. Der Sir John Davis »in seinem report of the case u. der arguments before the Court, recites that hitherto all land in Ireland had descended under the rule of Tanistry oder those of Gavelkind  Zusatz von Marx.
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Was dieser Davis sich einbildet as
system of inheritance called Gavelkind, he (Davis) describes so: »When a landowning member of an Irish Sept died, its chief made a re-distribution of all the lands of the Sept. He did not divide the estate of the dead man among his children, but used it to increase the allotments of the various households of which the Sept was made up.[«]  Bei Maine, S. 99: The Judges treated both Tanistry and Gavelkind as systems of succession after death, of a peculiarly barbarous and mischievous kind; […] But all systems of succession after death bear a close relation to ancient modes of enjoyment during life
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Aber was diesen English judges nur als »system of succession« erscheint, war ancient »mode of enjoyment during life«. (99)
So in the Hindoo Joint Undivided Family the stirpes or stocks, dem European law nur bekannt as branches of inheritors, are actual divisions of the family, and live together in distinct parts of the common dwelling. ( Calcutta Review, July 1874 , p. 208) ([99, ]100)

 Ein seit dem frühen Mittelalter besonders im Westen Irlands verbreitetes System der Landwirtschaft, bei dem die Bewohner einer Ansammlung von Hütten (clachans) den fruchtbareren Teil des gemeinschaftlich gepachteten Landes für gesonderte Nutzung unter sich verteilten und das umgebende Grasland für die Weidung ihres Viehs gemeinsam nutzten.
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Rundale holdings
in part of Ireland; jetzt meist common form: arable land held in severalty  Kommentar von Marx.
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(dies beschreibt die Sache falsch!)
, while pasture u. bog are in common. Aber noch vor 50 Jahren, cases were frequent wo das arable land divided in farms which shifted among the tenant-families periodically, and sometimes annually. (101) Nach Maine »the Irish holdings „in rundale“ are not forms of property, but modes of  Bei Maine, S. 102: occupation
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appropriation
«,  Bei Maine, S. 102: We must bear in mind, however, that
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aber der Bursche selbst bemerkt:
»archaic kinds of tenancy are constantly evidence of ancient forms of proprietorship. … Superior ownership arises through purchase from small allodial proprietors  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
, through colonisation of village waste-lands become in time the lord’s waste, or (in an earlier  Bei Maine, S. 102: state of society
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stage
) through the sinking of whole communities of peasants into villeinage, and through a consequent transformation of the legal theory of their rights; aber selbst wenn a Chief or Lord has come to be recognised as legal owner of the whole tribal domain, or great portions of it, the accustomed methods of occupation and cultivation« are not altered. (102)

Der chief Brehon law tract setting forth the mutual rights of the collective tribe and of individual tribesmen or households of tribesmen in respect of tribal property, is |163 called the Corus Bescna, printed in the third volume of the official edition. (103)  Bei Maine, S. 103: the commentary and glosses constantly contradict and obscure the text […] But the most serious doubt which occurs to the student of the text arises from
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Das was die ganze Sache verdunkelt ist
the »strong and palpable bias of the compiler towards the interest of the Church; indeed, part of the tract is avowedly devoted to the law of Church property and of the organisation of religious houses. When this writer affirms that, under certain circumstances, a tribesman may grant or contract away tribal land, his ecclesiastical leaning constantly suggests a doubt as to his legal doctrine.[«] ([103,] 104)

[»]In the Germanic countries, their  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 104: the Churchmen
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(der christl. Pfaffen)
ecclesiastical societies were among the earliest and largest grantees of public or „folk“ land.« ( Stubbs: „Constitutional History“ v. I, p. 104 154) The Will, the Contract, and the Separate Ownership, were in fact indispensable to the Church as the donee of pious gifts. (l.c.) All the Brehon writers … have a bias towards private or several, as distinguished from collective, property. (105)

 Zusammenfassung von Marx der Ausführungen von Maine, S. 107–111.
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Weiter über the „Tribe“ or „Sept“ see „Ancient Laws of Ireland“ II, 283, 289, III, 49–51; II, 283; III, 52, 53, 55. III, 47, 49. III, 17. III, 5.
Der collective brotherhood of tribesmen, wie der Agnatic kindred in Rome, some ultimate right of succession appears to be reserved. (111, 112)

The „Judgments of Co-Tenancy“ is a Brehon law tract, noch unpublished (1875),  Kommentar von Marx.
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wovon sich aber Herr Maine, der nur die Uebersetzung kennt, nicht den Text, so pfiffig war sich vor der Publication folgendes mittheilen zu lassen
: der tract fragt: „Whence does Co-Tenancy arise?“ Answers: „From several heirs and from their increasing on the land“; dann bemerkt der tract: [»]the land is, in the first year, to be tilled by kinsmen just as each pleases; in the second year they are to exchange lots; in the 3d year the boundaries are to be fixed u. the whole process of severance is to be consummated in the 10th year.« (112[, 113])  Bei Maine, S. 113: I trust it is not a presumptuous conjecture that the order of change here indicated is more trustworthy than the time fixed to each of its stages […] and I suggest that the Brehon lawyer […] is depicting rather an ideal than an actual set of arrangements. The process, however, which is here described, if it be spread over a much longer space of time, is really in harmony with all our knowledge of the rise and progress of cultivating communities.
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Maine bemerkt richtig, dass die Zeitbestimmungen ideales arrangement des Brehon lawgiver, aber der Inhalt:
»First a Joint Family  Kommentar von Marx.
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(dies statt gens, weil der Herr Maine die Joint Family wie sie in Indien existirt fälschlich als unsprüngliche Form betrachtet)
, composed of „several heirs increasing on the land“, is found to have made a settlement. In the earliest stage the various households reclaim the land without set rule.  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
Next comes the system of exchanging lots. Finally, the portions of land are enjoyed in severalty.« (113)

Herr Whitley Stokes has dem Maine 2 passages occuring in non-legal Irish literature mitgetheilt. The „liber Hymnorum“ (soll v. 11t Jhdt sein) contains folio 5A: „Numerous were the human beings in Ireland at that time (i.e. the time of the sons of  Vermutlich Áed Sláine?
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Aed Slane
A.D. 658–694
) and such was their number that they used not to get but thrice 9 ridges for each man in Ireland to wit, 9 of bog and 9 of smooth (arable), and 9 of wood [.]“ ([113,] 114) Another Irish Mscpt, believed of the 12. century, the „Lebor na Huidre“ says that „there was not ditch, nor fence, nor stonewall stone-wall round land, till came the period of the sons of Aed Slane, but (only) smooth fields. Because of the abundance of the households in their period, therefore it is that they introduced boundaries in Ireland.“ (114) Beide schreiben a change from a system of collective to a system of restricted enjoyment zu dem „growth of population“. The periodical allotment to each household of a definite portion of bog land, wood land, u. arable land gleicht sehr dem apportionment of pasture and wood and arable land still going on under the communal rules of the Swiss Allmenden. (l.c.)

 Kommentar von Marx zu Main, S. 116–118.
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Herr Maine als blockheaded Englishman geht nicht von gens aus, sondern vom Patriarch, der später Chief wird etc Albernheiten. (116–18) (Dies passt namentlich für die älteste Form der gens! – Dieser Patriarch – z. B. bei den kriegerischen Iroquois, wo die gens in female descent!)
|

164

 Kommentar von Marx.
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Der Blödsinn Maine’s gipfelt in dem Satz:
»Thus all the branches of human society may or may not have been developed from joint families  Kommentar von Marx. Zum Thema siehe Maine, S. 116–118.
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⦗wo er grade die jetzige Hindooform der letzteren im Aug hat, die sehr sekundären Character hat, u. desshalb auch – ausserhalb der village communities thront, namentlich in den Städten!⦘
which arose out of an original patriarchal cell; but, wherever the Joint Family is an Institution of the Aryan race  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
, we  Zusatz von Marx.
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(who?)
see it springing from such a cell, and when it dissolves, we see it dissolving into a number of such cells.« (118)

Property of Land has had a twofold  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
origin … partly from the disentanglement of the individual rights of the kindred or tribesmen from the collective rights of the Family or Tribe, … partly from the growth and transmutation of the Sovereignty of the Tribal Chief.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗also nicht 2 fold origin; sondern nur 2 ramifications of the same source, the tribal property u. tribal collective body, which includes the tribal chief⦘
… Beide in most of Western Europe passed through the crucible of feudalism … the first (the sovereignty of the Chief) re-appeared in some well marked characteristics of military or knightly tenures … the other in the principal rules of non-noble holdings, and amongst them of Socage, the distinctive tenure of the free farmer. (120)  Zusatz von Marx.
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In sehr oberflächlicher Weise
: »The Status of the Chief … left … one bequest in the rule of Primogeniture, which, however, has long lost its most ancient form; … in the right to receive certain dues and to enforce certain monopolies; and drittens in a specially absolute form of propertyonce exclusively enjoyed by the chief  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
, and after him by the Lord, in a portion of the tribal territory which formed his own  Bei Maine, S. 120: domain
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dominion
.[«] Andrerseits: Out of tribal ownership in various  Bei Maine, S. 121: stages
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forms
of decay
have sprung several systems of succession after death, among them the equal division of the land between the children u. has left another set of traces … in a number of minute customary rules which govern tillage and occasionally regulate the distribution of the produce. (120, 121)

Nach Arthur Young (Travels: 1787, 88, 89, p. 407) more than ⅓ of France „small properties, that is little farms belonging to those who cultivate them“ (says A. Young).  Bei Maine, S. 121: recent French investigations have shown reasons for thinking that
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Nach Toqueville Tocqueville („Ancien Régime“
[»]the proportion was growing, durch die extravagance der nobles which Court life fostered u. compelled them to sell their domains to peasants in small parcels.« (121, 122) The law of equal or nearly equal division after death was the general law of France; primogeniture was allzumeist confined to lands held by knightly tenure. In Südfkch the custom of equal division verstärkt durch die identical rule of Roman jurisprudence u. dort die privileges des eldest son nur gesichert durch Anwendung der Ausnahmsregeln des Roman law giving the benefit to milites (soldiers on service) when making their wills or regulating their successions, and by laying down that every chevalier, u. every noble of higher degree, was a miles im Sinn der röm. Jurisdiction.  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗(122. Das röm. Gesetz – 12 Tafeln – lässt absolute Freiheit der Verfügung dem testator; gleiche Theilung nur bei intestate (sui heredes), später erst das Recht der Kinder etc dagegen (die Willcühr des testator) secured etc⦘

Tocqueville (I, 18) „Ancien Régime“ has explained that the right to receive feudal dues and to enforce petty monopolies made up almost the entire means of living für die majority der French nobility. A certain number of nobles had, besides their feudal rights, their terres (domain, belonging to them in absolute property, and sometimes of enormous extent; der rest lived mainly, not on rent, but on their feudal dues, and eked out a meagre subsistence by serving the king in arms. (123, 124)

In Folge der fzs. Revolution: the landlaw land-law of the people superseded the landlaw land-law of the nobles; in Engld der |165 umgekehrte Process; primogeniture, once applying only to knightly holdings, came to apply to the great bulk of English tenures, ausser dem Gavelkind of Kent  Bei Maine, S. 124: and some others of merely local importance
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u. einiges andre Lokale
. (123, 124) Dieser change was rapidly proceeding zwischen Zeit of Glanville  Bei Maine. S. 125: probably not earlier than the thirty-third year of Henry the Second’s reign
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⦗wahrscheinlich 33th 33d  year of Henry’s reign
,  Zusatz von Marx.
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hence 1186; Henry II (1154–1189)
⦘ u. Bracton ( wahrscheinlich nicht later als 52nd year of Henry III  Zusatz von Marx.
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i.e. 1270; Henry III (1216–1272)
Glanville schreibt as if the general rule of law caused lands held by free cultivators in soccage, to be divided equally between all the male children at the death of the last owner; Bracton, as if the rule of primogeniture applied universally to military tenures and generally to socage tenures. (125)  Zusatz von Marx.
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Optimist Maine findet
dass andrerseits [»]the transmutation of customary and copyhold into freehold property … proceeding for about 40 years under the Conduct of the Copyhold and Enclosure Commissioners«  Kommentar von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 125: Probably not many Englishmen have recognised […] that the transmutation of customary and copyhold into freehold property […] is the peaceful and sensible removal of a grievance which did more than any other to bring about the first French Revolution and to prevent the re-establishment of the ancient political order.

Risum teneatis!: Dass ihr euch des Lachens enthaltet! Siehe Quintus Horatius Flaccus: De arte poetica 5: risum teneatis, amici? (würdet ihr euch da, Freunde, des Lachens enthalten können?)
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u. dies betrachtet dieser comfortable Bursch as the English equivalent of the French Revolution. Risum teneatis! (see den fellow p. 125)

 Kommentar von Marx.
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Dieser lächerliche Bursche macht die röm. Form des absolute landed property zur »English form of ownership«, u. fährt dann fort:

»… to the principle of several and absolute property in land  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 125/126: the great mass of English landed property had assumed certain characteristics which strongly distinguished it from the peasant property of the Continent as it existed before it was affected by the French Codes, and as it is still found in some countries
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⦗das überall in occidental Europe mehr existirt als in England⦘
I hold this country to be committed … there can be no material advance in civilization unless landed property is held by groups at least as small as Families; … we are indebted to the »peculiarly« absolute English form of ownership for such an achievement as the cultivation of the soil of North America Kommentar von Marx.
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(126, wo grade alles Spezifisch Englische in landed Property vernichtet! O, du Philister!)

The Norman nobles who first settled in Ireland are well known to have become in times time Chieftains of Irish tribes … it is suggested that they were the first to forget their duties to their tenants and to think of nothing but their privileges. (128)

Even according to the  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Irish)
texts apparently oldest, much of the tribal territory appears to have been permanently alienated to sub-tribes, families, or dependent chiefs … die glosses u. commentaries show that, before they were written, this process had gone very far indeed. (129) The power of the Chief grows first through the process anderswo called „Commendation“, wodurch the free tribesmann becomes „his man“, and remains in a state of dependence having various degrees … ferner durch his increasing authority over the waste lands of the tribal territory u. from the servile or semi-servile colonies he plants there; endlich from the material strength he acquires through the numbers of his immediate retainers u. associates, most of whom stand to him in more or less servile relations. (130)

[»]The Manor with its Tenemental lands held by the free tenants of the Lord and with its Domain which was in immediate dependence on him, was the type of all feudal sovereignties in their complete form, whether the ruler acknowledged a superior above him or at most admitted one in the Pope, Emperor, or God himself.« (130–31)

 Zusammenfassung mit Kommentaren von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 131: There is one view of the original condition of privileged classes which, though held by learned men, has been a good deal weakened of late by German research, and seems to me still farther shaken by portions of the Brehon law. This is the impression that they always constituted, as they practically do now, a distinct class or section of the community […] It cannot be doubted that the earliest modem aristocracies have as a fact, when they are first discerned, this particular aspect. Mr. Freeman (“Norman Conquest,” i. 88) says that the “difference between eorl and ceorl is a primary fact from which we start”.
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Der abominable Freeman ( „Norman Conquest“ I, 88) erklärt sich die Verwandlung der tribe chiefs in feudal lords etc leicht, indem er voraussetzt was er entwickeln soll, nämlich dass die privileged class always formed a distinct class or section of the community, sagt, l.c. „the difference between eorl und ceorl is a primary fact from which we start.“
(131)

Die chief source of nobility seems to have been the respect of the co-villagers or assemblages of kinsmen for the line of descent in which the purest blood of each little society was believed to be preserved. (132)  Vermutlich zitiert Maine aus der Erinnerung. Der gemeinte Text ließ sich nicht feststellen.
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„Every chief“, says the text, „rules over his land, whether it be great or whether it be small.“
(132)|

166

Aber the Brehon law shows the way in which a common freeman  Bei Maine, S. 132: can
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may
become a chief u. zugleich ist diese position to which he attains »the presidency of a group of dependents«.  Bei Maine, S. 133: Nevertheless the persons thus elevated undoubtedly tend to become, from various causes, a class by themselves and a special section of the general community
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(Später wurden diese Burschen erst Glieder einer besonderen Classe)
([132,] 133) Wo aristocracies a section of the community from the first [,]  Zusatz von Marx.
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besondre Umstände, die notabene selbst schon derivativ sind, nämlich
, wo an entire tribal group conquers or imposes its supremacy upon other tribal groups also remaining entire, oder wo an original body of tribesmen, villagers, or citizens, gradually gathers round itself a miscellaneous assemblage of protected dependants. In Scottish Highlands some entire septs or clans stated to have been enslaved to others; u. ebenso frühest in Ireland met a distinction between free u. rent[-]paying tribes. (133)

Im Brehon law a Chief vor allem a rich man (133), nämlich reich – nicht in Land, sondern in flocks u. herds, sheep, vor allem Ochsen. Die Opposition zwischen birth u. wealth, bes. wealth other than landed property, ganz modern. See Homer’s u. Niebelungen Helden; in späterer griech. Literatur pride of birth identified mit pride in 7 wealthy ancestors in succession, ἕππτα πάπποι πλούσιοι, in Rom rasch die Geldaristokratie assimilirt mit Blutaristokratie. (134)

Im tract (Brehon Laws): „Cain-Aigillne“ (p. 279) heissts that „the head of every tribe should be the man of the tribe who is the most experienced, the most noble, the most wealthy, the most learned, the most truly popular, the most powerful to oppose, the most steadfast to sue for profits and to be sued for losses.“ Also personal wealth  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗aber Herr Maine, dies only in status of Upper Barbarism Upper Status of Barbarism , far from being archaic
the principal condition of the Chief’s maintaining his position and authority. (134, 135)

Brehon Law zeigt dass durch die acquisition of such wealth the road was always open to chieftainship. Portion of the Danish nobility originally peasants u. in early English laws some traces of a process wodurch a Ceorl might become a Thane. (135)

Brehon law speaks of the Bo-Aire (the cow-nobleman). Ist simply a peasant, grown rich in cattle, probably through obtaining the use of large portions of tribe-land. (135) Die true nobles – the Aires getheilt [into seven grades].  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗(von den Pfaffenjuristen, den Brehons notabene; dies wie alle alten Pfaffenbücher (Menu f.i.) voller fictions in Interesse der chiefs, höheren Stände etc, schliesslich all das wieder in Interesse der Kirche. Ausserdem sind sie wie Juristen aller Sorten bei der Hand mit fictive classifications)⦘
Jeder Grad unterschieden von den andern durch the amount of wealth possessed by the Chief belonging to it, by the weight attached to his evidence, by the power of binding his tribe by contracts (literally of „knotting“), by the dues he receives in kind from his vassals, by his Honor-Price, or special damages incurred by injuring him. At the bottom of the scale is the Aire-Desa; u. das Brehon law provides dass wenn der Bo-Aire has acquired 2× the wealth of an Aire-Desa, and has held it for a certain number of generations, he becomes an Aire-Desa himself. „He is an inferior chief – says the Senchus Mor – whose father was not a chief.“ (136) Enormous importance of wealth u. specially wealth in cattle reflected in the Brehon tracts. (137)

Wahrscheinlich the first aristocracy springing from kingly favour consisted of the Comitatus, or Companions of the King. (138) Major Domus bei den Franken ward König; das blood |167 des Steward (od. Great Seneschal) of Scotland runs in the veins of the Kings of England. Noch in England the great officers of the Royal Council u. Household haben Vorrang vor allen Pairs, od. mindest of all Peers of their own degree. Alle diese hohen Würden  Kommentar von Marx. Marx machte zwischen 1850 und 1870 aus den Werken der beiden Autoren umfangreiche Auszüge. Zu Georg Ludwig von Maurer, der im „Kapital“, Briefen und anderen Heften erwähnt wird, siehe die „Hefte zur Agrikultur“ aus dem Jahr 1868 (MEGA IV/18. S. 542–559, 563–577, 589–660) und die Auszüge aus dem Jahr 1876 („Heft a“, „Heft b“, „Heft c“ (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 133, B 134, B 135), insb. die Auszüge aus Maurer, Geschichte der Fronhöfe, der Bauernhöfe und der Hofverfassung in Deutschland. Bd. 1–4. Erlangen 1862/1863. Bd. 1. S. 137–265, auf S. 81–92 des Heftes „a“. Zu Karl Dietrich Hüllmann, siehe insb.: Geschichte des Ursprungs der Stände in Deutschland. Th. 1–3. Frankfurt/Oder 1806–1808; 2. Ausg., größtentheils ein neues Werk. Berlin 1830. Diese Ausgabe exzerpierte Marx 1851/1852 (MEGA IV/10. S. 265–276. Siehe S. 911). Vermutlich aus dem Besitz von Engels ist eine andere Ausgabe (Th. 1–3. Leipzig 1817) überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 584). Siehe von Hüllmann auch: Geschichte des Ursprungs der deutschen Fürstenwürde. Bonn 1842. Auch dieses Buch hat Marx exzerpiert (MEGA IV/10. S. 277–284). Mehrere Exzerpte aus Hüllmanns Werken zur Finanz- und Handelsgeschichte enthalten die Hefte von 1878 (werden in MEGA IV/25 veröffentlicht).
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⦗dies hat Maurer u. z. Th. schon Hüllmann lang gewusst vor Maine
, wenn nicht marking an office originally clerical, point to an occupation … at first … menial. (139) Der Household sprang von very humble beginnings. (139)  Zusatz von Marx.
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Der stubbige
Stubbs („Constitutional History“) states that „the gesiths of an (English) king were his guard and private council“, wobei er bemerkt, dass „the free household servants of a ceorl are also in a certain sense his gesiths.“ Die Companions des king in the Irish legal literatre literature nicht noble, u. associated mit des king’s body-guard which is essentially servile. [139]

Wahrscheinlich dass in a particular stage of society, der personal service to the Chief or King was überall rendered in expectation of a reward in the shape of a gift of land. Die Companions der Teutonic kings shared largely in the Benefices, grants of Roman provincial land fully peopled u. stocked; in ancient Engld selbe class largest grantees  Bei Maine, S. 141: next to the Church
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(nach Pfaffen s’il vous plaît)
of public land; u. dies part of the secret of the mysterious change wodurch a new nobility of Thanes, deriving dignity u. authority from the King, absorbed the older nobility of the Eorls. (141) Aber in countries lying beyond the northern u. western limits of the Roman Empire, or just within them, [Land] war plentiful. Es war noch im Mittelalter die „cheapest commodity“. Die practical difficulty was not to obtain land, but the instruments for making it productive. (141, 42). Der Chief  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Irish)
war vor allem reich in flocks u. herds; he was military leader; great part of his wealth was spoil of war u. in his civil capacity he multiplied his kine through his growing power of appropriating the waste for pasture, and durch a system of dispersing his herds among the tribesmen. Der Componanion Companion , der followed him to the foray etc auch enriched by his bounty; if already noble, he became greater; if not noble, the way of to nobility lay through wealth. (142) (Vergl. Dugmore: „Compendium of Kaffir Kafir Laws and Customs.“ )

