[Inhaltsverzeichnis von Engels]
| 1) Lewis H. Morgan, Ancient Society | p. 1 |
| 2) J. W. B. Money, Java, or How to Manage a Colony | " 99. |
| 3) Sir J. Phear: The Aryan Village in India & Ceylon | " 128 |
| 4) Dr. Rud. Sohm, Fränkisches Recht & Römisches Recht | " 155. |
| 5) Sir H. S. Maine, Lectures on the Early History of Institutions | " 160 |
| 6) Marx besaß das Buch. Sein Exemplar, mit
zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 578). Seine im vorliegenden Heft,
S. 198–201, angefertigten Exzerpte aus dem Buch sind publiziert
in: MEGA
IV/31. S. 467–473. Schließen E. Hospitalier, Les principales applications de l’électricité |
" 198.| |
[Bibliographische
Notizen]
Henry Sumner Maine: Lectures on the early history of institutions. London 1875.
Schließen
Marx hat schon im
Heft
1877 diesen Titel sowie einige Auzüge daraus
notiert nach Henry Adams: The Anglo-Saxon Courts of Law. In: Essays in
Anglo-Saxon Law. Boston 1876. S. 1–54. Im vorliegenden Heft exzerpiert
er eine andere Arbeit von Sohm (Fränkisches Recht und römisches
Recht. Prolegomena zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte. Weimar
1880).
Schließen
Sohm:
„Fränkische Reichs- u.
Rechtsgeschichte
Gerichtsverfassung
“.
W. F. Skene: „The Highlanders of Scotland“, 1837.
Idem: see his edit. of the
Scotch
chronicler Fordun (1872). Bei Maine, S. 6: the same eminent antiquarian
[Skene], in an appendix to his edition of the Scottish chronicler,
Fordun, published in 1872 […] – S. 101/102: Mr. Skene’s valuable
note on “Tribe Communities in Scotland” (appended to the second
volume of his edition of Fordun’s Chronicle)
Schließen Hier, in Second volume note on
„Tribe Communities in Scotland“
.
nämlich his appendix dazu
Bei Maine, S. 6: Quite recently, also, M. Le
Play and others have come upon plain traces of such communities in
several parts of
France.
Schließen Das Zeug des
Le Play
.
Bei
Maine, S. 9: the Ancient Laws of Ireland, the so-called Brehon laws
– S. 8: The first volume […] was published in 1865; the second in
1869; the third […] has only just appeared.
Engels hatte 1870 die bis dahin erschienenen zwei Bände
erworben und darin „herumgestöbert“ (siehe seinen Brief an Marx vom 29. April 1870; siehe
auch die Briefe vom 29. November 1869,
9. Februar, 22.
Februar, 7. März, 8. Mai und 15. Mai
1870). Das Exemplar des zweiten Bandes aus seinem Besitz
ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 18).
Schließen
Ancient Law Laws of Ireland Brehon laws. (translation published at the expence of Gvt,
first vol. pub. 1865,
2nd vol.
1869
,
3d
1875 1873
)
E[dward] B[urnett] Tylor: Forschungen über die Urgeschichte der Menschheit und die Entwickelung der Civilisation. Aus dem Englischen von H. Müller. Leipzig [1866].
Schließen
Marx besaß das
Buch von Tylor in der deutschen
Übersetzung (E[dward] B[urnett] Tylor: Forschungen über die Urgeschichte der
Menschheit und die Entwickelung der Civilisation. Aus dem
Englischen von H. Müller. Leipzig [1866]). Sein Exemplar,
mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 1339). Marx erwähnte Tylors „Forschungen“ in
den Manuskripten zum zweiten Buch des „Kapital“ (siehe MEGA
II/11). Auch bei Morgan wird Goguet genannt, aber nur der
Name, ohne Titel des Werks, und mit falscher Schreibweise (Goquet).
Siehe Morgan:
Ancient Society. London 1877. S. 13, Fn. 1, sowie Marx’ Notizen
unten.
Schließen
Goguet:
„De l’origine des
lois“.
│
Henry Sumner Maine: Lectures on the early history of institutions. London 1875.
Schließen
Bei Maine, S. 18: Edmund Spenser, in his “View of the State of
Ireland,” […] – Die 1596 verfasste Schrift von Spencer war erstmals
1633 und danach in mehreren Ausgaben erschienen. Maine benutzte
anscheinend die Ausgabe von 1633 (Edmund Spenser: A
view of the state of Ireland, written dialogue-wise betweene
Eudoxus and Irenæus, in the yeare 1596 … Dublin 1633. In: The
historie of Ireland, collected by three learned authors, viz.
Meredith Hanmer, Edmund Campion, and Edmund Spenser. Dublin
1633). Engels besaß eine spätere Ausgabe, die vermutlich
Marx bekannter war (Edmund Spencer: A view of the state of Ireland …
reprinted in: Ancient Irish histories.
The
works of Spencer, Campion, Hanmer, and Marleburrough.
In 2 vol. Vol. 1. Dublin 1809). Sein
Exemplar ist überliefert (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 17). Um 1870 hatte Engels es in seinem „Heft
VI“ auch exzerpiert (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. J 20,
S. 1–6).
Schließen
Spencer
.│ Engels
exzerpierte 1869/1870 Sir John Davies, Historical Tracts, 1786 in
seinem „Heft V“ (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. J 16, S. 2–9). In
seinen Briefen an Marx zu dieser Zeit erwähnte er ihn häufig als
Quelle für die alten irischen Gesetze (siehe Engels an Marx, 29. November, 13.
Dezember 1869, 15. April, 29. April, 11. Mai
1870).
Marx erwähnte ihn in seinem Brief an
Engels vom 10. Dezember 1869: „Den Davies habe ich
extractweis viel gelesen. Das Buch selbst hatte ich nur
oberflächlich durchblättert im Museum. Du verpflichtest mich also,
wenn Du mir die auf common property bezüglichen Stellen