Whenever legal expression has to be given to the relations of the Comitatus to the Teutonic kings, the portions of the Roman law selected are uniformly those which declare the semi-servile relation of the Client or Freedman to his Patron. Nach den texts des Brehon Law a Chief of high degree is always  Bei Maine, S. 145: expected
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suspected
to surround himself with unfree dependants u. das retinue eines King of Erin was to consist not only of free tribesmen but of a bodyguard of men bound to him by servile obligations … Auch … wenn die Comitatus or Companions of the Chief freemen, nicht nothwendig od. gewöhnlich his near kindred. (145)

In den Brehon Laws spielen grosse Rolle horned cattle, i.e. bulls, cows, heifers, and calves; auch horses, sheep, swine, dogs, bees (the latter: the producers of the greatest of primitive luxury); vor allem aber kine  Zusatz von Marx.
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(cows)
. Capitale – kine reckoned by the head, cattle has given birth to one of the most famous terms of law and one of the most famous terms of political economy, Chattels and Capital. Pecunia. (147) The Primitive Roman law places oxen in highest class of property, mit land u. slaves as items of the Res mancipi. Kine, which the most ancient Sanscrit literature shows to |168 have been eaten as food, became at some unknown period sacred and their flesh forbidden; u. two of the chief „Things which required a Mancipation at Rome“, oxen and landed property, had their counterpart in the sacred bull of Siwa Siva and the sacred land of India. (148) Horned cattle showed their greatest value when groups of men settled on spaces of land and betook themselves to the cultivation of food-grain . (l.c.) Erst für ihr flesh u. milk valued, schon in very early times a distinct special importance belonged to them as instrument or medium of exchange; bei Homer sind sie a measure of value; traditional story dass das earliest coined money known at Rome stamped with the figure of an ox; „pecus“ u. „pecunia“. ([148,] 149) In Brehon laws figurirt horned cattle als means of exchange; fines, dues, rents u. returns are calculated in live-stock, not exclusively in kine, but nearly so. Beständig referred to two standards of value, „sed“ u. „cumhal“; cumhal soll originaliter have meant a female slave, aber „sed“ plainly used for an amount or quantity of live stock.  Bei Maine, S. 149: The next stage, however, in the history of cattle is that at which their service to mankind is greatest. They are now valued chiefly, in some communities exclusively,
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Aber, später, cattle haupsächlich valued
for their use in tillage, their labour and their manure. Erst nach u. nach as beasts of plough ersetzt durch Pferde in Western Europe  Bei Maine, S. 149: very generally […] but the change was even there both gradual and comparatively modern
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(auch hier nicht überall)
; in still large portions of the world horse noch ausschliesslich employed, wie wohl ursprünglich überall, for war, pleasure, or the chase. ([149,] 150) Oxen waren so fast einziger Representative  Bei Maine, S. 150: of what a Political Economist would now call Capital applied to land
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of what now called Capital
. (l.c.) The same causes which altered the position of the ox and turned him into an animal partially adscriptus glebae, undoubtedly produced also a great extension of slavery … Enormous importation of slaves into the central territories of the Roman Commonwealth, and the wholesale degradation of the free cultivating communities of Western Europe into assemblages of villeins. (150, 151)

Die Schwierigkeit – in ancient Ireland – not to obtain land, but the means of cultivating it. Die great owners of cattle were the various Chiefs, whose primitive superiority to the other tribesmen in this respect was probably owing to their natural functions as military leaders of the tribe. Andrerseits scheint aus den Brehon laws zu folgen that the Chiefs pressed by the difficulty of finding sufficient pasture for their herds. Hatten zwar growing power over the waste-land der particular group worüber sie präsidirten, aber die most fruitful portions of the tribal territory wahrscheinlich those which the free tribesmen occupied. Hence das system of giving u. receiving stock, to which 2 sub-tracts des Senchus Mor are devoted, the Cain-Saerrath u. der Cain-Aigillne, the Law of Saer-Stock tenure u. the Law of Daer-Stock Tenure. ([151,] 152)

In Feudalgesellschaft everybody has become the subordinate of somebody else higher than himself and yet exalted above him by no great distance. (153)

Nach Stubbs ( „Constit. History“ . I, 252) Feudalism has „grown up from 2 great sources, the Benefice and the practice of Commendation.“ (154) Commendation, in particular, went on all over Western Europe. (155) Der Chief  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Irish)
– sei er einer der many tribal rulers whom the Irish records call kings, or one of those heads of joint[-]families whom the Anglo-Irish lawyers at a later period called the Capita Cognationum, – is not owner of the tribal land. His own land he may have, consisting of private estate or of official domain, or of both, and over the general tribal land he has a general administrative authority, ever growing greater over that portion of it which is unappropriated waste. He is meanwhile the military [leader] of his tribesmen, and probably in that capacity … has acquired great wealth in cattle. It has somehow become of great importance to him to place out portions of his herds among the tribesmen, and they on their part occasionally find themselves through stress of circumstance in pressing need of cattle for employment in tillage. Thus the Chiefs appear |169 in the Brehon law as perpetually „giving stock“ and the tribesmen as receiving it. (157) By taking stock the free Irish tribesman becomes the Ceile or Kyle, the vassal or man of his Chief, owing him not only rent but service and homage. The exact effects of „commendation“ are thus produced. (158) Je mehr stock der tribesman accepts from his Chief, desto tiefer der status zu dem er herabsinkt. Hence die 2 classes of Saer und Daer tenants (entsprechend dem status der free und higher base tenants of an English manor). Der Saer[-]Stock tenant , erhält nur limited amount of stock from the Chief, bleibt freeman, retains his tribal rights in their integrity; the normal period of his tenancy was 7 years, and at the end of it he became entitled to the cattle which had been in his possession. In der Zwischenzeit hatte er the advantage of employing them in tillage, and the Chief erhielt the growth and increasei.e. the young and the manureand milk. Zugleich it is expressly laid down dass der Chief überdem entitled to receive homage and manual labour; manual labour is explained to mean the service of the vassal in reaping the Chief’s harvest and in assisting to build his castle or fort; u. it is stated that, in lieu of manual labour, the vassal might be required to follow his Chief to the wars. (158, 159)

Daer-stock tenancy gebildet, wenn entweder any large addition to the stock deposited with the Saer-Stock tenant, od. an unusual quantity accepted in the first instance by the tribesman. Der Daer[-]Stock tenant had parted with some portion of his freedom u. his duties invariably referred to as very onerous. Der Stock, den er vom Chief erhielt, bestand aus 2 portions, wovon die eine entsprechend dem Rang des Empfängers, die andre der rent in kind to which te the tenant became liable. Der technical standard seines Rangs war des tenant „honor-price“, d.h. the fine or damage payable for injuring him, variable mit the dignity of the person injured. Mit Bezug auf die rent heisst’s im Brehon law: „The proportinate stock of a calf of the value of a sack with its accompaniments, and refections for three persons in the summer, and work for three days, is three ‘sam-haisk’ ‘sam-haisc’ heifers or their value“ ( Cain-Aigillne , p. 25 255/257), in andern Worten: Deponirt der Chief beim tenant 3 heifers beim tenant , so wird er [»]entitled to the calf, the refections, and the labour«. Ferner: „The proportionate stock of a ‛dartadh’ heifer with its accompaniment, is 12 ‘seds’“ – explained to mean 12 „sam-haisc“ heifers, or 6 cows etc etc. Diese rent in kind, od. food[-]rent hatte, in dieser ihrer ältesten Form, nichts zu thun mit der value of the tenant’s land, but solely to the value of  Bei Maine, S. 160: the Chief’s property
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the Chiefs stock
deposited with the tenant
; sie entwickelte sich erst später in a rent payable in respect of the tenant’s land. Die lästigste imposition des Daer-Stock tenant sind die „refections“; dies war nämlich das Recht des Chief, der den stock gegeben hatte, to come with a company of a certain number, and feast at the Daer[-]stock tenant’s house, at particular periods, for a fixed number of days.  Bei Maine, S. 161: their [of the “right of refection,” and liability to it] origin is probably to be explained by the circumstance that the Irish Chief, though far more privileged than his tenants, was
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Der Irish chief war wahrscheinlich, sagt Herr Maine,
little better housed and almost as poorly furnished out, wie seine tenants, and could not have managed to consume at home the provisions to which his gifts of stock entitled him. The Brehon law defines and limits the practice narrowly on all sides; but its inconvenience  Bei Maine, S. 161: tendency to degenerate into an abuse
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u. abuse
manifest; from it doubtless descended those oppressions which revolted such English observers of Ireland as Spenser and  Bei Maine, S. 161: Davis
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Davies
 Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
, the „coin and livery“, and „cosherings“ of the Irish Chiefs which they  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗these self-righteous English canaille!⦘
denounce with such indignant emphasis  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
Der würdige Maine, vergessend die Rundreisen der englischen Könige u. ihrer Höflinge  Kommentar von Marx.

see Anderson u. Macpherson: Vermutlich meinte Marx James Anderson: Royal genealogies: or, the genealogical tables of emperors, kings and princes, from Adam to these times. In 2 pt. London 1732; und James Macpherson: An introduction to the history of Great Britain and Ireland. Dublin 1771. Beide werden im Buch von Martin Haverty (The History of Ireland, Ancient and Modern. Derived from Our Native Annals, from the Most Recent Researches of Eminent Irish Scholars and Antiquaries, from the State Papers, and from All the Resources of Irish History Now Available, Dublin 1867 [1860]) erwähnt (Anderson auf S. 495/498, Macpherson auf S. 40/77). Marx fügt seinen Maine-Exzerpten Exzerpte von Haverty mit einem Zitat aus Anderson hinzu. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „der zur Zeit der Elizabeth …“. Das Buch von Georg Ludwig von Maurer (Geschichte der Fronhöfe, der Bauernhöfe und der Hofverfassung in Deutschland. Bd. 1–4. Erlangen 1862/1863) hat Marx 1876 exzerpiert (RGASPI, Sign. f. 1, op. 1, d. 3716, S. 81–94; d. 3736, S. 1–93; d. 3735, S. 1–13). Die Rundreisen der Könige und ihrer Höflinge werden von Maurer erwähnt in Bd. 1, S. 415–417, 424–429, 454–457.
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(see Anderson u. Macpherson ) (vgl. auch Maurer ) hat die Frechheit zu vermuthen:
»Perhaps there was no Irish usage which seemed to Englishmen  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
so amply to justify … the entire judicial or |170 legislative abolition of Irish customs«  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
(159–161) Nach den Brehon lawyers the relation out of which Daer-stock tenancy and its peculiar obligations arose, were was not perpetual. After food-rent and service had been rendered for 7 years  Bemerkung von Marx. Er bezieht sich auf die biblische Episode von Jakob, der seinem Onkel Laban sieben Jahre lang diente, um Rahel, seine jüngere und schönste Tochter, zu heiraten. Nach Ablauf des Dienstes betrog Laban Jakob und gab ihm am Abend seine Tochter Lea, die Erstgeborene. So musste Jakob Laban weitere sieben Jahren dienen. Siehe: Die Bibel. Das Alte Testament. 1. Buch Mose, 29.
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⦗Zeit die Jacob zu dienen hatte?⦘
, if the Chief died, the tenant became entitled to the stock; wenn andrerseits der tenant starb, waren seine heirs theilweis, obgleich nicht ganz, relieved from their obligation. Wahrscheinlich die Daer-stock tenancy, beginning in the necessities of the tenant, was often from the same cause rendered practically permanent. (162)

The Heriot of English Copyhold tenure, the „best beast“ taken by the Lord on the death of a base tenant, has been explained as an acknowledgment as of the Lord’s ownership of the cattle with which he anciently stocked the lands of his villeins, just as the Heriot of the military tenant is believed to have had its origin in a deposit of arms. Adam Smith recognized the great antiquity of the Metayer tenancy, wovon er noch zu seiner Zeit found in Scotland one variety, the „steelbow“. (162). In einer der prefaces der official translation der Brehon laws Vergleichung gemacht zwischen Metayer tenancy u. the Saer u. Daer-stock tenancy of ancient Irish law. Die Differences aber: In Metayage giebt landlord land u. stock, der tenant nur Arbeit u. skill; in Saer u. Daer[-]Stock tenancy the land belonged to the tenant. Ferner: die ancient Irish relation produced nicht allein a contractual liability, sondern a status; the tenant had his social u. tribal position distinctly altered by accepting stock.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Wie leicht in ancient times mere contractual liability umschlägt, oder kaum zu ändern ist von status, Beweis z. B. Russld wo persönlicher Dienst direct in Sklaverei umschlägt u. selbst freiwillige Feldarbeit etc nur mit Mühe vor selbem Umschlag zu schützen. Sieh darüber das Weitere in den russ. Quellen.⦘
([162,] 163) In Ireland the acceptance of stock not always voluntary; a tribesman, in one stage of Irish custom at all events, was bound to receive stock from his own „King“ … i.e. the Chief of its his tribe in its largest extension. In einigen cases the Tribe wozu der intending tenant gehörte had in some cases a veto on his adoption of the new position … Um dem Tribe opportunity to geben to interpose whenever it had legal power to do so, the acceptance of stock had to be open and public, and the consequences of effecting it surreptitiously are elaborately set forth by the law. Hence one of the rules: „no man should leave a rent on his land which he did not find there.“ (163, 164)

Gehörten der Chief der den stock gab u. der Ceile der ihn accepted zum selben Tribe,  Bei Maine, S. 164: the effect of the transaction was to create a relation between them, not indeed altogether unlike that of tribal connection, but still materially different from it in many respects
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so relation geschaffen verschieden von der tribal connection
u. much more to the advantage of the chief.  But the superior from whom a man took stock
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Aber dieser Chief
war nicht immer der Chief of the tribeman’s tribesman’s own Sept or Tribe. Brehon law sucht Schwierigkeiten in den Weg zu legen wo attempt dies vassalage Verhältniss zu etabliren zwischen a tribesman and a strange Chief. Aber abundant admission admissions that dies vorkam. Jeder noblemen nobleman assumed to be as a rule rich in  Bei Maine, S. 165: cattle
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stock
, u. having the Zweck to disperse his herds by the practice of giving stock. Der enriched peasant, der Bo-aire, had Ceiles who accepted stock from him. Hence the new groups formed in this way were manchmal ganz distinct von den old groups composed of the Chief and his Clan. Auch die new relation nicht confined auf Aires, or noblemen, u. Ceiles (i.e. free, but non noble tribesmen)[.] The Bo-aire certainly, and apparently the higher Chiefs also, accepted stock on occasion from chieftains more exalted than themselves, and in the end to „give stock“ came to mean the same thing  Bei Maine, S. 165: as to assert feudal superiority, and to “accept stock” the same thing, which in the language of other societies was called „commendation”.
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wie anderswo „Commendation“
by fiction the Brehon Law represents the King of Ireland as „accepting stock“ from the Emperor. Es sagt: „Wenn the King of Erin is without opposition“ ( wovon the explanation runs: when he holds the ports of Dublin, |171 Waterford, and Limerick, which were usually in the hands of the Danes – „he receives stock from the King of the Romans“ (Senchus More Mor. II, 225). The commentary goes on to say, that sometimes „it is by the successor of Patrick  Bei Maine, S. 166: and this remarkable passage seems to show that an Irish writer spoke of the successor of St. Patrick, where a writer of the same approximate period in England or on the European Continent would assuredly have spoken of the Pope.
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⦗dies statt »Pope«⦘
that the stock is given to the King of Erin“. (164–166)

This natural growth of feudalism was not, as some eminent recent writers have supposed, entirely distinct from the process by which the authority of the Chief or Lord over the Tribe or Village was extended, but rather formed part of it. While the unappropriated waste lands were falling into his domain, the villagers or tribesmen were coming through natural  Zusatz von Marx.
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(?)
agencies under his personal power. (167)

The law-tracts  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Brehon)
give a picture of an aristocracy of wealth in its most primitive form; cf. über die Gallic Celts Caesar B. G. I. 4, u. VI. 13. In ancient world finden wir sehr early plebejan classes deeply indebted to aristocratic orders. (167) Athenian commonalty the bondslaves through debts of the Eupatrids; so the Roman Commons in money bondage to the Patricians. (167, 168) In very ancient times land was a drug, while capital was extremely perishable, added to with the greatest difficulty, and lodged in very few hands … The ownership of the instruments of tillage other than the land itself was thus, in early agricultural communities, a power of the first order … it may be believed  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
that a stock of the primitive capital larger than usual was very generally obtained by plunder … mostly, daher, in the hands of noble classes whose occupation was war and who at all events had a monopoly of the profits of office. The advance of capital at usurious interest, and the helpless degradation of the borrowers, natural results of such economical conditions. (168, 169). Die Brehon writers des Cain-Saerrath u. Cain-Aigillne, durch their precise u. detailed statements, plainly intend to introduce certainty and equity into a naturally oppressive system. (169)

„Eric-fines“, or pecuniary composition for violent crime (170)[;] by this customary law, the sept or family to which the perpetrator of a crime belonged  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Maine: forfeited a considerable portion of its lands […] But in the infancy of society a fine on the cultivating communities, of the kind afterwards called pecuniary, was a much severer punishment than the forfeiture of land.
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etc had to pay (in cattle, später Geld) dies fine.
(171)

Feodum, Feud, Fief, von Vieh, cattle. Ebenso Pecunia u. Pecus. Wie die Roman lawyers tell that pecunia became the most comprehensive term for all a man’s property, so „feodum“ – originally meaning „cattle“. (171, 172)

Nach Dr. Sullivan feodum of Celtic Sprachursprung; he connects it with fuidhir. Nämlich das territory jedes Irish tribe seems to have had settled on it, neben den Saer und Daer Ceiles, certain classes of persons, deren status nearer to slavery than to that of the Saer u. Daer tribesmen. Diese classes genannt Senclethes, Bothachs und Fuidhirs; diese 2 letzten classes wieder subdivided in Saer u. Daer Bothachs und Saer u. Daer Fuidhirs. Ersichtlich aus den tracts u. namentlich dem noch unpublicirten „Corus Fine“ , dass die servile dependants, gleich den freemen des territory, had a family or Tribal organization; and indeed all fragments of a society like that of ancient Ireland take more or less the shape of the prevailing model. Die position der classes, obscurely indicated in Domesday u. other English records as Cotarii und Bordarii, wahrscheinlich sehr ähnlich denen der Sencleithes u. Bothachs; in beiden Fällen had diese servile orders wahrscheinlich an origin distinct from that of the dominant race, and belonged to the older or aboriginal inhabitants of the country. Ein Theil der families or subtribes formed out of them were certainly in a condition of special servitude to the Chief or dependence on him; diese either engaged in cultivating his immediate domain-land and herding his cattle, or were planted by him in separate settlements on the waste land of the tribe; rente or service which they paid  Bei Maine, S. 173: was apparently determinable solely by the pleasure of the Chief
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scheint von Willkühr des Chief abhängig gewesen zu sein
. (172, 173)|

172

Der wichtigste Theil dieser Klassen der settled by the Chief on the unappropirated tribal lands.  Bei Maine, S. 173: It consisted of the the Fuidhirs, the strangers or fugitives
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Diese Fuidhirs, u. ausserdem strangers or fugitives
from other territories, in fact men who had broken the original tribal bond which gave them a place in the community. Aus Brehon law sichtbar, dass diese Klasse zahlreich; spricht à diverses reprises von the desertion of their lands by families or portions of families. Unter gewissen Umständen wurden the rupture of the tribal bond u. die Flucht deren derer who break it als »eventualities« von dem Gesetz behandelt.  Bei Maine, S. 174: the corporate responsibility of tribes, sub-tribes, and families takes the place of that responsibility for crime, and even to some extent of civil obligation, which, under modern institutions, presses upon the individual. But the responsibility
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Die Verantwortlichkeit von tribes, subtribes, u. families for die crimes ihrer Glieder u. even to some extent of civil obligation derselben –
might be prevented by compelling or inducing a member of the group to withdraw from its circle; and the Book of Aicill gives the legal procedure which is to be observed in the expulsion, the tribe paying certain fines to the Chief and the Church and proclaiming the fugitive. … Result probably to fill the country with „broken men“ u. diese could find a home and protection by becoming Fuidhir tenants; alles tending to disturb the Ireland der Brehon Laws tended to multiply this particular class. (173, 174)

Der Fuidhir tenant exclusive exclusively dependant of the Chief u. nur durch letzteren connected mit dem Tribe; Chief wurde auch responsible für sie; sie kultivirten sein Land; sie daher the first „tenants at will“ known to Ireland.

The „three rents“, says the Senchus Mor, are the „rackrent from a person of a strange tribe ⦗diese person undoubtedly the Fuidhir⦘, a fair rent from one of the Tribe, and the stipulated rent which is paid equally by the tribe and the strange tribe.“ In einer der glosses« , was „rackrent“ übersetzt ist, verglichen »to the milk of a cow which is compelled to give milk every month to the end of the year.« (174, 175) Andrerseits hatte Chief grosses Interesse to encourage diese Fuidhir tenants. Heisst in one of the tracts: „He brings in Fuidhirs to increase his wealth.“ Die interests really injured were those of the tribe … which suffered as a body by the curtailment of the waste land available for pasture. Zusammenfassung von Marx.
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Vgl. Hunter’s „Orissa“ wo shown wie das „hereditary peasantry“ of Orissa beschädigt durch die broken „migratory husbandmen“ etc. (Sieh Orissa, I, 57, 58) (175–177)
Cf. Edmund Spenser (writing not later than 1596 [)] u. Sir John Davis ,  Bei Maine, S. 169: writing rather before 1713. Gemeint war möglicherweise: 1613. Die Schrift von Davies war bereits 1612 erschienen.
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writing before 1713.
[179, 180]

 Kommentar von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 177/178: It is certainly a striking circumstance that in the far distance of Irish tradition we come upon conflicts between rent-paying and rent-receiving tribes […] and that the relation of Irish landlord and Irish tenant, after being recognised ever since the beginning of the century as a social difficulty of the first magnitude, finally became a political difficulty, which was settled only the other day.

Mit „Act of 1870“ bezieht sich Marx auf „The Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Act, 1870“. Siehe „An Act to amend the Law relating to the Occupation and Ownership of Land in Ireland. [1st August 1870.]“ In: The public general statutes passed in the thirty-third and thirty-fourth years of the reign of Her Majesty Queen Victoria. London 1870. Ch. 46. S. 252–283.
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⦗Für den comfortable Maine die Irish Tenant Question »was settled only the other day«. (178) Mit seinem gewöhnlichen Optimismus die Sache settled durch den Act of 1870 (!)⦘

The general bias der writers der Brehon Tracts rather towards the exaggeration of the privileges of the Chiefs than towards overstatement of the immunities of tribesmen. (180)

The power of the Irish Chiefs u. their severity to their tenants in the 16. th century being admitted, have been accounted for by the Norman nobles – the Fitzgeralds, Burkes, Barrys – becoming gradually clothed with Irish chieftainship had first abused it u. thus set an evil example to all the Chiefs in Ireland. (181)  Bei Maine, S. 181/182: I owe a far more plausible theory of the cause of change to Dr. Sullivan, who, in his Introduction (p. cxxvi), has suggested that it was
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Better Theory of Dr Sullivan (in his Introduction p. CXXVI) wonach dies régime
determined »by the steady multiplication of Fuidhir tenants«. (182) Und causes at work, powerfully u. for long periods of time, to increase the numbers of this class: Danish piracies, intestine feuds, Anglo-Norman attempts at conquest, the existence of of the Pale, u. the policy directed from the Pale of playing off against one another the Chiefs beyonds beyond its borders. Durch dies civil war etc tribes far u. wide broken up, dies implies a multitude of broken men. (183)  Bei Maine, S. 184: You will bear in mind the passage quoted by me from Hunter’s “Orissa,” which shows how a tenantry enjoying hereditary rights is injured […] by a large immigration of cultivators dependent on the landlord or Zemindar. They narrow the available waste land by their appropriations; and, though they do not compete directly for the anciently cultivated land with the tenants enjoying hereditary rights, they greatly raise in the long run the standard of rent, at the same time that they arm the landlord with those powers of exacting it which in ancient Ireland consisted in the strong hand of the Chief himself, and which consist, in modern India, in the money which puts in motion the arm of the law. I have no doubt whatever that a great multiplication of Fuidhir tenants would always seriously alter
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Dann wie in Orissa die immigrated cultivators at the disposal of the Zemindars make greatly rise for das ancient tenantry the standard of rent u. die exactions der landlords – selben Einfluss die Fuidhir tenants in Ireland; altered seriously
for the worse the |173 worse the position of the tenants by Saer[-]Stock u. by Daer[-]Stock Tenure. (183, 184)

Spenser: „View of the State of Ireland“ . [201, 202]

Aus:
Martin Haverty: The History of Ireland, Ancient and Modern. Derived from Our Native Annals, from the Most Recent Researches of Eminent Irish Scholars and Antiquaries, from the State Papers, and from All the Resources of Irish History Now Available. Dublin 1867.
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert

 Zusatz von Marx.
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In der übrigens sonst kritisch nicht erwähnenswerthen: „History of Ireland, Ancient and Modern“ (Dublin 1867) von Martin Haverty , wird bemerkt:
»tanaisteacht (or tanistry)«, a law of succession, bezog sich auf »transmission of titles, offices, and authority«. Says Professor Curry: „There was no invariable rule of succession … but according to the general tenor of our ancient accounts the eldest son succeeded the father to the exclusion of all collateral claimants, unless it happened that he was disqualified etc. The eldest son, being thus recognised and the presumptive heir and successor to the dignity, was denominated tanaiste, that is, minor or second, while all the other sons, or persons that were eligible in case of his failure, were simply called righdhamhna, i.e. king-material, or king-makings. This was the origin of tanaiste, a successor, and tanaisteacht, successorship. The tanaiste had a separate [maintenance] and establishment, as well as distinct privileges and liabilities. He was inferior to the king or chief, but above all the other dignitaries of the State. … Tanistry, in the Anglo-Norman sense, was not an original, essential element of the law of succession, but a condition that might be adopted or abandoned at any time by the parties concerned; and it does not appear that it was at any time universal in Erin Erinn, although it prevailed in many parts of it. … alternate tanaisteacht did not involve any disturbance of property, or of the people, but only affected the position of the person himself, whether king, chief, or professor of any of the liberal arts, as the case might be; u. it was often set aside by force.“ ⦗Prof. Curry in: Introduction to the battle of Magh Leana, printed for the Celtic Society, Dublin, 1855 ; quoted in Haverty, Hist. of Irld , p. 49, wo es weiter heisst: »The primitive intention was that the inheritance should descend „to the oldest and most worthy man of the same name and blood,“ but practically this was giving it to the strongest, and family feuds and intestine wars were the inevitable consequence.« ( Haverty , p. 49)⦘

By gavelkind (or gavail-kinne) ⦗common also to the Britons, Anglo-Saxons, Francs etc⦘ the property was divided equally between all the sons, whether legitimate or otherwise …; but in addition to his own equal share, which the eldest son obtained in common with his brothers, he received the dwelling house and other buildings, which would have been  Bei Haverty, S. 50: retained
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received
by the father or kenfinè Verwechslung von Marx. Haverty, S. 50, Fn. *, verweist auf „the authority of Mr. Curry“, allerdings nicht in Bezug auf die Bedeutung des Wortes Kenfinè. Für Kenfinè gibt er an: „Four. Mast., vol. iv. p. 1147, note. f“.
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⦗Dies Wort »Kenfinè« oder [»]Cean-fine« was (nach Prof. Curry) only applied to the heads of minor families, and never to any kind of chieftains⦘
, if the division was made, as it frequently was, in his own life-time. This extra share was given to the eldest brother as head of the family, and in consideration of certain liabilities which he incurred for the security of the family in general. If there were no sons, the property was divided equally among the next male heirs of the deceased, ⦗nach Curry : in default of any male issue daughters were allowed a life interest in property.⦘ whether uncles, brothers, nephews or cousins; but the female line was excluded from the inheritance. Sometimes a repartition of the lands of a whole tribe, or family of several branches, became necessary, owing to the extinction of some of the branches; but it does not appear that any such confusion or injustice resulted from the law, as is represented by Sir  Bei Haverty, S. 50: John Davies
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John Davis
and by other English lawyers
who have adopted his account of it. (p. 50.   Zusatz von Marx.
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He quotes:
„Dissertation on(?) the Laws of the Ancient Irish“ , written by Dr. O’Brien , author of the Dictionary, but published anonymously by Vallencey in the 3d number of the „Collectanea de Reb. Hib.“)

The Tenure of land in Ireland was essentially a tribe or family right … all the members of a tribe or family in Ireland had an equal right to their proportionate share of the land occupied by the whole. The equality of title and blood thus enjoyed by all must have created a sense of individual self-respect and mutual dependence, that could not have existed under the Germanic and Anglo-Norman System of vassalage. |174 The tenures of whole tribes were of course frequently disturbed by war; and whenever a tribe was driven or emigrated into a district where it had no hereditary claim, if it obtained land it was on the payment of a rent to the King of the district; these rents being in some instances so heavy as to compel the strangers to seek for a home elsewhere. (l.c. p. 50) (cf. ib. p. 28 Note  Zusatz von Marx, der gewiss mit der der Folklore entstammenden Gestalt bekannt war, weil sie als Fee in „Romeo and Juliet“ von William Shakespeare auftritt. Siehe Haverty, S. 28: „She [Maeve (Meadhbli) or Mab, or Maud] figures as the heroine in many of the strange romances of the period [B. C. 142]; among the peasantry her memory has descended to the present day as that of the queen of the Fairies of Connaught, and in her elfin character, although greatly metamorphosed, she is immortalized as the Queen Mab of English fairy mythology.“ Für das von Marx erwähnte Beispiel siehe Haverty, S. 28, Fn. *, wo er über auf den Hebriden ansässige Firbolgs berichtet, die, von den Pikten vertrieben, nach Irland zurückkehrten. Dort durften sie sich zunächst in Meath ansiedeln. Da sich der Pachtzins aber als zu hoch erwies, zogen sie weiter nach Connaught, wo ihnen der König und seine Frau, die legendäre Queen Méabh (Maeve), die im 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. gelebt haben soll, einen Streifen an der Küste zuwiesen.
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angeblich ein Beispiel aus der Zeit der Queen Mab !
)

 Umschreibung und Kommentar von Marx. Bei Haverty, S. 51: None of the ancient Irish laws has been so much decried by English writers as that of eric, or mulet, by which crimes, including that of murder, were punished by fines
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Die Hünde v. Engländern – man kennt die Humanität dieser Bestien aus den Zeiten Henry’s VIII, Elizabeth’s u. James I ! – machten gross Geschrei über Irish compositio od. »eric«
; vergessend dass sich selbiges findet in Laws of Athlestan Athelstan , Leges Wallicae (Howell Dda’s) etc. [(]see l.c. p. 51 u. daselbst Note †.)

fosterage prevailed, up to a comparatively recent period; Engl. gvt. machte oft stringent laws dagegen, to prevent the intimate friendships which sprung up between the Anglo-Irish families and their „mere“ Irish fosterers. By the statute of Kilkenny, 40 Ed. III (a.d. 1367) wurden Fosterage and gossipred  Zusatz von Marx aus Samuel Johnson: A dictionary of the English language: in which the words are deduced from their originals, and illustrated in their different significations by examples from the best writers; to which are prefixed, a history of the language, and an English grammar. In 2 vol. London 1755. Vol. 1. Marx könnte auch weitere Ausgaben benutzt haben (z.B. 2. ed. London 1755/1756, 3. ed. London 1765, 4. ed. London 1777, die zu „gossipred“ dieselben Angaben enthalten. In anderen Ausgaben erscheint die Definition von Davies entweder nur noch in verkürzter Form („[…] by the canon law, is a spiritual affinity“) oder ohne die Angabe „on Ireland“.
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⦗»gossipred or compaternity, by the canon law, is a spiritual affinity; and the juror, that was gossip to either of the parties, might, in former times, have been challenged as not indifferent.« ( Davies on Ireland, bei Dr. Johnson Dict. sub voce: gossipred.)⦘
as well as intermarriages, with the native Irish, declared to be treason. Says Giraldus Cambrensis (Top. Hib. Dist. 3, ch. 23) „if any love or faith is to be found among them  Zusatz von Marx.
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(the Irish)
, you must look for it among the fosterers and their foster-children.“ Stanihurst, De reb. hib. p. 49, says, the Irish loved and confided in their foster-brothers more than their brothers by blood:  Alles vertrauen sie ihnen an; in sie setzen sie ihre ganze Hoffnung; alle Pläne teilen sie genau mit ihnen. Und ebenso begegnen ihre Milchbrüder ihnen mit einem Höchstmaß an Vertrauen und Liebe.

conciliorum: So bei Haverty, S. 52, Fn. *.
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„Singula illis credunt; in eorum spe requiescunt; omnium conciliorum consiliorum sunt maxime conscii. Collactanei etiam eos fidelissime et amantissime observant.“
See also Harris’s Ware, v. II , p. 72. (p. 51, 52 l.c.)

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Eh wir fortfahren mit dem Maine, zunächst zu bemerken dass
 Siehe Haverty, S. 496.
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4 Juli 1605
 Bei Haverty, S. 494: James I
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der elende Jacob I
 Siehe Haverty, S. 494, Fn. *. Marx erwähnte James Anderson im vorliegenden Heft schon an anderer Stelle. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „(see Anderson u. Macpherson) …“.
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⦗der zur Zeit der Elizabeth, before his accession den Katholikenfreund gespielt u., wie Dr. Anderson : „ Royal Genealogies. p. 786“ sagt, „assisted the Irish privately more than Spain did publicly“⦘
 Siehe Haverty, S. 496.
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issued a proclamation, formally promulgating für Irland the Act of Uniformity (2 1 Eliz.) , and commanding the „Popish clergy“ to depart from the realm. Im selben Jahr the ancient Irish customs of tanistry u. gavelkind were abolished by a judgment of the Court of King’s Bench, and the inheritance of property was subjected to the rules of Englich law.
 Von Marx hier eingefügter Auszug aus den „Lectures“ von Maine.

Die lumpacii: Bei Maine, S. 185: the Anglo-Irish Judges
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⦗Die lumpacii affirmed the illegality of the native Irish tenures of land; declared to be the English common law to be in force in Ireland, u. von da the eldest son succeeded, as heir-at-law, both to lands which were attached to a Signory and to estates which had been divided according to the peculiar Irish custom of Gavelkind. Maine. 185⦘
 Bei Haverty, S. 496, Fn. *: Sir John Davis, who was king James’s Attorney-General for Ireland
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Der lausige Sir John Davis was King James [’] Attorney-General for Ireland
 Zusatz von Marx.
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u. für diesen Posten war natürlich entsprechender Lump gewählt – ein ebenso »vorurtheilsfreier« u. uninterssirter Patron wie der Elizabeths Arsch küssende
 Siehe Haverty, S. 428, Fn. *.
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Poet Spencer. („State of Ireland“) His remedy for the ills of Ireland, the employment of large masses of troops „to tread down all that standeth before them on foot, and lay on the ground all the stiffnecked stiff-necked people of that land,“ u. zwar sollte that war nicht nur im Sommer, sondern auch im Winter geführt werden, u. fährt dann fort: „the end will be very short“ u. describes in proof what he himself had witnessed in „the late wars of Munster“ etc.
 Zusatz von Marx.
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[(]see den weiteren Cannibalismus dieses Poeten bei Haverty , l.c. p. 428 Note.
)

 Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten und mit Kommentar. Siehe Haverty, S. 497–500.
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Der bewusste Zweck des James was »looting«, was der Bursche Colonisation nannte. Vertreibung u. Unterjochung der Irish, u. Confiscation ihres Lands u. Habe, alles das unter dem Prätext von Anti-Popery. 1607 O’Neill u. O’Donnell , noch in possession of vast tracts of country, the last great Irish chieftains, crushed. 1608 die Chiefs im Norden, Sir Cahir O’Doherty etc crushed (ihr Revolt). Nun 6 counties of UlsterTyrone, Derry, Donegal, Fermanagh, Armagh u. Cavan – confiscated to the Crown u. parcelled out among adventurers from England and Scotland.
Dazu benutzt Sir Arthur Chichester  Es ging um die Frage, wie mit den konfiszierten counties zu verfahren sei. Bei Haverty, S. 500: Various plans were proposed for the purpose, and among others, Lord Bacon was consulted; but his plan was disapproved of.
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(Bacon’s plan gefiel nicht dem beastly fool James II I)
, the lord deputy, der zum Dank erhielt the wide lands of Sir Cahir O’Doherty for his share in this wholesale spoliation. (see O’Donovan „Four Masters“).  Bei Haverty, S. 500: the wealthy citizens of London
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Die reichen Spiessbürger der London City
were the largest participators in the plunder. They obtained 209,800 acres and rebuilt the city  Zusatz von Marx.
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(i.e. Derry)
since then called Londonderry. Nach dem plan finally |175 adopted for the „plantation of Ulster“ the lots into which the lands were divided were classified into those containing 2000 acres, which were reserved for rich undertakers and the great servitors of the crown; those containing 1500 acres, which were allotted to servitors of the crown in Ireland, with permission to take either English or Irish tenants; and, thirdly, those containing 1000 acres, to be distributed with still less restriction. The exclusion of the ancient inhabitants, and the prescription proscription of the Catholic religion, were the fundamental principles to be acted on as far as possible in this settlement. Cox says that in the instructions, printed for the direction of the settlers, it was especially mentioned „that they should not suffer any laborers, that would not take the oath of supremacy, to dwell upon their land.“ (p. 497–500 l.c.)

 Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Siehe Haverty, S. 501/503: Sir Arthur Chichester […] conceived a plan for erecting a “Protestant ascendancy” in this country. […] The deputy persuaded James that a parliament should be called. […] large subsidies, which gratified the insatiable rapacity of the monarch
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Irish Parlament, berufen angeblich für „Protestant Ascendancy“, aber namentlich auch um Geld für James I zu pressen (whose [»]insatiable rapacity« u. stete Geldnoth notorious[)]. (p. 501–503 l.c.)

Da der Raub vermittelst der „plantation“ so gut gelungen, suchte James I Sache jetzt auf andre Theile Irlands auszudehnen; appointed commission of inquiry to scrutinize the titles and determine the rights of all the lands in Leinster; commissioners worked so rapidly, that in a little time land to the extent of 385,000 acres placed at James’s disposal  Bei Haverty, S. 503, Fn. *: This silly, pedantic despot, whom his flatterers styled the ‟British Solomon,” and who has been lauded by Hume and others for his Irish legislation
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⦗dieser »silly, pedantic fool«, der „British Solomon“ lauded by Hume
for distribution.  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Weiters darüber p. 501–505 l.c.)
See Leland .  Zusatz von Marx.
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Der puritanisch thuende ruffian
Arthur Chichester  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗der für jede neue Infamy
additional grant of Irish lands erhielt u. den Title: Baron of Belfast, hatte 1616 sein Werk gethan u. withdrew from the Irish government⦘ laid down as the punishment of jurors who would not find for the King on „sufficient evidence“ was the Star-Chamber; sometimes they were „pillored pilloried with loss of ears, and bored through the tongue, and sometimes marked on the forehead with a hot iron etc.“ (Commons’ Journal. V. I, p. 307.) (l.c. p. [504,] 505, note †).

Der folgende Passus in einem der »famous«  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(why not »infamous«?)
cases in which the Anglo-Irish Judges affirmed the illegality of the native Irish tenures of land: „Before the establishment of the (English) common law, all the possessions within the Irish territories ran either in course of Tanistry or in course of Gavelkind. Every Signory or Chiefry with the portion of land which passed [with] it went without partition to the Tanist, who always came in by election or with the strong hand, and not by descent; but all inferior tenanties were partible between males in Gavelkind.‟ (Sir J. Davis Reports; „Le Cas de Gavelkind“, Hil. 3[,] Jac. 1, before all the Judges.) (p. 185)

 Kommentar von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 186: there is a strong reason for thinking that Tanistry is the form of succession from which Primogeniture descended
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⦗Dass Tanistry (see die vorigen Ausz. aus Haverty ) eine ältere Form (archaische) der Primogenitur, ist keine Entdeckung des Herrn Maine, sondern wie die Auszüge aus Haverty zeigen war von Dr. O’Brien, Prof. Curry etc lang vorher als fact angenommen. Es beruht einfach darauf, dass der Chef – sei es des der gens, sei es des tribe – theoretisch gewählt, praktisch vererbbar in der Familie (u. für tribe, rather die gens) der der defunct Chief angehört; meist ältester Sohn, relativ Onkel (modificirt durch descent linie); ist bereits eignes Land verbunden mit der function, so geht dies natürlich mit der Function.⦘

Von Gavelkind  Siehe John Davies: Historical Relations … Dublin 1664.
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sagt Sir John Davis
: „By the Irish custom of Gavelkind, the inferior tenanties were partible among all the males of the Sept, both Bastards and Legitimate; and, after partition made, if any one of the Sept had died, his portion was not divided among his sonnes, but the Chief of the Sept made a new partition of all the lands belonging to that Sept, and gave every one his part according to his antiquity.“ (186)  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗Die Irish Sept = Gens.⦘
Skene citirt observation eines engl. Engineer officer in den Highlands about 1730: „They (the Highlanders) are divided into tribes or clans under chiefs or chieftains, and each clan is again divided into branches from the main stock, wo who have chieftains over them. They are subdivided into smaller branches of 50 or 60 men, who deduce their original from their |176 particular chieftains .“ ( Skene: „Highlanders“ I, p. 156) Was Davis describes passirt ähnlich in a Hindoo Joint Family in case of death of one of his its members. (187) Dort nämlich, all the property being brought into the „common chest or purse“, the lapse of any one life would have the effect, potentially if not actually, of distributing the dead man’s share among all the kindred united in the family group. And if, on a dissolution of the Joint family, the distribution of its effects were not per capita but per stirpes, this would correspond to Davis’s Chief giving to each man „according to his antiquity“. (p. 187, 188)  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Siehe Maine, S. 188/189: There is […] nothing extraordinary in our finding, among the ancient usages of the Irish, an institution savouring so much of the “natural communism” of the primitive forms of property as this Irish Gavelkind. […] As the common ancestry fades away into indistinctness, and the community gers to consider itself less an assemblage of blood-relations than a body of co-villagers, […] re-divisions of the land among the whole community, whether at fixed periods or at a death., become rarer and rarer, and at last cease altogether, or survive only as a tradition.
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Gavelkind entspringt aus der gleichen od. period. Theilung des Landes in rural commune; zuletzt
»the descendants  Zusatz von Marx.
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(aber vorher dies auch schon bei Lebzeit)
of the latest holder take his property, to the exclusion of everybody else u. die rights of the portion of the community outside the family dwindle to a veto on sales, or to a right of controlling the modes of cultivation.« (189)

Das was in Davis’ Report (sieh oben) in Widerspruch scheint mit den Brehon Laws, u. a. mit Corus Bescna (which deals with rights over tribal lands) ist dass er ausser rule of Tanistry nur die of »Gavelkind« kennt,  Bei Maine, S. 190/191: They show us proprietary right […] which is hard to reconcile with the degree of “natural communism” […] and we shall presently have to discuss some very singular rules of succession, which, however they may affect the Family, certainly seem to excude the Sept.
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während in Brehon laws andre (nicht tribal oder gentilician) »property« excluding the »Sept«
. Dr. Sullivan in Introduc. (Breh. Laws) , p. CLXX) says: „According to the Irish custom, property descended at first only to the male heirs of the body, each son receiving an equal share … Ultimately, however, daughters appear to have become entitled to inherit all, if there were no sons.“ (Dies analog dem Gavelkind of Kent.) Corus Bescna implies that under certain circumstances land might be permanently alienated, at all events to the Church. (191) Ist möglich, dass in certain time the Irish Gavelkind  Zusatz von Marx.
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(in dem strict sense der Vertheilung unter Sept des Landes des defunct)
, the modern Gavelkind known to Kent, and many forms of succession intermediate between the two, co-existed in Ireland. The Brehon writers als lawyers u. friends of the Church  Zusatz von Marx. – Seth Pecksniff, Gestalt aus dem Roman „Martin Chuzzlewit“ (1844) von Charles Dickens; danach: Pecksniff = scheinheilig, heuchlerisch.
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⦗»Comfortable« Maine adds in his usual Peckniff Pecksniff unctuosity:
»and (it may be) as well[-]wishers to their country«.⦘ sehr biassed für descent of property in individual families. (193)

Beständig kam vor in Irland u. schott. Highlands dass a Chief, ausser domain appertaining to his office, had a great estate held under what the English lawyers deemed the inferior tenure. 2 Beispiele on record wo 2 grosse Irish Chiefs distributed such estates among their kindred. Im 14 Jhdt Connor More O’Brien assigned the bulk of the estate to the various families of the Sept formed by his own relatives  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Also Gens)
, behielt sich nur ½ of a 3d = ⅙ vor, u. dies ⅙ divided er unter his 3 sons, reserving only a rent to himself. Am Ende des 15. Jhdts Donogh O’Brien , son of Brien Duff , son of Connor, King of Thomond, divided all his land unter seine 11 sons, reservirte für sich nur mansion u. the demesne in his vicinity. Diese 2 cases getrennt durch a century. Im ersten Fall das land had remained in a state of indivision während several generations; im 2ten had been periodically divided. Der Connor More O’Brien distributed the inheritance of a  Bei Maine, S. 194: joint family
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Sept
; Donogh O’Brien that of a family. ( Vallancey: „Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis“ I, 264, 265.  Kommentar von Marx.
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Cf. Haverty. Maine exploits former Irish writers without naming them.)

Connor More O’Brien scheint  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
to have paid regard to the various stirpes or stocks, worin die gens sich branched out; entsprechend was Davis sagt dass der chief divided a lapsed share between the members of a sept „according to their antiquity“. In der most archaic form der Joint Family  Zusatz von Marx.
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(soll heissen Gens)
u. der institution which grew out of it, the Village[-]Community, diese distributions per capita,  Bei Maine, S. 195: Under a more advanced system
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später
distribution per stripes, wo careful attention is paid to the lines into which the descendants of the ancestor of the joint-family  Zusatz von Marx.
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(read: gens)
have separated, and separate rights are reserved to them. Finally, the stocks themselves escape from the sort of shell constituted by the Joint Family  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Gens)
; each man’s share of the property, now periodically divided,  Kommentar von Marx.
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(diesen Uebergang der period. gleichen Theilung erklärt Maine nicht)
is distributed among his direct descendants at his death. At this point, property in its modern form has been established; but the Joint family has not wholly ceased to influence successions.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗keineswegs ist dadurch »property in his its modern form« established; see Russian communes f.i.⦘
Fehlen direct descendants, it is even now the rules of the Joint Family which determine the taking of  Bei Maine, S. 196: the
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its
inheritance. Collateral successions, when distant, follow the more primitive form – per capita; when they are those of the nearer kindred  Bei Maine, S. 196: they are adjusted to its more modern shape, and are
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per stirpes. (193–96)|

177

Die Theilung bei Lebzeiten, die sich bei beiden Chiefs findet, auch in Hindoo Joint-Family; auch Laertes in Odyssee , the Old Chief,  Bei Maine, S. 196: in the decay of his vigour
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wenn krackschelig
, parts with his power u. retains but part of the property he has administered; dagegen der »poorer freeman« wird einer der „Senior“ pensioners des tribe so often referred to in the tracts  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Brehon)
. (196)

 Umschreibung von Marx mit Kommentaren. Siehe Maine, S. 196: Precisely the same practice is recognised, and even (as some think) enjoined, by the more archaic bodies of Hindoo jurisprudence. The principle is that the right of each member of a family accrues at his birth; and, as the family has in theory a perpetual existence, there is no particular reason why, if the property is divided at all, it should be exclusively divided at a death. The power of distributing inheritances vested in the Celtic chiefs has been made the basis of some very doubtful theories
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⦗Es ist modernes Vorurtheil die Theilung post mortem, hervorgegangen aus der testamentarischen Erbschaft, als etwas Specifisches zu betrachten. Das Eigenthum an Land z. B., common selbst nach Verwandlung in privates Familieneigenthum, nämlich common property der family, worin jeder seinen ideellen Antheil hat, bleibt so nach Tod, sei es dass die Familie zusammenbleibt, sei es dass sie faktisch theilt; folgt daher dass die Theilung, wenn der Chief der family (od. wie bei Hindoo joint-family der gewählte od. erbliche Repräsentant der family dazu gezwungen wird durch die co-parceners) will, bei seinen Lebzeiten stattfindet.
 Kommentar von Marx.
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Die ganz falsche Vorstellung des Maine, der die Privatfamilie, wenn in Indien auch in der Form, worin sie dort existirt, – u. zwar in den Städten mehr als auf dem Land, u. bei den Grundrentbeziehern mehr als bei den wirklichen arbeitenden Gliedern einer village community – als die Basis betrachtet, woraus sich Sept u. Clan entwickeln etc, zeigt sich auch in folgender Phrase: Nachdem er gesagt, dass
die »power of distributing inheritances vested in the Celtic Chiefs« essentially dieselbe Institution sei, die dem »Hindoo father« reserved ist durch die »Mitakshara«,  Zusatz von Marx.
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fährt er fort
: »It is part of the prerogative  Kommentar von Marx.
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(eselhafter Ausdruck für die gens u. Tribeverhältnisse)
belonging to the representative of the  Bei Maine, S. 196: purest
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poorest
blood in the joint family; but in proportion as the Joint Family, Sept, or Clan becomes more artificial, the power of distribution tends more and more to look like mere administrative authority.« (196, 197)  Kommentar von Marx.
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Die Sache ist grad umgekehrt. Für Maine, der sich die English Private family after all nicht aus dem Kopf schlagen kann, erscheint diese ganz natürliche Function des Chief of gens, weiter of Tribe, natürlich grade weil er ihr Chief ist (u. theoretisch immer »gewählter«) als »artificial« u. »mere administrative authority«, während die Willkühr des modernen pater familias grade »artificial« ist, wie die Privatfamily selbst, vom archaischen Standpunkt.⦘

In einigen systems of Hindoo law, hat der Vater, der bei Lebzeiten das Eigenthum vertheilt, das Recht to retain a double share u. nach einigen Hindoo customs, nimmt der älteste Sohn, wenn das patrimony theilend mit seinen Brüdern, grösseren Antheil als die anderen. Aehnlich „the birthright“ of the Hebrew patriarchal history. Dies nicht zu verwechseln mit Recht of the rule of Primogeniture .  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Sieh oben Haverty , zum Beweis, dass die irischen Vorgänger des Herrn Maine dies lange vor ihm constatirt hatten, wo sie diese Ungleichheit bei Gavelkind sehr genau scheiden von Tanistry u. auf Pflichten des ältesten Sohns etc reduciren.⦘
 Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 197: But the double share is rather given as the reward or (perhaps we should say) the security for impartial distribution, and we find it often
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Er sucht sich dann the double share plausible zu machen (sie sei »reward or security for impartial distribution« (!)[)] u. bemerkt, das sei oft
coupled with the right to take exclusively such things deemed incapable of  Bei Maine, S. 197: partition
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division
, the family house, f.i., and certain ustensils. Statt des ältesten Sohns dies Privileg manchmal dem jüngsten Sohn zufallend. (197) Primogenitur unbekannt Griechen u. Römern u. Semiten. (Juden u. a. auch) Aber wir finden als familiar fact dass des letzten Königs ältester Sohn ihm folgt; die griech. Philosophen speculiren auch dass in älterem status of society, smaller groups of men, families u. villages, governed by eldest son after eldest son. (198)

Auch beim Einfall der  Bei Maine, S. 199: Teutonic races
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Teutonic Barbars
in West Europa Primogenitur nicht die gewöhnliche Regel der Nachfolge. Das Allodial Property des Teutonic freeman – theoretisch der share he had got bei  Bei Maine, S. 199: original settlement of the brotherhood to which he belonged on their domain
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original Erobrungssettlement des tribe etc
, wenn getheilt, gleich getheilt zwischen Söhnen od. auch zwischen Söhnen u. Töchtern. Doch erscheint erst mit diesen Barbaren Primogenitur rasch ausgebreitet über Westeuropa.  Umschreibung mit Kommentaren von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 199: At this point, however, we encounter another difficulty. The Primogeniture which first meets us is not uniformly the Primogeniture with which we are now familiar. The right of the eldest son sometimes gives way to the right of the eldest male relative of the deceased
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Und nun findet Maine neue Schwierigkeit, die jedoch nur aus seiner Unbekanntschaft mit Wesen der Gens herstammt, nämlich dass statt ältesten Sohns the eldest male relative of the deceased eintritt
 Kommentar von Marx.
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(dies bei Vorherrschen der gens das Normale, da der eldest male relative – wo female descent also superseded – näher dem Vater des deceased als der son des deceased)
oder dass neither the succesion of the eldest son nor that of the eldest relative could take effect without election or confirmation by the members of the aggregate group to which they belong. (199)  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Dies ist noch normaler als alles andere; dass der Chief immer theoretisch elective bleibt, only selbstverständlich, within the gens, resp. within the tribe.⦘
 Bei Maine, S. 199: As usual, we have to look for living illustrations of the ancient system to the usages of the Hindoos.
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Um sich letzteren Punkt |178 klar zu machen, flüchtet Herr Maine wieder zu seiner beliebten Hindoo Joint Family
, wo nach Tod des Familienhaupts, wenn die Familie separates, gleiche Theilung stattfindet; wenn nicht, election, meist ältester Sohn; wenn dieser  Bei Maine, S. 200: a brother of the deceased manager, who, on the score of greater age, is assumed to be better qualified than his nephew for administration and business.
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als improper
set aside, nicht sein Sohn, sondern meist der brother of deceased [zum] manager gewählt; so sort of mixture of election and doubtful succession, was auch gefunden wird in the early examples of European primogeniture. (200)  Bei Maine, S. 200: The veneration of the Tribe is not attracted by individuals of the Chieftain’s family, but by the family itself, as representing the purest blood of the entire brotherhood. It chooses its head and leader […] from this family
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So der Tribe Chief gewählt from the Chieftains Chieftain’s family »as representing the poorest purest blood of the entire brotherhood«
 Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Blödsinn, wenn von wirklich primitive communities Rede. See f.i. Red Indian Iroquois. Umgekehrt, weil meist die Wahl traditionell in derselben, od. gewissen gentes fortführt u. dann wieder in einer bestimmten Familie derselben gens, mag diese später, unter changed circumstances als »representing the poorest purest blood« gelten.⦘
u. instances of the choice being systematically made from 2 families  Bei Maine, S. 201: in alternation
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in succession
. (200[, 201])  Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 200/201: The importance, meanwhile, of the Chief to the Tribe has rather increased than diminished, since he is no longer merely administrator of its civil affairs but its leader in war. […] But the necessity of having a military leader in the vigour of his physical and mental powers is much too imperious to admit of his choice being invariably deferred to the death of the ruling Chief, or to allow of the election falling universally or even generally on his son.
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Ist auch reine Fiktion des Herrn Maine, dass der war chief ursprünglich der Tribe chief ist. Dieser wurde umgekehrt nach seinen individual capacities gewählt. Spenser , aus dem Maine folgende Stelle citirt, ist authority good enough for stating the facts he saw, but their origin cannot be elucidated from Spenser’s plausible reasons for the facts observed. Folgendes die Stelle aus Spenser:
„It is a custom among all the Irish that presently after the death of any of their chief lords or captains, they do presently assemble themselves to a place generally appointed and known to unto them to choose another in his stead, where they do nominate and elect for the most part, not the eldest son, nor any of the children of the lord deceased, but the next to him of blood that is eldest and worthiest, as commonly the next brother if he have any, or the next cousin, [and so forth,] as any is elder in that kindred or sept; and then, next to him; then, next to him, they choose the next of the blood to be Tanaist, who shall succeed him in the next said Captaincy if he live thereunto … For when their Captain dieth, if the Signory should descend to his child, and he perhaps an infant, another might peradventure step in between or thrust him out by strong hand, being then unable to defend his right and to withstand the force of a forreiner; and therefore they do appoint the eldest of the kin to have the Signory, for that commonly he is a man of stronger year years and better experience to maintain the inheritance and to defend the country … And to this end the Tanaist is always ready known, if it should happen to the Captain suddenly to die, or to be slain in battle, or to be out of the country, to defend and keep it from all such dangers.“ (Spenser: „View of the State of Ireland“ ) (bei Maine p. 201, 202)  Bemerkung von Marx.
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Maine, der gar nicht erwähnt (cp. oben Haverty ) was die Irisch writers gesagt, giebt als seine Entdeckung:
»Primogeniture, considered as a rule of succession to property, appears to me a product of tribal leadership in its decay.« (20 202) Glanville ( Bei Maine, S. 203: in the later part of the reign of Henry the Second
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unter Henry II, wahrscheinlich 1186
) writes mit Bezug auf English military tenures: „When anyone dies, leaving a younger son and a grandson, the child of his eldest son, a great doubt exists as to which of the two the law prefers in the succession to the other, whether the son or the grandson. Some think the younger son has more right to the inheritance than the grandson … but others incline to think that the grandson ought to be preferred to his uncle.“ (Glanville, VII, 7 3) Ebenso disputes among Highland families about the title to the chieftaincy of particular clans. (l.c. 203)  Kommentar von Marx.
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Maine versteht den ganzen case nicht; meint der Onkel z. B. gewählt, weil mehr wehrhaft; dagegen
sobald times had become friedlicher unter central authority of a king »the value of strategical capacity in the humbler chiefs would diminish, and in the smaller brotherhoods the respect for purity of blood would have unchecked play.« ([202,] 203)  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Dies reiner Blödsinn. Die Sach’ ist allmälig Ueberwiegen (zusammenhängend mit Entwicklung v. Privatgrundeigenthum) der Einzelfamilie über die Gens. Des Vaters Bruder näher dem ihnen beiden gemeinschaftlichen Stammhaupt als, als irgend einer der Söhne des Vaters; also der Onkel der Söhne näher als einer von diesen selbst. Nachdem schon mit Bezug auf die Familie die Kinder des Vaters theilen, u. die gens nur noch wenig od. gar nicht an der Erbschaft betheiligt, kann für öffentliche Funktionen, also gens chief, tribe chief etc noch die alte gens rule vorwiegend bleiben; nothwendig entsteht aber struggle zwischen beiden.⦘
Dieselbe Streitfrage arose zwischen den descendants of daughters in der controversy zwischen Bruce u. Baliol über Krone von Schottland. (204) ( Edward I liess für Baliol entscheiden; danach die descendants of an elder child must be exhausted before those of the younger had a title.) Sobald der älteste Sohn statt des uncle folgte to »the humbler chieftaincies«, he doubtless also obtained that „portion of land attached to the Signory which went without partition to the Tanistry Tanaist“. (204) So »the ›demesne‹, as it was afterwards called, assumed more and more the character of of mere property descending according to the rule of primogeniture.« (p. 204)|

179

Nach u. nach dann this principle of primogeniture extended from the demesne to all the estates of the holder of the Signory, however acquired, and ultimately determined the law of succession for the privileged classes throughout feudalised Europe. (204, 5) French „Parage“ under which the near kinsmen of the eldest son still took an interest in the family property, but held it of him as his Peers. (205)

Unter act of the 12th year of Elizabeth  Zusatz von Marx.
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(1570)
the Lord Deputy was empowered to take surrenders and regrant estates to the Irishry. „The Irish Lords“, says Davis , „made surrenders of entire countries and obtained grants of the whole again to themselves only, and none other, and all in demesne. In passing of which grants, there was no care taken of the inferior septs of people … So that upon every such surrender or grant, there was but one freeholder made in a whole country, which was the lord himself; all the rest were  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗made durch Elizabeth’s Act⦘
but tenants at will, or rather tenants in villenage.“ (bei Maine p. 207)

In Brehon Laws (Book of Aicill) namentlich, Third Vol. Irish family getheilt in Geilfine, Deirbhfine, Iarfine u. Indfine (wovon die 3 letzteren übersetzt: the True, the After u. die End Families)[.] [208] Der Editor des Third Volume (Brehon Laws, worin das Book of Aicill) sagt: „Within the Family, 17 members were organized in 4 divisions, of which the junior class, known as the Geilfine division, consisted of 5 persons; die Deirbhfine – 2nd in order, Iarfine – 3d in order, and the Indfine – the senior of all – consisted respectively of 4 persons. The whole organization consisted, and could only consist, of 17 members.  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗(4×4+5 3×4+5.)⦘
If any person was born into the Geilfine division, its eldest member was promoted into the Deirbhfine, the eldest member of the Deirbhfine passed into the Iarfine, the eldest member of the Iarfine moved into the Indfine, and the eldest member of the Infine Indfine passed out of the organization altogether. It would appear that this transition from a lower to a higher grade took place upon the itroduction of new members, not upon the death of the seniors.“ (citirt bei Maine, 209)

 Kommentar von Marx.
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Nach Maine (Bei diesem Bursch nöthig die Irländer zu vergleichen)
: any member of the Jointfamily Joint-family or Sept might be selected as the starting[-point], and become a root from which sprung as many of these groups of 17 men as he had sons. Sobald einer dieser Söhne 4 Kinder hat, ist a full Geilfine sub-group formed of 5 persons; wird ein neues male Kind (Sohn) zugeboren, diesem Sohn or to any of his male descendants, so das älteste Glied der Geilfine sub-group – provided always he were not the person from whom it had sprung – sent into the Deirbhfine. A succession of such births completed the Deirbhfine Division, and went on to form the Iarfine and the Infine Indfine, the After and the End Families; die 5te Person in der Geilfine division soll sein the parent von dem die 16 descendants spring; er scheint to be referred to in the tracts as the Geilfine Chief. ([209,] 210)

The Geilfine group is several times stated by the Brehon lawyers to be at once the highest and the youngest. Whitley Stokes told dem Maine, dass Geilfine = hand-family; nämlich „Gil“ sei = hand (also the rendering of O’Curry ) and sei in fact = χείρ; u. hand in several Aryan languages = power, namentlich für family or patriarchal power; so, in Greek, ὑποχείριος u. χέρης, for the person under the hand; latin. „herus“ (master) von an old word, cognate to χείρ; ebenso lat. manus, in manu etc.[,] in Celtic „Gilla“. (a servant, bei Walter Scott „Gillie“) (216, 217)  Bei Maine, S. 217: My suggestion, then, is
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Hence der gewaltige Gedanke des Maine
, dass hinter dieser Irish distribution der Family die Patria Potestas u. founded ( Zusatz von Marx.
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die Eintheilung)
on the order of emancipation von Paternal authority. The Geilfine, die Hand family, consists of father u. 4 natural or adoptive sons immediately under his power; die other groups of emancipated descendants diminishing in dignity in proportion to their distance from the group which … constitutes the true or representative |180 family. (217) Aehnlich in Roman family, wo die emancipated members der family underwent a capitis diminutio. (218)

The Irish division of the Family seems only to have been wichtig mit Bezug auf law of succession after death. Aber dies rule in all societies. When the ancient constitution of the Family has ceased to effect affect anything else, it affects inheritance. (219)

Die authors der Brehon law tracts oft compare the Geilfine Division der family der human hand. Dr. Sullivan says: „as they represented the roots of the spreading branches of the Family, the they were called the cuic mera na Fine or the ‘five fingers of the Fine’.“ (p. 220) Patria potestas referred to in the Irish tracts as the father’s power of „judgment, proof, and witness“ over his sons. (l.c.) See Tylor über »Finger-Counting«, in „Primitive culture“. Weil menschliche Hand 5 Finger zählt, 5 a primitive natural maximum number. Early English Township represented by the Reeve and the 4 men; the Indian punchayet. (221)

„Borough English“, unter which law the youngest son and not the eldest succeeds to the burgage-tenements of his father. (222) Blackstone , um dies zu erklären, citirt von Duhalde that the custom of descent to the youngest son prevails among the Tartars; sobald die älteren Sons fähig to lead a pastoral life, verliessen sie den father to migrate »with a certain allotment of cattle«, and go to seek a new habitation. Der younges youngest, who continues longest with his father, is naturally the heir of his house, the rest being already provided for. (222)  Wenn die Brüder das Erbe unter sich verteilen, soll der Jüngste das tygdyn, d.h. die Gebäude ihres Vaters, und, sofern vorhanden, acht Morgen Land haben.
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In den leges Wallicae, diese Gewohnheit für all welsh cultivating villeins: „Cum fratres inter se dividant hereditatem haereditatem, junior debet habere tygdyn, i.e. aedificia patris sui, et octo acras de terrâ, si habuerint“. ( L. Wall. v. II, p. 780)
, ausserdem certain ustensils; the other sons are to divide what remains. (223). Der youngest, remaining under patria potestas, preferred to the others. (l.c.) Primogeniture … comes … from the Chief (of Clan); „Borough English“ wie „Geilfine“ dagegen von ancient conception of family as linked with patria potestas. (l.c. 223, 224)

Das Irish word Fine – in the Brehon Laws – used for die family  Bei Maine, S. 231: as we ordinarily understand it
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in present sense
, für den Sept, für Tribe etc. (231)

Irish family liess Adoption zu; . The Sept admitted Strangers on stated conditions, the Fine Taccair; der Tribe included refugees from other tribes, die nur in Zusammenhang mit ihm durch Chief. (231, 232)

In Dr. Sullivan’s introduction he traces the origin of Guilds to the grazing partnerships common among the ancient Irish; the same words used to describe bodies of co-partners, formed by contract, and bodies of co-heirs or co-parceners formed by common descent. (232)

 Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 236: The words signifying “family” or “tribe” and “kinship” are applied to all the religious bodies created by this process. Each monastic house, with its monks and bishops, constitutes a “family” or “tribe;” […] The same appellation is given to the collective assemblage of religious houses formed by the parent monastery and the various churches or monastic bodies sprung from it. These make up together the “tribe of the saint,” but this last expression is not exclusively employed with this particular meaning.
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„Tribe of Saints“ or Verwandtschaftsideen applied to monastic house with its monks and bishops, ebenso to the collective assemblage of religious houses etc. (p. 236, sq.[)]
the abbot of the parent house and all the abbots of the minor houses are the „comharbas“ od. co-heirs of the saint. (l.c.) An entire sub-tract in the Senchus Mor devoted to the Law of Fosterage, setting out with the greatest minuteness the rights and duties attaching to all parties when the children of another family were received for nurture and education. (241, sq. ) It is classed with »Gossipred«  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 240/241: Spiritual Relationship […] closely assimilate itself to blood-relationship
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(religious Verwandtschaft)
. (p. [241,] 242)  Zusammenfassung von Marx mit Kommentar. Bei Maine, S. 242: It seemed to them [English critics] monstrous that the same mother’s milk should produce in Ireland the same affections as did common paternity in their own country.
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⦗the same mother’s milk given to children of different origin. Dies reminds one das Mutterrecht and the rules flowing from it; but Maine noch unbekannt hiermit, it seems.⦘
»Literary Fosterage«. (p. 242, sq.) Die Brehon lawyers selbst sind betrachtet by the English writers who have noticed them as a caste. Nach evidence der Irish records jedoch anyone who went through a particular training might become a Brehon. Zur Zeit wo Ireland began to be examined by English observers, the art and knowledge der Brehon had become hereditary in certain families attached to or dependent on the Chiefs of particular tribes. Dieser selbe change has obviously occurred with a vast number of trades and professions in India, jetzt popularly called castes.  Bei Maine, S. 245: The difficulty with a native of India, unsophisticated by English ideas, is not to find a reason why
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Mit a native Indian schwer zu verstehn why z. B.
a son should not succeed to the learning of a his father, and consequently his office and duties.  Bei Maine, S. 245: The States governed by native Indian Princes are becoming a good deal Anglicised
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In den States von Engl. Indien governed by native princes
, is it is still praktisch allgemeine rule that office is hereditary. Aber dies erklärt nicht the growth of those castes which are definite sections of great populations. Nur eine einzige dieser castes really survives in India, that of the Brahmins u. it is strongly suspected that the whole literary theory of Caste, which is of Brahmin origin, is based on the existence of the Brahmin caste alone. ([244,] 245)  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 247/248: We have thus strong reason for thinking that societies still under the influence of primitive thought labour under a certain incapacity for regarding men, grouped together by virtue of any institutions whatsoever, as connected otherwise than through blood-relationship. […] We have seen the general complexion of Irish society giving its colour to institutions of all sorts
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Bei den Irish gesehn wie all sorts of groups of men considered as connected through blood relationship
(247); so »associations of kinsmen shading off into assemblages of partners and guild-brothers –; foster parentage, spiritual parentage, and preceptorship |181 (Teacher and pupil) taking their hue from natural paternity – ecclesiastical organization blending with tribal organization.[«] (248)

Grösster Theil des Senchus Mor – the largest Brehon law tract – handelt v. Distress. Es handelt sich hier um Procedur, die bei den Rechtsanfängen das wichtigste.

 Gemeint ist die von Barthold Niebuhr 1816 in der Bibliothek des Domkapitels von Verona entdeckte überschriebene Handschrift der „Institutiones“ des Gaius, die Johann Friedrich Ludwig Göschen 1820 erstmals publiziert hatte.
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Im Anfang des Book IV des 1816 von Niebuhr disenterred disinterred manuscript of Gajus fragmentary u. imperfect account of the old Legis actiones.
[250, 251]

Aus:
William Smith: A Latin-English Dictionary, Based Upon the Works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 14 (insb. „actio“), 634 („lex“) und 955 („repetundae“).
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert

actio generally =  Bei Smith, S. 14: a doing, performing, action
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Handlung, Vollbringung, That.
( Cic. N.D.  [Eine solche Behauptung] nimmt den Göttern [nicht nur] jede göttliche Bewegung und Betätigung (Übers. Wolfgang Gerlach und Karl Bayer.)
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»Deos spoliat motu et actione divina.[«]
actio vitae id . Off. I. 5 (= vital action [)]; ferner =actiones = public functiones functions or duties, wie actio consularis; dann: negotiation, deliberation wie: » Denn durch ihren [der Konsuln] Abgang ist es mit der Aktion für den Frieden vorbei. (Übers. Helmut Kasten.)
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discessu consulum actio de pace sublata est
etc«; political measures or proceedings, addresses of the magistrates to the People;

 Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 251.
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nun kommen wir aber zum sense worin legis actio
: an action, suit, process with a defining genitive: actio furti action for theft; auch mit de: »actio de repetundis«  Siehe Smith, S. 955, unter „repetundae“: money or other things extorted or dishonestly taken by any magistrate, and which he might be compelled by a prosecution to refund
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action (prosecution) for refunding money extorted by magistrates
. actionem alicui intendere, actionem instituere (bring an action action against somebody). » [weil] vielen das Klagerecht und der Rechtsanspruch verlorenging (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hilen.)
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Multis actiones (processes, suits) et res (the property in suit) peribant
.[«] Liv. )

Daher allgemein: a legal formula or form of process  Siehe Smith, S. 446, unter „formula“: Legal t. t. an established mode of expression or procedure, a form, formula in judicial proceedings
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(procedure)
» Daher stammt ja auch die berühmte Klageformel: mit deiner Hilfe und nach deinem Plan, behaupte ich, ist der Diebstahl verübt (Übers. Wolfgang Gerlach und Karl Bayer.)
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inde illa actio: ope consilioque tuo, furtum ajos ajo factum esse
«. actiones Manilianae, forms relative to purchase and sale.) »Dare alicui actionem«, Permission to bring an action, which was the office of the Prätor.  Siehe Smith, S. 44, unter „ago“: Of proceedings in a court of justice: rem agere
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»Rem agere ex jure, lege, causa etc« to bring an action, to manage a cause or suit.

 Siehe Maine, S. 251: Legis Actio […] may be conjectured to have been the substantive form of the verbal expression, legem or lege agere, and to have been equivalent to what we now call Procedure.
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Lege, respective legemagere
, to proceed according to law, mode of executing law, to execute a sentence. » er hatte mittels einer gesetzlichen Sprachformel auf die Erbschaft seines Vaters geklagt als der Sohn, der keinen Anteil an der Erbschaft hatte. (Übers. Theodor Nüßlein.)
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Lege egit in hereditatem paternam exheres filius
(Cic. De Orat. I, 38.)

 Bei Maine, S. 251/252: I suppose that originally lex […] and legis actio, corresponded roughly to what many centuries afterwards were called Substantive and Adjective Law, the law declaring rights and duties […] On the expression […] Adjective Law, with which Bentham and his school have familiarised us, I will make a remark which applies to much in the phraseology and classifications of the Analytical Jurists, that is correct and convenient according to the ideas of their day, but that, if used of very old law, is apt to lead to an historical misconception.
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Bentham unterscheidet zwischen Substantive Law, the law declaring rights and duties, and Adjective law, the rules wonach that law is administered.
 Bei Maine, S. 252: in one stage of human affairs
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In älteren Zeiten
rights and duties rather the adjective of procedure als umgekehrt. Difficulty in such times not in conceiving what a man was entitled to, but in obtaining it; so that the method, violent or legal, by which an end was obtained, was of more consequence than the nature or of the end itself. …  Bei Maine, S. 252: it is only in the most recent times or in the most highly developed legal systems that remedies have lost importance
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das wichtigste sehr lange Zeit the »remedies«
. ([251,] 252)

Die first dieser alten (Roman) actiones ist die: Legis Actio Sacramenti, the undoubted parent of all the Roman actions u. daher of most of the civil remedies now in use in the world.  Zusatz von Marx aus William Smith: A Latin-English Dictionary, based Upon the Works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 980/981 (săcrāmentum). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.

ea pecunia, … victi ad aerarium redibat.: Dieser Geldbetrag, der in Prozessen als Kaution beim Gericht hinterlegt wird, wird „sacramentum“ genannt, von „sacrum“, einem geweihten Gefäß. Der, der eine Forderung erhob, und der, der sie zurückwies, deponierten bei gewissen Sachen beide je fünfhundert As an den Stufen der Tribüne, bei anderen dagegen eine andere gesetzlch festgelegte Summe. Der, der den Prozess gewonnen hatte, nahm seine Kaution aus dem Gefäß zurück; die Kaution des Verlierers fiel an den Staatsschatz.
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sacramentum in law: the sum which the parties to a suit at first deposited with the tresviri capitales, but for which they subsequently gave security to the praetor, so called because the sum deposited by the losing party was used for religious purposes, esp. for the sacra publica; or rather, perhaps, because the money was deposited in sacred place. Festus . »ea pecunia, quae in judicium venit in litibus, sacramentum a sacro. Qui petebat et qui infitiabatur, de aliis rebus utrique quingenos aeris ad pontem deponebant, de aliis rebus item certo alio legitimo numero assum; qui judicio vicerat, suum sacramentum e sacro auferebat, victi ad aerarium redibat.« Varro .⦘

Diese Actio sacramenti is a dramatisation of the Origin of Justice; 2 Bewaffnete Männer ringen mit einander, Prätor geht vorbei, interposes to stop the contest; die disputants state him their case, agree that he shall arbitrate; arrangirt dass der loser, ausser resigning the subject of the quarrel, shall pay a sum of money to the umpire  Zusatz von Marx.
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(the Prätor)
. (p. 253) Kommentar von Marx.
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(Dies scheint rather Dramatisation of how law disputes were becoming a source of profit \ fees to lawyers! u. dies nennt Herr Maine, als a lawyer, »the Origin of Justice[«] !)

In dieser dramatisation the claimant holds a wand in his hand, der nach Gajus a spear repräsentirt, the emblem of the strong man armed, served as the symbol of property held absolutely and against the world  Kommentar von Marx.
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(rather the symbol of Gewalt als origin of Roman u. other property!)
in Roman u. several Western societies. Quarrel between plaintiff u. defendant ⦗assertions u. reassertions – formal dialogue dabei⦘ was a mere pretence among the Romans, long remained a reality in other societies u. survived in the Wager of Battle, der als English Institution erst »finally abolished in our fathers’ day«. ([254,] 255)

The disputants staked a sum of money – the Sacramentum – on the merits of their quarrel, and the stake went into the public exchequer. The money thus wagered, das erscheint in a large number of archaic legal systems, is the earliest representative of Court Fees Bei Maine, S. 255: The very spirit in which a Legis Actio was conducted was that which, in the eyes of laymen, has been most characteristic of lawyers in all historical times.
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⦗Die Legis Actio Sacramenti so conducted, u. dies wieder showing the intimate nature of the Lawyer – dass die Lex, das geschriebene Recht, aber auch literally – nicht der Geist, sondern |182 der Buchstabe des Gesetzes, die Formel das Wichtigste⦘
So sagt Gajus : If you sued by Legis Actio for injury to your vines, and called them vines, you would fail; you must call them trees, because the Text of the 12 Tables speaks only of Trees. Ebenso enthält die alte collection of Teutonic legal formulas – the Malberg gloss – provisions von genau derselben Natur. If you sue for a bull, you will miscarry if you describe him as a bull; you must give him, his ancient juridical designation of „leader of the herd“. You must call the fore-finger the „arrow“ finger, the goat the „browser upon leeks“. (255, 256)

Folgt bei Gajus the Condictio  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Willliam Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 221 (condictĭo). Dort: In the jurists: a demand of restitution: Dig. 12, 1, 2 sq. – Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
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⦗in Digests: demand for restitution
; er sagt sie sei gegründet, soll aber nur regulated worden sein durch 2 Roman Statutes of the 6th Century B.C., the Lex Silia u. the Lex Calpurnia; becam bekam Namen von a notice die der Kläger dem Beklagten gab in 30 Tagen vor Prätor zu erscheinen, damit ein judex oder referee might be nominated.  Zusatz von Marx aus William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 221 (con-dīco). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.

ansagen: Übersetzung von Marx.

»condicere tempus et locum coeundi«: Zeit und Ort des Treffens vereinbaren.

»pecuniam alicui«: Geld von jemandem (zurückfordern).
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condicere to speak with, agree upon, decide, appoint, ansagen. »condicere tempus et locum coeundi«. »condicere rem« demand restitution, »pecuniam alicui« (Ulp.)⦘
Nach der condictio the parties entered into „sponsio“ u. „restipulatio“.  Zusatz von Marx nach William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855] . S. 1054 (sponsĭo). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.

»sponsio appellatur omnis stipulatio promissioque.«: Als Gelöbnis wird jeder mündliche Vertrag, jedes förmliche Versprechen bezeichnet.

»non foedere pax Caudina sed per sponsionem (by giving surety) facta est.«: (Daher) ist der Friede von Claudium nicht durch einen Vertrag zustande gekommen, sondern durch eine Bürgschaft. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.) (Erläuterung in Klammern von Smith.)

»Sponsionem facere.«: Einen Vertrag abschließen.

(Einsatz beim Spiel … of a wager etc.): Zusatz von Marx. Siehe auch Maine, S. 257 und unten.
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Sponsio, a solemn promise or engagement, guarantee, security. »sponsio appellatur omnis stipulatio promissioque.« Paul. Dig. »non foedere pax Caudina sed per sponsionem (by giving surety) facta est.« ( Liv. ) Speciell in civil Suits, ein agreement between 2 parties in a suit, dass der der den Process verliert, should pay a certain sum to him who gains it. »Sponsionem facere.« ( Cic.) Endlich: a sum of money deposited according to agreement, a stake (Einsatz beim Spiel, bei Wette, that which is laid down, as the amount of a wager etc.)

 Zusatz von Marx nach William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855] . S. 963 (restĭpŭlātĭo; re-stĭpŭlor). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
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Restipulatio. A counter-engagement or obligation ( Cic. ) restipulor to stipulate or engage in return⦘

Nachdem diese condictio gegeben, the parties entered into a „sponsio“ and „restipulatio“, i.e. laid a formal wager (distinct from Bei Maine, S. 257: the stake called
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the so called
Sacramentum) on the justice of their respective contentions. Die sum so staked  Bei Maine, S. 257: always
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almost
= ⅓ of the amount in dispute, went in the end to the successful litigant, and not, like Sacramentum, to the State.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Hat ausserdem den innern ironischen Sinne, dass die Parteien des Processes dasselbe unsichre Hazardspiel treiben wie beim Wetten, doch dies ein der röm. jurisprudens unbewusster Witz!⦘

Gajus proceeds von der Condictio zur Manus Injectio u. Pignoris Capio, actiones legis die nichts mit modernem Begriff von actio gemein haben. Manus injectio ausdrücklich stated to have been originally the Roman mode of execution against the person of a judgment debtor; war the instrument der Cruelties praktizirt durch röm. Aristokratie on their defaulting plebejan debtors, gab so impetus to series of popular movements affecting the whole history of Roman commonwealth. Die Pignoris Capio war zuerst ein völlig extra-judicial proceeding. Die Person die es anwandte, seized  Übersetzung von Marx.
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(beschlagnamte)
in certain cases the goods of a fellow citizen, against whom he had a claim, but against whom he had not instituted a suit. Dies zuerst beschränkt – diese power of seizure – auf soldiers against public officers bound to supply them with pay, horse, or forage; ditto auf seller of a beast for sacrifice against a defaulting purchaser; später extended to demands for overdue arrears of public revenue. Etwas Aehnliches in Plato’s leges , auch als remedy for breach of public duties connected with military service or religious observance.  Bei Maine, S. 258: I am indebted to Mr. Poste for the observation that the ideal institutions of Plato’s Laws include something strongly resembling the Roman Pignoris Capio; and here again it is a remedy
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(Dies dem Maine verrathen von Poste)

Gajus sagt dass die Pignoris Capio could be resorted to in the absence of the Prätor and generally of the person under Liability, and also that it might be carried out even when the Courts were not sitting. (256–59)

The Legis actio sacramenti assumes that the quarrel is at once referred to a present arbitrator; the Condictio, dass die Referenz is to the decision of an arbitrator nach 30 days’ [interval], aber meantime the parties have entered into a separate wager on the merits of their dispute. Noch zu Cicero’s Zeit, als condictio eine der most important Roman actions geworden, an independent penalty attached to the suitor in dieser Klage. (260)

 Bei Maine, S. 260: I believe this to have been the true primitive office of the Pignoris Capio […] Among the Romans, even at the dat of the Twelve Tables, it had become […] a mere survival
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Glaubt, dass die Pignoris Capio, obgleich dies schon veraltet zur Zeit der 12 Tables,
taking forcible possession der moveable property des adversary and detain it till he submits. (260)

So im English Law Power of Distraint or Distress – (womit connected als Remedy das so called Replevin) – z. B. heut zu Tag landlord’s right to seize the goods of his tenants for unpaid rent, and the right of the lawful possessor of land to take and impound stray beasts which are damaging his crops or soil. (261, 262) Im letztren Fall cattle kept bis satisfaction made for the injury. (l.c.)

 Bei Maine, S. 263: considerably older than the Conquest
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Aelter als Norman Conquest in Engld
the practice of Distress, – of taking nams, word erhalten im law-term withernam. (262, 63) Zur Zeit v. Henry III confined to certain specific claims u. wrongs. Damals: Person seizes the goods (almost always cattle) |183 der Person von der er sich benachtheiligt glaubt; treibt die beasts to a pound  Zusatz von Marx.
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(von angelsächsisch pyndan)
, an enclosed piece of land reserved for the purpose, and generally open to the sky … eine der ältesten Institutionen Englands: the Village-Pound, far older than the King’s Bench, and probably than the Kingdom. While the cattle were on their way to the poundthe owner had a limited right of rescue which the law recognised, but which he ran great risk in exercising. Once lodged within the enclosure, the impounded beasts, when the pound was uncovered, had to be fed by the owner and not by the distrainor; this rule only altered in the present reign. (263) Wenn der Eigner des cattle altogether denied the distrainor’s right to distrain, or [the latter] refused to release the cattle, on security being tendered to him, dann der cattle owner might apply to the King’s Chancery for a writ commanding the Sheriff to „make replevin“, or he might verbally complain himself to the Sheriff, who would then proceed at once to „replevy“. (264)

  Zusatz von Marx aus Samuel Johnson: A dictionary of the English language: in which the words are deduced from their originals, and illustrated in their different significations by examples from the best writers. To which are prefixed, a history of the language, and an English grammar. In 2 vol. London 1755. Vol. 2.
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Reple′vin (to) Spenser , to „reple′vy“; replegio low latin, of re u. plevir or plegir, fr. to give a pledge bedeutet nach Johnson: to take back or set at liberty, upon security, anything seized; er citirt aus Hudibras :

In der action of Replevin, wenn die Sache vor Gerichtshof kam, der owner des distrained cattle war der Kläger u. der distrainor was the defendant. (265) „Taking in withernam“ of Old Engl. Law means, wenn der distrainor dem Sheriff das distrained cattle nicht zeigen wollte od. es in distance out of his jurisdiction removed, so erhob dieser wegen Brechen of King’s Peace »hue u. cry« wider ihn u. seized von des distrainors cattle double the value of the beasts which were not forthcoming; letztres „taking in withernam“. (l.c.) (264)  Bei Maine, S. 265: The seizure of the cattle, the rescue and the counter-seizure, belong to the oldest practices of mankind. […] Here […] we come upon plain traces of a foray. […] and the most probable account of its origin is that it is a genuinely
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Dies seizure, rescue u. counter[-]seizure ursprünglich
disorderly proceeding which the law steps in to regulate. (l.c.) (265) In der Form of impounding, wo die person distrained must feed the cattle (als Zeichen of deren continued ownership), Verbot für distrainer distrainor to work them – Distress becomes a semi-orderly contrivance for extorting satisfaction. (266)  Bei Maine, S. 266: It has been observed by Blackstone and others
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Blackstone hat bemerkt
, that the modified exemption of certain classes of goods from distraint – z. B. plough-oxen u. instruments of trade, ursprünglich nicht intended als kindness to owner, sondern weil ohne die instruments of tillage or handicraft the debtor could never pay his debt. (l.c.)  Bei Maine, S. 266: Latest in the order of proceeding, and latest probably in date
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Das letzte – u. auch historisch letzt entwickelte incident des proceeding
, ist: the King steps in, durch his deputy, den Sheriff; selbst wenn dieser obtains his view, he can do nothing unless the cattle owner is prepared with security that he will try the question between himself u. dem distrainer distrainor in a Court of Justice; dann erst steps in the judicial Power of the Commonwealth; its jurisdiction acquired through the act of the Sheriff in restoring the cattle upon pledge given. Der distrainor has lost his material security, the cattle; the owner of the cattle has become personally bound; so both placed under a compulsion which drives them in the end to a judicial arbitration. ([266,] 267)  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Das ganze Proceeding implies dass die Power of State – i.e. Court of Justice – noch nicht so firmly settled, dass people de prime abord submit to its judicial authority.⦘

Fast alle Leges Barbarorum refer to Pignoratio od. distraint of goods. Die Lex Visigothorum verbietet es ausdrücklich; die lex Lombardorum permits it after simple demand of payment. Das Salic Law – nach den neusten deutschen Autoritäten redigirt zwischen Tacitus Zeit u. der Zeit der Invasion des Roman Empire durch die Franken, enthält sehr genaue Bestimmungen die zuerst fully interpreted by Sohm . In diesem System Distress not yet a judicial remedy; ist noch an extrajudicial mode of redress, but it has been incorporated with a regular and highly complex procedure. Eine succession of notices to be given in solemn form durch den complainant der Person über die sich der would be distainor distrainor beklagt u. whose property he proposes to seize. Er kann nicht saisiren bevor er jene person vor das Volksgericht geladen u. bevor der Popular Officer dieses Gerichts, der Thunginus, pronuncirt hat eine Formel licensing distraint. Dann erst kann er distress auf seinen Gegner machen. Entsprechend eine Ordonanz von Canut Canute that no man is to take nams unless he has demanded [right] 3 times in the Hundred; erhält er das 3t mal keine justice, so geht er zum Shire-gemot; der Shire appoints him a 4th time, u. when that fails, he may take the distress. (269, 270)

Das fragment of the system which has survived in the English Common Law (and it is to this that it probably owes its survival) was from the first pre-eminently a remedy by which the lord compelled his tenants to render him their services. Was archaischer im engl. Gesetz als in den leges barbarorum: notice of the intention to distrain was never in England essential to the legality of distress, obgleich das Statute-law renders it necessary to make a sale of the distrained property legal; ebenso im ältesten State des Common Law, obgleich distraint sometimes followed a proceeding in the lord’s Court, yet it did not necessarily presuppose or require it. (270–71) Die Frankish procedure was completely at the disposal of the complainant. |184 It is a procedure regulating extrajudicial redress. Beobachtet der complainant the proper forms, so ist the part of the Court in licensing seizure purely passive. … when the defendant submitted or was unsuccessful in attacking the proceedings of the other side, he paid not only the original debt but various additional penalties entailed by neglect to comply with previous notices to discharge it. Dies founded on the assumption that plaintiffs are always in the right u. defendants always in the wrong, während the modern principle compels the complainant to establish at all events a prima facie case. Früher the man most likely to be in the right the man who faced the manifold risks attending the effort to obtain redress, to complain to the Popular Assembly, to cry for justice to the King sitting in the gate. … In einem Fall, wo King Kläger, die Presumption dass Kläger in the right lang aufrechterhalten  Bei Maine, S. 273: among us
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in engl. Recht
u. hence the obstinate dislike of  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Engl.)
lawyers
to allowing prisoners to be defended by Counsel. (271–73)

Gajus sagt v. den Legis Actiones im allgemeinen dass „sie in Discredit fielen, weil wegen der excessive subtlety der ancient lawyers things came to such a pass that he who committed the smallest error failed altogether.“

Ebenso Blackstone remarks on English Law of Distress: „The many particulars which attend the taking of distress used formerly to make it a hazardous kind of proceeding; for, if any one irregularity was committed, it vitiated the whole.“ (273)

 Kommentar von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 273: the excessive technicality of ancient law which they both notice goes some way to explain the severity and onesidedness of the old Teutonic procedure.
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⦗Diese excessive technicality of ancient law zeigen zeigt Jurisprudenz als feather of the same bird, als die religiösen Formalitäten z. B. bei Augur’s Augurs etc, od. der Hokus Pokus des medicine-man der savages!⦘

Nach Sohm the power of seizing a man’s property extrajudicially in satisfaction of your demand  Bei Maine, S. 273: was […] a sort of two-edged sword
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mit grossen risks verbunden
; ging der complainant who sought to distress nicht durch alle acts u. words required by the law with the most rigorous accuracy so, besides failing in his object, incurred a variety of penalties, which could be just as harshly exacted as his own original demand. (273, 74)  Umschreibung von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 274: in ancient Teutonic law
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Hauptsache bei den Barbaren
to compel the appearance of the defendant and his submission to jurisdiction,  Bei Maine, S. 275: at a time when judicial authority was yet in its infancy, and when Courts of Justice could not as yet completely and regularly command the aid of sovereign power
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was damals noch keineswegs selbstverständlich
. (275) In dem Fränkischen Gesetz, wenn in gewissen cases auch selbe von Anfang an bis judgment judicially tried, so noch nicht the judgment by its own force operative. Hat der defendant ausdrücklich erklärt to obey it, the Count or royal deputy, on being properly summoned, will execute it; but if no such promise has been made, the plaintiff has no remedy except an application to the King in person. (275)

Später sobald die Franks settled in Roman Empire, the royal deputy will execute the judgment ohne promise des defendant to submit. In England dieser change u. die Macht der Courts greatly due to the development of royal justice at the expense of popular justice. Doch savoured Engl. judicial proceedings noch long of the old practices. Hence on the smallest provocation the King constantly took the lands of the defendant into his hands or seized his goods, simply to compel or perfect his submission to the royal jurisdiction. [276]  Kommentar von Marx. Die entsprechende Stelle bei Scott, auf die sich Marx bezieht, konnte nicht gefunden werden.
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⦗See bei Walter Scott , dass ein Mann wegen Schulden eingesperrt wird wegen der Fiction seines contempt of the King

Das survival of distress in Engld  Bei Maine, S. 277: As regards that fragment of the primitive institution which remains in our law, I imagine that Distress would at most have become a mere survival […] if several statutory innovations had not turned it into a convenient extra-judicial remedy for landlords, by giving the distrainor a power of sale which in old English law was limited to a few very special demands
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den Herrn landlords zu lieb
. The modern Bei Maine, S. 277: this theory […] does not at all fit in with the most ancient ideas on the subject
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dem Ursprünglichen ganz widersprechende theory of distress
: ist that a landlord is allowed to distrain because by the nature of the case he is always compelled to give his tenant credit, and that he can distrain without notice because every man is supposed to know when his rent is due. (277) Ursprünglich distress treated as wilful breach of the peace, ausser wo it was connived at so far as it served to compel the submission of defendants to the jurisdiction of courts. (278)

Ueber Hälfte des Senchus Mor taken up with the Law of Distress. Senchus More Mor pretends to be the Code of Irish Law prepared unter the influence of St. Patrick upon the introduction of Christianity in Ireland. (279)

 Siehe Maine, S. 282: The very existence in ancient Ireland of the law thus summarised is almost enough by itself to destroy those reckless theories of race which assert an original, inherent difference of idea and usage between Teuton and Celt. The Irish system of Distress is obviously, in all essential features, the Germanic system. It wears, on its face, a very strong general resemblance to the corresponding branch of our Common Law
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Es gleicht sehr den Teutonic Laws u. English Common Law.
[282]  Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 281: If the debt was not paid by the end of the Stay, the creditor took away the distress, and put it in a pound.
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Putting in a pound kommt auch darin vor. Speciality drin:
„If the defendant or debtor were a person of chieftain grade, it was necessary not only to give notice, but also to fast upon him. The fasting upon him consisted in going to his residence and waiting there a certain time without |185 food. If the plaintiff did not within a certain time receive satisfaction for his claim, or a pledge therefore therefor, he forthwith, accompanied by a law-agent, witnesses, and others; seized his distress“ etc (p. 280–81 cf. Senchus Mor. 1st vol. remark of the Editor ) Erlaubte der Schuldner nicht his cattle to go to pound u. gab er „a sufficient pledge, e.g. his son, or some article of value, to the creditor, that the he would within a certain time try the right to the distress by law, the creditor was bound to receive such pledge. If he did not go to law, as he so undertook, the pledge became forfeited for the original debt.“ (p. 282 [)]  Kommentar von Marx. Siehe H[enry] C[rossby] Irwin: The garden of India; or chapters on Oudh history and affairs. London 1880. S. 54/55, 141/142 und 313/314. Marx hat einige dort enthaltene bibliographische Angaben in seinen bibliographischen Notizen auf S. [0] und S. [1a] des vorliegenden Hefts notiert. Marx besaß das Buch. Er hatte es von Irwin selbst, „With the Author’s compliments“, erhalten. Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 610 und Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft 1880/1881.)
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[⦗]Noch heut zu Tag bei distress in Oudh der creditor landlord takes ausser cattle (dies vor allem etc) auc auch Personen als Sklaven. See The Garden of India von Irwen Irwin .⦘
 Bei Maine, S. 282: The virtual identity of the Irish law of Distress with the Teutonic law is best brought out by comparing it with the Teutonic systems of procedure collectively.
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⦗Im Wesentlichen das Irische law hier mehr identisch mit den Leges Barbarorum als mit dem Englischen.⦘
»The distress of the Senchus Mor is not, like the Distress of the English Common Law, a remedy confined in the main to demands of the lord on his tenants; as in the Salic  Bei Maine, S. 283: and other Continental Germainc Codes
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u. andren Leges Barbarorum
it extends to breaches of contract u., so far as the Brehon law is already known, it would appear to be the universal method of prosecuting claims of all kinds.« (p. 283 ) The Irish stay of proceedings  Bei Maine, S. 281: The distress remained in the pound a certain period, fixed according to its nature (dithim, translated “delay in pound,” is the name ot this period)
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(Dithim)
entspricht einigen provisions in den leges barbarorum. In einigen derselben when a person’s property is about to be seized he makes a mimic resistance; im Salic law he protests against the injustice of the attempt; im Ripuarian law he goes through the formality of standing at his door with a drawn sword. Thereupon the seizure is interrupted u. opportunity given for enquiring into the regularity of the proceedings etc. (284) Mit dem English law hat das Irische speciell gemein – was ganz absent from the Teutonic procedures – the »impounding«, the „taking in withernam“ u. namentlich dass nicht required »assistance od. permission from any Court of Justice«. (285 284) (Dies nur im Lombardic law (unter den leges barbarorum) (l.c. 285)) Ferner – u. dies in England erst durch Statute Law eingeführt – im Brehon Law the seizure of cattle nicht nur als a method of satisfaction, sondern it provides for their forfeiture in discharge of the demand for which they are taken. (285)

 Bei Maine, S. 288: Sohm appears to me to have proved
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Sohm sucht zu beweisen
dass die Fränkischen Volksgerichte nicht ihre eignen Dekrete exequirten; versprach der defendant to submit to an award, the local deputy of the King might be required to enforce it, aber, when no such promise, the plaintiff was forced to petition the King in person … in den älteren Zeiten, vor full development der  Bei Maine, S. 288: kingly authority
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kgl. Gewalt
, Courts of Justice existed less for the purpose of doing right generally than for the purpose of supplying an alternative to the violent redress of wrong Bei Maine, S. 288: The Norse literature, which Mr. Dasent has popularised among us
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The Norse literature (see Mr. Dasent)
shows that perpetual fighting and perpetual litigation may go on side by side, and that a highly technical procedure may be scrupulously followed at a time when homicide is an everydays’ everyday occurrence … contention in Court takes the place of contention in arms, but only gradually takes its place … in our days, when a wild province is annexed to the British Indian Empire, there is … a rush of suitors to the Courts which are immediately established … the men who can no longer fight go to law instead … hasty appeals to a judge succeed hurried quarrels, and hereditary law-suits take the place of ancestral blood-feuds. (278 288, 289)

Im Allgem. probable that, in proportion as Courts grow stronger, they first take under their control the barbarous  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(aber die Sache bleibt ja, nur in’s legale übersetzt)
practice of making reprisals on a wrongdoer by seizing his property and ultimately they absorb it into their own procedure. (290)

Das Irish Law of Distress  Bei Maine, S. 291: was brought to the shape in which we find it amid a society in which
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offenbar in Zeit
wo action of Courts of Justice feeble and intermittent. (291)  Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Siehe Maine, S. 291: It says much for the spirit of equity and reasonableness which animated the Brehon lawyers who gave it its form, and much also for their ingenuity, but suggests that they relied little on the assistance of Courts and directed their efforts to making the most of a remedy which was almost wholly extrajudicial.
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Statt dieser – der law agent (Brehon lawyer) die grosse Rolle spielend
. (l.c.)

The Irish used the remedy of distress, because they knew no other remedy, u.  Bei Maine, 294: the English
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die Hunde von Engländern
made it a capital felony  Zusatz von Marx.
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(mit Todesstrafe)
in an Irishman to follow the only law with which he |186 was acquainted.  Verweis von Marx auf S. 294 von Maine, wo eine Passage aus Spencer über den „distress“ resümiert wird.
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(294 cp. Spenser: „View of the State of Ireland“
.) Nay, those very subtleties of Old English Law which, as Blackstone says, made the taking of distress „a hazardous sort of proceeding“ to the civil distrainor, might bring an Irish man to the gallows, if in conscientiously attempting to carry out the foreign law he fell into the smallest mistake.  Kommentar von Marx.
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(l.c. Also gehangen, wenn er seinem native law nach handelte, ditto gehangen wenn er sich dem aufgezwungnen englischen zu adaptiren suchte!)

Mit Bezug auf D d as „fasting upon“ the debtor heisst es in Senchus Mor: „Notice precedes every distress in the case of the inferior grades except it be by persons of distinction or upon persons of distinction. Fasting precedes distress in their case. He who does not give a pledge to fasting is an evader of all; he who disregards all things shall not be paid by God or Man.“

 Bei Maine, S. 297: Mr. Whitley Stokes was the first, I believe, to point out that the institution here referred to was identical with a practice diffused over the whole East, and caled by the Hindoos “sitting dharna”.
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Dies, wie Whitley Stokes zuerst pointed out, diffused over the whole East, entspricht dem Hindoo „sitting dharna“.
 Zusatz von Marx.
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(cf. Strange: Hindoo Law. )
(297) Heute noch sehr striking examples davon in Persien, wo a man intending to enforce payment of a demand by fasting begins by sowing some barley at his debtor’s door and sitting down in the middle. (l.c.)

Das Wort dharna soll exact equivalent sein von Roman „capio“, and meaning „detention“ or „arrest“. Soll VIII, 49 bei Manu vorkommen. (l.c.[, 298]) Im Vyavahara Mayukha Brihaspiti is cited as enumerating, among the lawful modes of compulsion by which the debtor can be made to pay, „confining his wife, his son, or his cattle, or watching constantly at his door.“ (298)

⦗See Lord Teignmouth’s description (in Forbes „Oriental Memoirs“ II, 25) der form dieses „watching constantly at the door“ in British India vor Ende des 18. Jhdts. [298, 299]

In einem Law of Alfred heissts:

„Let the man who knows his foe to be homesitting fight not before he have demanded justice of him. If he have power to beset his foe and besiege him in his house, let him keep [him] there for 7 days but not attack him if he will remain indoors. If then, after seven days, he be willing to surrender and give up his weapons, let him be kept safe for thirty days, and let notice be given to his kinsmen and friends. But if the plaintiff have no power of his own, let him ride to the Ealdorman, and, if the Ealdorman will not aid him, let him ride to the King before he fights.“  Bei Maine, S. 303: The passage ends with a provision of which the spirit, strange to say, survives in the modern Code making the loudest claim to civilised principle, the Code Napoleon (Code Pénal, s. 324), to the effect that if the man who is homesitting
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Schliesslich kommt dann a provision [»]that if the man who is homesitting be really shut up in his house with the complainant’s wife, daughter, or sister, he may be attacked and killed without ceremony.« (Dies letztere auch in 324. Code Pénal des Herrn Napoleon
) The  Bei Maine, S. 304: English
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Anglo-Saxon
rule
is to be enforced by the civil power, the Ealdorman of the King; the Hindoo Brahminical rule by the fear of punishment in another world. (303, 4) „Sitting dharna“, placed under the ban of the Brit. law, still common in the Native Indian States, u. dort hauptsächlich an expedient resorted to by soldiers to obtain arrears of pay, wie „pignoris capio“ beim Gajus surviving in 2 cases, wovon einer the default of a military paymaster. (304, 5)

 Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Maine, „Lecture XI. The early history of the settled property of married women“ (S. 306–341).
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In Lecture XI „The Early History of the Settled Property of Married Women“ hat comfortable Maine noch keine Bekanntschaft mit Mutterrecht (Bachofen etc[)] gemacht, hatte auch Morgan’s Buch noch nich nicht für »elegante« Vermöblung seinerseits.

 Bei Maine, S. 315: But the effect on the wife of continuous conjugal society was, in old Roman law, precisely the same as the effect on a man of continuous servile occupation in a Roman household. The institution called Usucapion, or (in modern times) Prescription, […] in the first case, the woman became the daughter of the chief of the house; and in the last case the man became his slave.
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A man of continuous servile occupation in a Roman household wurde durch Usucapio (was später Prescriptio) a slave of the paterfamilias.
(315) Später die ordinary Roman marriage a voluntary conjugal society, terminable at the pleasure of either side by divorce. (317) Nach dem Ancient Irish Law women had some power of dealing with their own property without the consent of their husbands, and this was one of the institutions expressly declared by the  Zusatz von Marx.
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⦗English blockheaded⦘
Judges to be illegal at the beginning of the 17th century
. (324) Die Brahminical Indian Lawyers haben ganz |187 ausgearbeitet  Zusatz von Marx.
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(u. dies beginnt in fact with Manu)
the doctrine of »Spiritual Benefit«, as they call it. Inasmuch as the condition of the dead could be ameliorated by proper expiatory rites, the property descending or devolving on a man came to be regarded by them partly as a fund for paying the expenses of the ceremonial by which the soul of the person from whom the inheritance came could be redeemed from suffering or degradation, and partly as a reward for the proper performance of the sacrifices. (332, 333 331, 332)

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Ebenso Catholic
Church: the first and best destination of a dead man’s goods to purchase masses for his soul, u. out of these views grew the whole testamentary and intestate jurisdiction of the Ecclesiatical Courts. (332)

Im Mitakshara heissts: „The wealth of a regenerate man is designed for religious uses, and a woman’s succession to such property is unfit because she is not competent to the performance of religious rites.“ (332, 33)

 Zusammenfassung und Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 321: The settled property of a married woman, in capable of alienation by her husband, is well-known to the Hindoos under the name of Stridhan. – S. 333/334: The compiler of the Mitakshara who has preserved the liberal rule as to Stridhan which I before referred to, combats this doctrine […] whenever the property does satisfy the multifarious conditions laid down for the creation of the Stridhan, the view of it as emphatically “woman’s property” is carried out with a logical consistency very suggestive of the character of the ancient institution on which the Brahminical jurists made war. Not only has the woman singularly full power of dealing with the Stridhan – not only is the husband debarred from intermeddling with it, save in extreme distress – but, when the proprietress dies, there is a special order of succession to her property, which is manifestly intended to give a preference, wherever it is possible, to female relatives over males. […] the probable liberality of the Hindoo institutions to females at some long past period of their development, and of the dislike towards this liberality manifested by the Brahminical lawyers, is not to be regarded as fanciful or purely conjectural, although, doubtless, we can only guess at the explanation of it.

Marx bezieht sich auf Thomas Strange: Hindu law; Principally with Reference to Such Portions of it as Concern the Administration of Justice, in the King’s Courts, in India, London. 1830. Vol. 1. Siehe insb. S. 26–32 und 246–251.
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Die Gunst der indischen Gesetzgebung für die Frauen, die sich bis jetzt in dem Stridhan (settled property of a married woman, incapable of alienation by her husband[)] u. ebenso darin ausspricht, dass die Habe der Frau auf die Töchter od. die female members ihrer family übergeht (cf. Strange: „Hindoo Law“ ) etc – alles dies von Herrn Maine nicht richtig gedeutet, weil ihm alle Einsicht in gens u. daher auch ursprüngliche Vererbung in female – nicht male line of descent – abgeht.
 Kommentar von Marx.
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Der Esel sagt selbst mit welchen gefärbten Brillen er sieht:
»Among the Aryan  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗the devil take this »Aryan« cant!⦘
sub-races, the Hindoos may be as confidently asserted as the Romans to have had their society organized as a collection of patriarchally governed families.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Aus Niebuhr konnte er schon wissen, dass die röm. family noch eingehüllt in der gens, selbst nachdem sie in ihrer specif. Form mit der patria potestas ausgebildet⦘
If, then,  Kommentar von Marx.
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(a nice »If«( , only resting upon Maine’s own »confident assertion« [)]
then,  Kommentar von Marx.

Pecksniffian: von Seth Pecksniff, Gestalt aus dem Roman „Martin Chuzzlewit“ (1844) von Charles Dickens; danach: Pecksniff = scheinheilig, heuchlerisch.
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(dies »then« Pecksniffian)
, at any early period,  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Maine transports his »patriarchal« Roman family into the very beginning of things⦘
the married women woman had among the Hindoos her property altogether enfranchised from her husband’s control  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗»enfranchised«, that is to say, from Maine’s »confident assertion«⦘
, it is not easy to give a reason why the obligations of the family despotism  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗a principal pet-doctrine of blockheaded John Bull to revel in original »despotism«⦘
were relaxed in this one particular.« (323)

 Kommentar von Marx, der sich auf das Werk von Thomas Strange (Hindu Law; Principally with Reference to Such Portions of it as Concern the Administration of Justice, in the King’s Courts, in India. London 1830. Vol. 1. S. 26–32) bezieht. Aber Strange zitiert dort (S. 29) nicht aus der Mitákshará, sondern aus den von Denanda Bhatta verfassten Smriti Chandrika.
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Maine citirt folgende Stelle aus dem treatise Mitakshara u. zwar Stelle, schon citirt von Sir Thomas Strange „Hindu Law“ (see daselbst t. I, p. 26–32) u. Strange’s Buch, (obgleich schon 1830 publicirt u. zwar als 2nd edit. seines Werks: „Elements of Hindu Law“ [)] enthält viel vollständigere Quellenangaben u. Ausseinandersetzung über diesen Punkt. Man ersieht ferner aus dem was Strange aus den Quellen angiebt, dass schon in Mitakshara, nicht zu sprechen von späteren Hindu juristischen Commentaren, ihr Verfasser den Ursprung der Stridhana nicht mehr versteht u. sich selbe ganz so falsch rationalistisch plausibel zu machen sucht, wie etwa die röm. Juristen aus Cicero’s Zeit ihnen unverständliche altrömische (für sie »archaische«) Rechtsgebräuche od. Formeln. Eine solche rationalistische Erklärung ist es z. B., wenn in Mikashara Mitakshara das
»fee« der Braut »what is given her in her bridal procession, upon the final ceremony, when the marriage already contracted and solemnized, is about to be consummated, the bride having hitherto remained with her mother« ( Strange. t. I, p. 29); Strange bemerkt of this domi-ductio, this bringing of the bride home, which, with the Hindoo Hindoos, is a consequence only of the antecedent contract, that, among the Romans, it was an ingredient wanting to its completion; till when, the bride was „sponsa“ only; becoming  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Thomas Strange: Hindu Law; Principally with Reference to Such Portions of it as Concern the Administration of Justice, in the King’s Courts, in India. London 1830. Vol. 1. S. 29/30.

„uxor, statim atque bis venerit“: Siehe Iustinianus: Digesta seu pandectae, 35, 15 (Domitius Ulpianus). Dort: videtur impleta condicio statim atque ducta est uxor, quamvis nondum in cubiculum mariti venerit. (die Bedingung scheint damit erfüllt und die Heimgeführte ist Ehefrau, auch wenn sie noch nicht in das Schlafzimmer ihres Mannes gekommen ist.) Marx zitiert nach Strange, Vol. 1, S. 30.
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„uxor , statim atque ducta est, quamvis nondum in cubiculum mariti venerit“; und, fährt Strange fort: »The fee of a Hindu wife has moreover this anomaly attending it, |188 that, upon her death, it descends in a course of inheritance peculiar to herself itself
 Kommentar von Marx.
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Diese »anomaly« ist nur fragmentarisches, auf bestimmten Theil des Vermögens reducirte reducirtes, survival der alten normalen rule, die gegründet auf descent der gens in der female line, dem primitiven. So verhält es sich allzumeist mit den »Anomalien« im Recht etc (in der Sprache die Ausnahmen auch allzumeist Ueberbleibsel des älteren ursprünglicheren). Die alte Norm erscheint im veränderten relativ modernen Zustand als »Anomalie«, als unverständliche Ausnahme. Sämtliche indische Rechtsquellen u. Commentare verfasst, nachdem die descent in female line schon seit lange übergegangen in descent in male line. Aus Strange ferner ersichtbar, dass in verschiednen Theilen Indiens die Anomalie mehr od. minder »vollständiges« Ueberbleibsel.

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Die von Maine citirte Stelle aus Mitakshara lautet:

„That which is given (to the wife) by the father, the mother, the husband, or a brother, at the time of the wedding, before the nuptial fire.“ Aber der compiler of the Mitakshara adds a proposition not found elsewhere: „also property which she may have acquired by inheritance, purchase, partition, seizure, or finding, is denominated by Manu and the others ‚woman’s property‘.“ ( Mit. XI, 2) (p. [321,] 322)

Hierüber heftige controversies unter den Brahminical commentators.  Bei Maine, S. 323/324: I think […] that if we extend our examination to other bodies of Aryan custom, we may partly understand the amplitude which the Mitakshara […] assigns to the Stridhan. A full enquiry would take me much beyond the limits which I have proposed to myself in this Lecture, but its results would shortly be these.
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u. a. erklärt sich der pfiffige Maine die Sache wie folgt:

Unter den Aryan Communities finden findet man »the earliest traces of the separate property of women in the widely diffused ancient institution known as Bride-Price. Part of this price, which was paid by the bridegroom either at the wedding or the day after it, went to the bride’s father as compensation  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
for the Patriarchal or Family authority which was transferred to the husband, but another part went to the bride herself and was generally enjoyed by her separately and kept apart from her husband’s property. It further appears that under a certain number of Aryan customs the proprietary rights of other kinds which women slowly acquired were assimilated to their rights in their portion of the Bride-price, probably  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
as being the only existing type of women’s property.« (324)

 Kommentar von Marx.
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Richtig dagegen was Maine sagt:
»There are in fact clear indications of a sustained general effort on the part of the Brahminical writers on mixed law and religion, to limit the privileges of women which they seem to have found recognised by older authorities.« (325.  Kommentar von Marx.
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In Rom selbst die Stellung der patria potestas vis-à-vis der Frau exaggerated in opposition to the old contrary tradition
)

Aus:
Thomas Strange: Hindu law; principally with reference to such portions of it as concern the administration of justice, in the King’s courts, in India. Vol. 1.2. London 1830. Vol. 1. S. 237–247.
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Icon dass Zitate symbolisiert

 Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 325: The attention of English and European students of the Hindoo law books was first attracted to this subject by a natural desire to scrutinise the sacred texts upon which the Brahmin learned were in the habit of insisting in defence of the abominable practice of Suttee or widow-burning.
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Die Sauerei der Brahminen gipfelt in dem »Suttee« or Widow[-]burning.
 Bei Strange, S. 241: reprobated, that the practice has in it more of malus usus, than of law, may be inferred from the silence of Menu
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Dass diese practice »malus usus«, nicht »law« sagt schon Strange , da sich bei Manu u. other high authorities nichts davon finde
; dieser »as the condition on which the widow may aspire to Heaven, have simply required that she should, on the decease of her husband, live a life of seclusion, privation, and decency.« (Post , p. 245) Im Shaster auch noch das suttee nur recommended. (Strange l.c. p. 241)  Zusatz von Marx, der sich auf seine Exzerpte auf S. 323 und 331/332 aus Maine bezieht.
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Aber sieh oben, wie die Brahminen selbst die Sache erklären („property designed for religious uses“) u. das Interesse der Burschen, denen sie die Nachlassenschaft zuwälzen (die dafür have to pay the expenses of the ceremonial).
Strange spricht ausdrücklich of »designing Brahmins« u. »interested relatives«. (l.c. p. 239)

Nämlich: »the wife surviving her husband, succeeds as heir to him, in default of male issue.« ( Strange t. I, p. 236 237) Ausserdem »her claim to be maintained by his  Zusatz von Marx.
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(the defunct husband’s)
representatives«. (l.c. p. 246)  Bei Strange, S. 246/247: it remains to treat of her power over what she has, and to shew how it vests at her death; distinguishing between what she possesses in right of her husband, and her Stridhana; which [...] is more emphatically her own. With respect not only to what she may have inherited from her husband, but to its accumulated savings also […] the concurrence of her legal guardians and advisers, as well as of her husband’s heirs, being generally necessary to any alienation by her of such property
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Mit Ausnahme der »Stridhana«, die sie in her own right besitzt, geht das was sie von ihrem husband ererbt, (sofern dieser kein male issue hatte) über to her »husband’s heirs
, not the immediate ones merely, but the whole living at the time«. (p. 247)  Umschreibung und Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Strange, S. 239/240: while it is allowed to continue, it would, without some interference of the kind, be pregnant with tenfold murders, of the most horrid description. Hence, the burning, to be what is called legal, with a view to its prevention, when it may be confessedly inadmissible, or under circumstances rendering it so, must be with the privity of the ruling power. And as, in every instance in which it can be endured, the sacrifice, on the part of the victim, must be voluntary, it follows that it can be performed only by an adult, in possession of her faculties, and free; – not stupified for the purpose by drugs, nor influenced by designing Brahmins, or interested relatives; still less impelled by violence. Of the latter, occurrences are but too frequent, where, from her inability to sustain the fiery trial, the unhappy devotee, relenting, is prevented from escaping, by the agency of persons prepared, – connexions for the most part; – who, to obviate the disgrace of failure, to say nothing of less justifiable motives, will sometimes with bamboos, push her into the hottest part of the fire; keeping her there by force, till life is extinct; – a conduct amenable to prosecution, but of which no instance appears, otherwise than as for a misdemeanor; though it goes nigh to realize the martyrdom of St. Lawrence.
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Hier die Sache klar: das suttee einfacher religiöser Mord, um die Erbschaft theils für religiöse Feierlichkeiten (für den Verstorbnen) in Hände der Bramahnen Brahmanen (geistlichen) zu bringen, theils der durch die brahmin. Gesetzgebung an Beerbung der Wittwe interessirten gens, nearer family des husband. Hence die violence u. infamies, meist von Seiten der »connexions« to bring the widow to Flammentod.
(239, 240 Strange. t. I)

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Herr Maine selbst fügt dem, was man schon bei Strange findet nichts zu. Und selbst |189 wenn er generalisirt, dass
»the Hindoo laws, religious and civil, have for centuries been undergoing transmutation, development, and, in some  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗! Maine always mild when speaking of clergy and lawyers! and higher class people generally!⦘
points, depravation at the hands of successive Brahminical expositors«[,] (326)  Zusatz von Marx.
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so weiss dies Strange auch, setzt aber hinzu, dass die Kirchenpfaffen es anderswo nicht besser machten!

 Kommentar von Marx.
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Das ganze Primitive fasst der englische Philister Maine auf as
»the despotism of groups over the members composing them« (p. 327)!  Kommentar von Marx.

Marx übernimmt einen bereits von Maine erwähnten Ausdruck, der sich offensichtlich auf das von dem italienischen Rechtsphilosophen Cesare Beccaria in seinem Werk „Dei delitte e delle pene“ (1764, S. 4) formulierte Prinzip bezog, das von dem Begründer des modernen Utilitarismus Jeremy Bentham zu einem „fundamental axiom“ seiner Philosophie gemacht wurde. Siehe oben, die Sachanmerkung zu „»the greatest happiness of the greatest number«“, und [Jeremy Bentham:] A fragment on government; being an examination of what is delivered, on the subject of government in general, in the introduction to Sir William Blackstone’s Commentaries; with a preface, in which is given a critique of the work at large. London 1776. S. II.

Pecksniff: Seth Pecksniff, Gestalt aus dem Roman „Martin Chuzzlewit“ (1844) von Charles Dickens; danach: Pecksniff = scheinheilig, heuchlerisch.
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Damals hatte Bentham – nämlich in den Urzeiten – noch nicht die nach Maine merkwürdig die Neuzeit repräsentirende Formel u. Treibwerk der »modernen« Gesetzgebung erfunden: »The greatest happiness of the greatest number«. O Du Pecksniff!

 Bei Maine, S. 335: If there are male children, they succeed at once; but if there are none
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Wir haben gesehn, dass wenn der Mann ohne issue stirbt,
the widow comes in for her life  Zusatz von Marx.
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(diese Herabsetzung auf tenure for life auch erst später, wie genaue Musterung der von Strange angeführten Quellen zeigt)
before the collateral relatives  Zusatz von Marx.
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(of her husband, not her own, was Maine zu sagen vergisst; ihre eignen Verwandten hatten beim Suttee blos das Interesse, dass sie sich »religiös« bewährte)
. »At the present moment, marriages among the upper classes of Hindoos being very commonly infertile, a very considerable portion  Bei Maine, S. 335: of the soil of the wealthiest Indian province
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of the wealthiest Indian province
 Zusatz von Marx.
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(Bengal)
is in the hands of widows as tenants for life. But it was exactly in Bengal proper that the English, on entering India, found the Suttee … not merely an occasional, but a constant and almost universal practice with the wealthier classes,  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Thomas Strange: Hindu law; principally with reference to such portions of it as concern the administration of justice, in the King’s courts, in India. Vol. 1.2. London 1830. Vol. 1. S. VIII und S. 241.
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Strange, dessen Buch 45 Jahr älter als das des Maine, u. der Chief Justice of Madras gewesen war, u. 1798 entered upon the administration of justice, at the Presidency of Madras (l.c. Preface VIII) wie er selbst uns in Vorrede seines Buchs erzählt, sagt dagegen mit Bezug natürlich auf die Präsidentschaft v. Madras: »It (the custom of Suttee) is confined pretty much to the lower classes; – a proof, that it has no deeper root in the religion, than it has in the law of the country.« [(] t. I , p. 241)⦘
» and, as a rule, it was only the childless widow, and never the widow with minor children, who burnt herself on her husband’s funeral pyre. There is no question that there was the closest connection between the law and the religious custom, and the widow was made to sacrifice herself in order that her tenancy for life might be got out of the way. The anxiety of her family  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗Umgekehrt: of her husband’s family, die erbte; nur die weiblichen Glieder ihrer family waren interessirt in her Stridhana; im übrigen konnte ihre family nur durch religiösen Fanatismus u. Einfluss der Brahminen interessirt sein⦘
that the rite should be performed, which seemed so striking to the first English observers of the practice, was, in fact, explained by the coarsest motives; but the Brahmins  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗ausser den ecclesiastical Brahmins could, namentlich in den higher classes, die Verwandtschaft des Mannes u. musste es grossentheils aus weltlichen Brahminen bestehn!⦘
who exhorted her to the sacrifice were undoubtedly  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗! naiver Maine!⦘
influenced by a purely professional dislike to her enjoyment of property. The ancient  Bemerkung von Marx.
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⦗i.e. dies auch modificirtes survival von Archaischem⦘
rule of the civil law, which made her tenant for life, could not be got rid of, but it was combated by the modern institution which made it her duty to devote herself to a frightful death.« (335, 336)

 Kommentar von Marx.
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[⦗]Obgleich Suttee eine Neuerung, v. den Brahminen eingeführt, hindert dies nicht, dass in den Brahminenköpfen die Neuerung selbst wieder auf Reminiscenz auf älterer Barbarei (Begraben des Mannes mit seinem Eigenthum) beruhte! Namentlich in den Pfaffenköpfen revive die urältesten Greuel, aber ihrer Naiven Ursprünglichkeit beraubt.⦘
|

190

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Wenn Herr Maine sagt:
»There can be no serious question that, in its ultimate result, the disruption of the Roman Empire was very unfavourable to the personal and proprietary liberty of women« (337),  Umschreibung von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 337: I purposely say, “in its ultimate result,” in order to avoid a learned controversy as to their position under purely Teutonic customs.
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so dies verdammt cum grano salis zu nehmen
. Er sagt: »the place of women under the new system  Zusatz von Marx.
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(der Barbaren)
when fully organised  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 337: the last stages of the process, which it is difficult to call anything but feudalisation
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(d.h. nach Entwicklung des Feudalwesens)
was worse than it was under Roman law, and would have been very greatly worse but for the efforts of the Church« (337)  Kommentar von Marx.
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so dies abgeschmackt, considering Dass dass die Church den divorce (röm.) aufhob od. so viel als möglich erschwerte u. überhaupt die Ehe, obgleich sacrament, als Sünde behandelte. Mit Bezug auf »proprietary right« hatte die Güterschleichende Kirche allerdings Interesse den Weibern einiges zu sichern. (umgekehrtes Interesse wie die Brahminen!)

 Bei Maine, S. 342/343: what we most require is a new philosophy of law. If our country ever gives birth to such a philosophy, we shall probably owe it to two advantages. […] The second advantage I believe to consist in the growing familiarity of Englishmen with the investigations of the so-called Analytical Jurists, of whom the most considerable are Jeremy Bentham and John Austin. Of this advantage we have a monopoly.
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Herr Maine in Lectures Lecture XII theilt dem erstaunten Europa mit, dass England das Privileg der dort s.g. »Analytical Jurists« besitzt, wovon die bedeutendsten Jeremy Bentham u. John Austin .
(343) Austin’s: „Province of Jurisprudence Determined has long been one of the higher classbooks in this University. (345) (andre lectures  Zusatz von Marx.
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des Kerls
more recently given to the world.) Seine Vorgänger Bentham u. Hobbes .  Zusatz von Marx.
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Folgendes die grosse Entdeckung selbigen John Austin’s:

„If  Bei Maine, S. 348: (he says)
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(says the immense John Austin)
a determinate human superior, not in the habit of obedience to a like superior, receive habitual obedience from the bulk of a given society, that determinate superior is Sovereign in that society, and the society, including the superior, is a society political and independent.“ „To that superior the other members of the society are subject; or on that determinate superior the other members of the society are dependent. The position of its other members towards that determinate superior is a state of subjection or a state of dependence. The mutual relation which subsists between that superior and them, may be styled the relation of Sovereign and Subject, or the Relation of Sovereignty and Subjection.“ (citirt bei Maine p. 348, 349)  Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 349: There is, in every independent political community – that is, in every political community not in the habit of obedience to a superior above itself – some single person or some combination of persons which has the power of compelling the other members of the community to do exactly as it pleases. This single person or group – this individual or this collegiate Sovereign (to employ Austin’s phrase) – maybe found in every independent political community
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Der »determinate human superior« – der Sovereign is »an individual or a collegiate Sovereign« (diese Phrase für single person or group auch eine Erfindung des Austin).
(349)  Zusatz von Marx.
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Herr Maine erklärt die Ansichten des Austin weiter dahin
: If the community be violently or voluntarily divided into a number of separate fragments, then, as soon as each fragment has settled down (perhaps after an interval of anarchy) into a state of equilibrium, the Sovereign will exist and will be discoverable in each of the now independent portions. (349, 350) Das gemeinsame Charaktermal aller shapes of d. Sovereignty – whether the Sovereign a person or a combination of persons –, ist, dass er has the possession of irresistible force, not necessarily exerted but capable of being exerted. Ist der Sovereign a single person, so nennt ihn Austin a Monarch; if a small groupOligarchy; if a group of considerable dimensions, an Aristocracy; if very large and numerous, a Democracy. Austin hates the name of »Limited Monarchy«, in his days more fashionable than now, u. das Government of Great Britain he classes with Aristocracies. Was alle forms of Sovereignty gemein haben, is the power (but not necessarily the will) to put compulsion without limit on subjects or fellow-subjects. (350)  Bei Maine, S. 350/351: It is sometimes extremely difficult to discover the Sovereign in a given State, and, when he or it is discovered, he may fall under no recognised designation, but, where there is an independent political society not in a condition of anarchy, the Sovereign is certainly there.
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Wo kein solcher sovereign erkennbar – Anarchie.
(351) The question of determining his (the Sovereign’s) character ⦗in a given society⦘ is always a question of factnever a question of law or morals. (l.c.)

Der Sovereign must be a determinate human superior. Besteht aus mehren Personen, so he must be a number of persons capable of acting in a corporate or collegiate capacity. … since the Sovereign must effect his exertions of power, must issue |191 his orders, by a definite exercise of his will. The possession of physical power  Bei Maine, S. 351: which is one characteristic of Sovereignty
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unentbehrliches Merkmal
. (351) The bulk of the society must obey the superior who is to be called Sovereign. Not the whole of the Society, for in that case sovereignty would be impossible, but the bulk, the large majority, must obey. (352)

The Sovereign must receive an habitual obedience from the bulk of the community. (353) Ferneres characteristic desselben: is immunity from the control of every other human superior. (l.c.)

 Bei Maine, S. 354: Those who have observed with what slowness definite conceptions are developed in the field of history and politiics will be prepared to hear that this whole view of the nature of Sovereignty is older than Austin’s work. But, as far as my knowledge extends, I do not think that any material portion of it is older than Hobbes. On the other hand, in the Leviathan of Hobbes and in the Chapter De Cive in his treatise first published in Latin, called the Elementa Philosophiæ, the analysis of Government and Society and the determination of Sovereignty are so nearly completed that little could be added to them by Bentham and Austin.
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⦗Dies dem Grundtext nach, wie Maine selbst zugiebt, v. Austin, wie so weit damit identisch, von Bentham aus Hobbes (Leviathan : Ch. De Cive , first published in Latin, in the Elementa Philosophiae )

 Bei Maine, S. 354/355: The process of Hobbes was scientific, but his object was less scientific than political.
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Aber sagt Maine: Hobbes’ Object war politisch;
das des Austin »strictly scientific«  Kommentar von Marx.

Machiavelli
: Gemeint ist dessen Werk „Il Principe“ (1513). Marx besaß die Ausgabe von 1747 ([Niccolò Machiavelli]: Il principe. In: Tutte le opere di Niccolò Machiavelli, cittadino e segretario fiorentino. Div. in 2 t., e di nuovo con somma diligenza corr. e ristampate. Londra 1747. T. 1. S. 293–352). Sein Exemplar der „Opere“, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm im ersten und wahrscheinlich ebenfalls von ihm stammenden Marginalien im zweiten Band, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 814).

Linguet: Gemeint ist dessen „Théorie des loix civiles“. Marx besaß die Ausgabe von 1767 ([Simon Nicolas Henri Linguet:] Théorie des loix civiles, ou, principes fondamentaux de la société. T. 1.2. Londres 1767). Der erste Band aus seinem Besitz, mit wahrscheinlich von ihm stammenden Marginalien, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 778).
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355. Scientific! doch nur in der Bedeutung, dies die dies Wort im Kopf of blockheadish British lawyers haben kann, wo altmodische Classification, Definition etc als scientific gilt. Vgl. übrigens 1)  Machiavelli u. 2)  Linguet .⦘
 Bei Maine, S. 356: Hobbes […] speculated on the origin of Government and Sovereignty. […] But Austin barely enters on this enquiry; and indeed he occasionally, though perhaps inadvertently, uses language which almost seems to imply that Sovereignty and the conceptions dependent on it have an a priori existence.
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Ferner: Hobbes will origin of Staat (Government u. »Sovereignty« [)] ergründen; dies Problem existirt für lawyer Austin nicht; für ihn dies fact gewissermassen a priori vorhanden.
 Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Dies sagt Maine, p. 356. Der unglückliche Maine selbst hat keine Ahnung davon, dass da wo Staaten existiren (after the primitive Communities etc), i.e. eine politisch organisirte Gesellschaft, der Staat keineswegs das Prius ist; er scheint nur so.⦘

 Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 357: how far the observed facts of human nature and society bear out the assertions which are made or seem to be made about Sovereignty by the Analytical Jurists. To begin with, these assertions must be disentangled from one another. The first of them is that, in every independent community of men, there resides the power of acting with irresistible force on the several members of that community.
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Herr Maine bemerkt über Austin’s Ausgabe der Hobbes’schen »force« theory:

If all the members of the community had equal physical strength and were unarmed, the power would be a mere result from the superiority of numbers; but, as a matter of fact, various causes, of which much the most important have been the superior physical strength and the superior armament of portions of the community have conferred on numerical minorities the power of applying irresistible pressure to the individuals who make up the community as a whole. ([357,] 358)

Die assertion … which the great »Analytical Jurists«  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Bentham u. Austin)
cannot be charged with making, but which some of their disciples go very near to hazarding, that the Sovereign person or group actually wields the stored-up force of society by an uncontrolled exercise of will, is certainly never in accordance with fact. The vast mass of influences, which we may call for shortness moral,  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗dies »moral« zeigt, wie wenig Maine von der Sache versteht; soweit diese influences (economical before everything else) »moral« modus of existence besitzen, ist dies immer ein abgeleiteter, secundärer modus u. nie das prius
perpetually shapes, limits, or forbids the actual direction of the forces of society by its Sovereign. ([358,] 359) The Austinian view of Sovereignty really ist – that it is the result of Abstraction.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Maine ignores das viel Tiefere: dass die scheinbare supreme selbständige Existenz des Staats selbst nur scheinbar u. dass er in allen seinen Formen eine excrescence of society is; wie seine Erscheinung selbst erst auf einer gewissen Stufe der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung vorkömmt, so verschwindet sie wieder, sobald die Gesellschaft eine bisher noch nicht erreichte Stufe erreicht hat. Erst Losreissung der Individualität von den ursprünglich nicht despotischen Fesseln (wie blockhead Maine es versteht), sondern befriedigenden u. gemüthlichen Banden der Gruppe, der primitiven Gemeinwesen, – u. damit die einseitige Herausarbeitung der Individualität. Was aber die wahre Natur der letzteren zeigt sich erst wenn wir den Inhalt – die Interessen dieser »letzteren« analysiren. Wir finden dann, dass diese Interessen selbst wieder gewissen gesellschaftlichen Gruppen gemeinsame u. sie carakterisindere charakterisirende Interessen, Klasseninteressen etc sind, also diese Individualität selbst Klassen- etc Individualität ist u. diese in letzter Instanz haben alle ökonomische Bedingungen zur Basis. Auf diesen als Basen baut sich der Staat auf u. setzt sie voraus.⦘
[»]It is arrived at by throwing aside all the characteristics and attributes of Government and  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
Society except one, and by connecting all forms of political superiority together through their common possession of force.  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Das ist nich nicht der Grundfehler; dieser |192 ist, dass die political superiority, whatever its peculiar shape, and whatever the ensemble of its elements, is taken als etwas über der Gesellschaft stehendes, auf sich selbst beruhendes.⦘
The elements neglected in the process are always important, sometimes of extreme importance, for they consist of all the  Bei Maine, S. 359: influences
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elements
controlling human action except force directly applied or directly apprehended
;  Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗z. B. die bessere Bewaffnung ist schon ein direct auf Fortschritt in den Productionsmitteln (diese fallen z. B. bei Jagd u. Fischfang Direct direct zusammen mit Zerstörungsmitteln, Kriegsmitteln) beruhendes Element⦘
but the operation of throwing them aside for purposes of classification is … perfectly legitimate«. (359) We reject in the process of abstraction by which the conception of Sovereignty is reached … the entire history of each community … the mode in which the result has been arrived at. (360)

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Seine flache Kritik, die er unter zum Theil richtig klingender Phraseologie verbirgt, windet sich ab erstens in folgender Phrase:
»It is its history (des Gemeinwesens), the entire mass of its historical antecedents, which in each community determines how the Sovereign shall exercise or forbear from exercising his irresistible coercive power«, (p. 360)  Zusatz von Marx.
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aber diese ganze Geschichte löst sich bei Maine in so called »moral elements« auf, denn er fährt wieder, als echter Jurist u. Ideolog, unmittelbar fort:
»All that constitutes this – the whole enormous aggregate of opinions, sentiments, beliefs, superstitions, and prejudices of all kinds, hereditary and acquired, some produced by institutions and some by the constitution of human nature – is rejected by the Analytical Jurists. And thus it is that, so far as the restrictions contained in their definition of Sovereignty are concerned, the Queen and Parliament of our own country might direct all weakly children to be put [to] death or establish a system of lettres de cachet.« (p. 360)  Zusatz von Marx. Marx meint vermutlich: An Act for the better Protection of Person and Property in Ireland. [2nd March, 1881.] (44 & 45 Vict., c. 4.) Sog. „coercion acts“, d.h. Ausnahmegesetze zur Unterdrückung von Unruhen, wurden für Irland seit dessen „Union“ mit Großbritannien 1801 vom Parlament in London erlassen. Die Geltung des Gesetzes von 1881 war bis zum 30. September 1882 befristet. Siehe Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft 1880/1881.
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(such as the English now have established by their coercion in bill in Irld (Dies geschrieben Juni 1888)[)]
 Kommentar von Marx.
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⦗Gutes Beispiel der halbverrückte Iwan IV. Während wüthend gegen Bojaren u. auch gegen rabble in Moskau, sucht er, u. muss er, sich halten als Vertreter der Bauerninteressen.⦘

Dagegen  Bei Maine, S. 362: some of the assertions made by him at which the beginner is most apt to stumble have rather the air of self-evident propositions
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werden die »assertions« des Austin »self-evident propositions«
, sobald man weiss dass »in his system the determination of Sovereignty ought to precede the determination of Law«, it being once understood »that the Austinian conception of Sovereignty has been reached through mentally uniting all forms of Government in a group by conceiving them to be stripped of every attribute except coercive force « , and  Kommentar von Marx.
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(hier zeigt sich wieder der Eselsfuss)
when it is steadily born borne in mind that the deductions from an abstract principle are never from the nature of the case completely exemplified in facts«. (362)

 Bei Maine, S. 362: I dare say you are sufficiently acquainted with his treatise to make it enough for me to mention some of these propositions, without the amplifications which are necessary for their perfectly accurate statement. – Siehe S. 346: A very frequent effect of forcing on students […] a system or subject which […] is repugnant to them is to make them regard it as so much dogma, as something resting on the personal authority of the writer with whose name it happens to be associated.
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Weitere Dogmen des Austin:
»Jurisprudence is the science of Positive Law. Positive Laws are Commands, addressed by Sovereigns to their Subjects, imposing a Duty, or condition of obligedness, or obligation, on those Subjects, and threatening a Sanction, or Penalty, in the event of disobedience to Command. A Right is the faculty or power conferred by the Sovereign on certain members of the community to draw down the sanction on an a fellow-subject violating a Duty.« (362)

 Kommentar von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 360/361: The procedure of the Analytical Jurists is closely analogous to that followed in mathematics and political economy. It is strictly philosophical, but the practical value of all sciences founded on abstractions depends on the relative importance of the elements rejected and the elements retained in the process of abstraction.
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Alle diese kindischen Trivialitäten – Höchste Obrigkeit ist, wer die Macht hat zu zwingen, Positive Gesetze sind Befehle der Obrigkeit an ihre Unterthanen; sie legt dadurch diesen Unterthanen Verpflichtungen auf, u. dies ist Pflicht, u. droht mit Strafe für Ungehorsam gegen den Befehl; Recht ist die Macht welche die Obrigkeit gewissen Gliedern der Gesellschaft überträgt pflichtwidrig handelnde Gesellschaftsglieder zu strafen – dies Kindische, u. viel mehr kann selbst ein Hobbes aus der blossen obrigkeitlichen Gewaltstheorie nicht herausklauben – dies von John Austin ernsthaft doctrinair Gepredigte nennt Maine eine „Procedur“ der analytischen Juristen, die closely analog sei mit der in Mathematik u. der Politischen Oekonomie befolgten u. »strictly scientifick scientific«! |193 Alles dreht sich hier nur um die formelle Seite, die natürlich für einen Juristen überall die Hauptsache.

»Sovereignty, for the purposes of Austin’s system, has no attribute but force, and consequently the view here taken of „law“, „obligation“ u. „right“ is a view of them regarded exclusively as products of coercive force. The „sanction“  Zusatz von Marx.
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(penalty)
thus becomes the primary and most important member of [the] series of notions and gives its colour to all the others.« (363)  Bei Maine, S. 363: Probably nobody ever found a difficulty in allowing
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Niemand, sagt Maine, wird es schwer finden dies zuzugeben (»allowing«)
»that laws have the character given to them by Austin, so far as such laws have proceeded from formal Legislatures« (l.c.),  Bei Maine, S. 363: But many persons, and among them some men of powerful mind, have struggled against the position that the great mass of legal rules which have never been precribed by the organ of State […] are commands of the Sovereign. The customary law
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aber manche Personen protestiren dagegen z. B. with regard »to
the customary law of all countries which have not included their law in Codes, and specially the English Common Law[«]. (l.c.) The way in which Hobbes and he   Kommentar von Marx. Anspielung auf den in der Komödie „Love’s labour’s lost“ von William Shakespeare von dem Clown Costard gespielten Pompejus, der wiederum in Anspielung auf den historischen Pompejus, der von manchen Autoren „magnus“ (der große) genannt wurde, in einer Szene (V, 2) „great Pompey“ bzw. „Greater than great, great, great, great Pompey! Huge Pompey!“ tituliert wird. Marx hat diese Anspielung auch sonst gerne verwendet, so 1842 in „Debatten über Preßfreiheit“ (MEGA I/1. S. 124.16–17: Großer, allergrößter Pompejus!) oder in seinem Brief an Adolf Cluß vom 14. Juni 1853 (MEGA III/6. S. 195: Großer Bürger Schläger! Allergrößter Pompejus!). Siehe auch Heft 1882, die Sachanmerkung zu „Great, greatest Lubb!“. Was den historischen Pompejus anging, bemerkte er in seinem Brief an Engels vom 27. Februar 1861: „Pompejus reiner Scheißkerl […] Shakespeare in seinem ‚Loves Labour Lost‘ scheint eine Ahnung davon gehabt zu haben was P. wirklich war.“ (MEGA III/11. Br. 243.54–64.) Laut seinem 1844 angefertigten Verzeichnis seiner Bücher besaß Marx damals eine englische Ausgabe der Werke Shakespeares (MEGA IV/3. S. 7.32). Wohl erst danach erwarb er auch zumindest einzelne Bände einer deutschen Ausgabe. Beide sind in dem von Roland Daniels im Dezember 1850 angefertigten Verzeichnis der von Marx 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher aufgeführt (MEGA IV/5. S. 302.10 und 302.30). Sie dürften zu den Büchern gehört haben, die Marx Anfang 1861 zurückerhielt (siehe MEGA III/11. Nr. 96.8 und die Verweise in der entsprechenden Sacherläuterung).
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(Austin, the great Pompejus!)
bring such bodies of rules as the Common Law under their system by insisting on a maxim which is of vital importance to it: „Whatever the Sovereign permits, he commands[.] (p. 363) Until customs are enforced by Courts of Justice, they are merely „positive morality“, rules enforced by opinion, but, as soon as courts of Justice enforce them, they become commands of the Sovereign, conveyed through the Judges who are his delegates or deputies. (364)  Kommentar von Marx. Verweis von Marx auf seine Exzerpte aus dem Buch von Rudolph Sohm auf den Seiten 155–159 des vorliegenden Hefts.
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⦗Hier Austin, ohne es zu wissen (sieh oben Sohm p. 155–59) hat als engl. Jurist das engl. fact in Knochen, dass die normänn. Könige in Engld durch ihre normänn. courts of justice erzwangen (Aenderungen in Rechtsverhältnissen), die sie auf legislativem Weg nicht hätten erzwingen können.⦘
 Zusatz von Marx.
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Der Herr Maine erklärt dies weiter:
»They command« (die Sovereigns) what they permit, »because, being by the assumption possessed of uncontrollable force, they could innovate without limit at any moment. The Common law consists of their commands because they can repeal or alter or re-state it at pleasure.« (364) Law is   Zusatz von Marx.
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(by Austin)
regarded as regulated force. (365)

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Der comfortable Maine glaubt
: »The one doctrine of this school of jurists which is repugnant to lawyers would lose its air of paradox if an assumption were made which, in itself theoretically unobjectionable  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
, manifestly approximates to practical truth as the course of history proceeds – the assumption that what the Sovereign might  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
alter, but does not alter, he commands.« (366)  Kommentar von Marx.
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Dies die Mainesche Ausgabe von Hobbes u. his little man Austin . Dies blosse scholastische Spielerei. Die Frage ist »what he might alter«. Nehmen wir selbst etwas juristisch Formelles. »Laws«, ohne abgeschafft zu werden, fallen in »desuetude«. Da »positive laws« commands des Sovereign, so bleiben sie sein command, so lange sie existiren. Da he not alters them – he »might« do so, because the fact of their falling into »desuetude« proves, that the social state has outgrown them: shall we now say, that the he commands them, because he does not abrogate them, though he »might« do so, as Maine’s panacea runs; or shall we say, that he commands them to fall into »desuetude«, because he does not enforce them? In that case he commands that his positive commands shall not be obeyed, i.e. executed, which shows that his »command« is a very imaginary, fictive sort of command.
Austin’s »  Bei Maine, S. 368: firm convinction of the truth of his own ethical creed
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own ethnical creed
was Utilitarianism in its earlier shape«. (368.  Kommentar von Marx.
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Benthamism ganz würdig des Mannes)

The 2nd, 3d, and 4th Lectures (of Austin) are occupied with an attempt to identify the law of God and the law of Nature (so far as these last words can be allowed to have any meaning) with the rules required by the theory of utility … the identification … is quite gratuitous and valueless for any purpose. (369) The jurist, properly so called, has nothing to do with any ideal standard of law or morals. (p. 370  Kommentar von Marx.
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Very true this! as little as theology has!
)

Lecture XIII. Sovereignty and Empire.  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Dies letzte Lecture des Maine’schen Buchs)

The word „law“ has come down in close association with two notions, the notion of »order« and the notion of »force«. (371)|

194

The principal writings of Austin are not much more than 40 years old. (373)

From the point of view of the Jurist, law is only associated with order through the necessary condition of every true law that it must prescribe a class of acts or omissions, or a number of acts and omissions determined generally; the law which prescribes a single act not being a true law, but being distinguished as an „occasional“ or „particular“ command. Law, thus defined and limited, is the subject-matter of Jurisprudence as conceived by the Analytical Jurists. (375)

Austin in his treatise examines »a number of existing governments or (as he would say), forms of political superiority and inferiority, for the purpose of determining the exact seat of sovereignty in each of them.« (375, 376)

Austin recognizes the existence of communities, or aggregates of men, in which no dissection could disclose a person or group answering to his definition of a Sovereigns Sovereign. D’abord, er, wie Hobbes  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(whose little man he is)
fully allows that there is a state of anarchy. Wherever such a state is found, the question of Sovereignty is being actively fought out, u. er giebt als Beispiel that which was never absent from Hobbes’s mind, the struggle zwischen Charles I u. his Parliament. An acute critic of Hobbes u. Austin,  Zusatz von Marx.
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der gewaltige
Fistjames Fitzjames Stephen , insists that there is a condition of dormant anarchy, z. B. United States  Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 377.
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(das Beispiel v. Maine)
before the War of Secession. (377)  Bemerkung von Marx.
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Dies alles most characteristic of »acute« English jurists!
 Bei Maine, S. 377: It is a fact quite possible that
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Grausser Maine seinerseits declares
»there may be deliberate abstinence from fighting out a question known to be undecided, and I  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Maine him selber!)
see no objection to call the temporary equilibrium thus produced a state of dormant anarchy.[«] (p. 377)

Austin further admits the theoretical possibility of a state of nature; giebt ihm nicht die Wichtigkeit wie Hobbes u. andre, aber allows his its existence, wherever a number of men, or of groups not numerous enough to be political, have not as yet been brought under any common or habitually acting  Bei Maine, S. 378: authority
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community
. (378)

Austin sagt, p. 237, Ist vol., 3d ed.:

„Let us suppose that a single family of savages lives in absolute estrangement from every other community. And let us suppose that the father, the chief of this isolated family, receives habitual obedience from the mother and children. Now, since it is not a limb of another and larger community, the society formed by the parents and children, is clearly an independent society, and, since the rest of its members habitually obey its chief, this independent society would form a society political, in case the number of its members were not extremely minute. But, since the number of its members is extremely minute, it would, I believe, be esteemed a society in a state of nature; that is, a society consisting of persons not in a state of subjection. Without an application of the terms, which would somewhat smack of the ridiculous, we could hardly style the society a society political and independent, the imperative father and chief a monarch or sovereign, or the obedient mother and children subjects.“  Kommentar von Marx.
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(Sehr tiefe!)
[378, 379]

 Kommentar von Marx.
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Dies so far Wasser auf die Mühle Maine’s
, »since, wie er sagt, the form of authority about which it is made, the authority of the Patriarch or Paterfamilias over his family, is, at least according to one  Zusatz von Marx.
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(Maine’s u. consorts)
modern theory, the element or germ out of which all permanent power of man over man has been gradually developed.« (379)

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Aber nun kommt Maine mit »schwerem Geschütz«.
Der Punjaub, after passing durch every conceivable phase of anarchy and dormant anarchy, fell, about 25 Jahre vor seiner Annexation, under the tolerably |195 consolidated dominion of a half military, half religious oligarchy, known as the Sikhs; sie selbst reduced to subjection by a single chieftain belonging to their order,  Wahrscheinlich Ranjit Singh, Herrscher des Punjabs.
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Runjeet Singh
.  Bei Maine, S. 380: He was absolutely despotic
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Dieser allgewaltiger Despot
. He took, as his revenue, a prodigious share of the produce of the soil. He harried villages which recalcitrated at his exactions, and he executed great numbers of men. He levied great armies; he had all material of power, and exercised it in various ways. But he never made a law. The rules which regulated the life of his subjects were derived from their immemorial usages, and these rules were administered by domestic tribunals, in families or village-communities. (380, 381) Runjeet Singh never did or could  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
have dreamed of changing the civil rules under which his subjects lived. Probably he was as strong a believer in the independent obligatory force of such rules as the elders themselves who applied them. An Eastern or Indian theorist in law, to whom the assertion was made that Runjeet Singh commanded these rules, would etc feel it etc absurd etc. (382)

Dieser state des Punjab under  Wahrscheinlich Ranjit Singh, Herrscher des Punjabs.
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Runjeet Singh
may be taken as the type of all Oriental communities in their native state, during their rare intervals of peace and order. They have ever been despotisms Bei Maine, S. 382: and the commands
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etc die commands
der despots at their head, harsh and cruel as they might be, [have always been] implicitly obeyed. But then these commands, save in so far as they served to organize administrative machinery for the collection of revenue, have not been true laws; were of the class called by Austin occasional or particular commands. The truth is that the one solvent of local and domestic usage … has been not the command of the Sovereign but the supposed command of the Deity. In India, the influence of the Brahminical treatises on mixed law and religion in sapping the old customary law of the country has always been great, and in some particulars … it has become greater under English rule. (382, 383)

Die Assyrian, Babylonian, Median u. Persian Empires, for occasional wars of conquest, levied vast armies from populations spread over immense areas;  Bei Maine, S. 384: they exacted the most implicit obedience
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verlangten absolute obedience
to their occasional commands, punished disobedience with the utmost cruelty; dethroned petty kings, transplanted whole communities etc. Aber mit all dem interfered but little with the every day religious or civil life of the groups to which their subjects belonged. The „royal statute“ and „firm decree“ preserved to us as a sample of „law of the Medes and Persians which altereth not“, ist kein law in modernem Sinn, sondern a „particular command“, a sudden, spasmodic, and temporary interference with ancient multifarious usage left in general undisturbed. Selbst das Athenian empire, so weit es nicht Attica betraf, sondern die subject cities u. islands was clearly a tax-taking Empire  Zusatz von Marx.
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wie die asiatischen
, nicht a legislating Empire. (384, 385)

 Bei Maine, S. 385: A new order of ideas on the subject of
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A new order of
legislation introduced into the world durch das empire of the Romans. ([385,] 386)

 Zusatz von Marx.
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Nach dem Burschen Maine
der origin of the political communities called States is that they were formed by the coalescence of groups, the original group having been in no case smaller than the patriarchal family.  Kommentar von Marx.
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(Again!)
Aber dies coalescence was soon arrested. (386)

In a later stage, political communities … often of very great territorial extent, are constructed by one community conquering another or one chieftain, at the head of a single community or tribe, subjugating great masses of population. But … the separate local life of the small societies included in these great States was not extinguished or even much enfeebled. (386, 387)|

196

The »completer trituration in modern societies of the groups which once lived with an independent life has proceeded concurrently with much greater activity in legislation.« (387)

If The the powers of the Village Council (später Athenian Ekklesia etc[)] must be described by modern names, that which lies most in the background is legislative power, that which is most distinctly conceived is judicial powers power . The laws obeyed are regarded as having always existed, and usages really new are confounded with the really old. (388, 389) The village-communities of the Aryan  Kommentar von Marx.
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(! again this nonsense!)
race do not therefore exercise true legislative power so long as they remain under primitive influences. Nor again is legislative power exercised in any intelligible sense of the words by the Sovereigns of those great States, now confined to the East, which preserve the primitive local groups most nearly intact. Legislation, as we conceive it, and the break up of local life appear to have universally gone on together. (389)

The Roman Empire was the source of the influences which have led, immediately or ultimately, to the formation of highly-centralised, actively legislating, States. It was the first great dominion which did not merely tax, but legislated also. The process was spread over many centuries. … its commencement and completion, I should place … roughly at the issue of the first Edictum Provinciale, and at the Extension of the Roman citizenship to all subjects of the Empire. But, in the result, a vast and miscellaneous mass of customary law was broken up and replaced by new institutions. … It (the Roman) Empire[)] devoured, brake in pieces, and stamped the residue with its feet. (390, 391)

 Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 391: The irruption of the barbarian races into the Empire diffused through the communities included in it a multitude of the primitive tribal and village ideas which they had lost.
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Dann wirkte das Roman Empire u. sein law auf die neuen durch die Barbaren gegründeten Reiche etc.
(391)

Customary law … is not obeyed, as enacted law is obeyed. When it obtains over small areas and in small natural groups, the penal sanctions on which it depends are partly opinion, partly superstition, but to a far greater extent an instinct almost as blind and unconscious as that which produces some of the movements of our bodies. The actual constraint which is required to secure conformity with usage is unconceivably small. When, however, the rules which have to be obeyed once emanate from an authority external to the small natural group and forming no part of it, they wear a character wholly unlike that of a customary rule. They lose the assistance of superstition  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(par exemple Christian Religion, Roman Church?)
, probably that of opinion, certainly that of spontaneous impulse. The force at the back of law comes therefore to be purely coercive force to a degree quite unknown in societies of the more primitive type. Moreover, in many communities, this force has to act at a very great distance from the bulk of the persons exposed to it, and thus the Sovereign who wields it has to deal with great classes of acts and with great classes of persons, rather than with isolated acts and with individuals. Daher die indifferency, inexorableness, u. generality ihrer »laws«. (392, 93)

Their generality (of the Laws) and their dependence on the coercive force of a Sovereign are the result of the great territorial area of modern States, of the comminution of the sub-groups which compose them, and above all   Bei Maine, S. 394: of the example and influence of the Roman Commonwealth
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of the Roman Commonwealth
etc. (394)

We have heard of a village Hampden, but a village Hobbes is inconceivable. Flüchtet v. England wegen civil disturbance; auf continent  Bei Maine, S. 395: the phenomena which he had to observe were
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sah der Bursche
governments rapidly centralising  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(i.e. was Maine zu tief zu sagen: Richelieu, Mazarin etc)
, local privileges und jurisdictions in |197 extreme decay, the old historical bodies, such as the French Parliaments, tending for the time to become furnaces of anarchy, the only hope discoverable in kingly power. These were among the palpable fruits of the wars which ended in the Peace of Westphalia. The old multiform local activity of feudal or quasi-feudal society was everywhere enfeebled or destroyed.  Bemerkung von Marx.
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(Dagegen hingegen Locke Holland vor Augen, ebenso wie Petty)
 Bei Maine, S. 395: By the time Bentham wrote, and while he was writing, the conditions which suggest the Analytical System of Jurisprudence presented themselves still more distinctly.
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Was dahingegen den graussen Bentham betrifft, was hatte er hinter sich:
 Zusatz von Marx.
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(Französ. Revol. u. Napoleon)
A Sovereign who was a democrat commenced, and a Sovereign who was a despot completed, the Codification of the laws of France. There had never before in the modern world been so striking an exemplification of the proposition that, what the Sovereign permits, he commands, because he could at any time substitute an express command for his tacit permission, nor so impressive a lesson in the far-reaching and on the whole most beneficial results  Zusatz von Marx.
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(!)
which might be expected from the increased activity of Sovereigns in legislation proper. ([395,] 396) |

  Wie sich aus der unvollständigen Angabe der Seiten mit den Exzerpten aus dem Buch von Maine ergibt, hat Marx dieses Inhaltsverzeichnis zu Beginn oder während des Exzerpierens jenes Buchs angefertigt. Die Manuskriptseite (Innenseite des hinteren Umschlagdeckels) wurde von fremder Hand „201a“ numeriert. Marx hatte die Seiten des Hefts bereits bis S. 260 numeriert und die Seiten 198–201 später für seine Exzerpte aus dem Buch von Édouard Hospitalier „La physique moderne. Les principales applications de l’électricité“ (2. éd. Paris 1882) – die in MEGA IV/31 (S. 467–473) veröffentlicht sind – benutzt (siehe Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft 1880/1881).
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[Inhaltsverzeichnis]

Inhalt:

  • Inhaltsverzeichnis von Engels
  • Bibliographische Notizen
  • Lewis H. Morgan: „Ancient Society“. London 1877.
  • J. W. B. Money Barrister-at-Law: „Java; or how to manage a colony.“ London 1861 (2 vols.)
  • Sir J. Phear: „The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon.“ 1880.
  • Rudolph Sohm (Prof. in Strassburg). „Fränkisches Recht u. Römisches Recht. Prolegomena zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte.“ Weimar 1880.
  • Sir Henry Sumner Maine: „Lectures on the Early History of Institutions. London, 1875.“
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
  • Zitiervorschlag

    Karl Marx: Heft 1880 bis 1881. In: Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe digital, Bd. IV/27, bearb. v. Jürgen Rojahn und Georgij Bagaturija unter Mitarbeit von Emanuela Conversano, hg. v. der Internationalen Marx-Engels-Stiftung. Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin. URL: https://megadigital.bbaw.de/M5176449. Abgerufen am 08.08.2026.

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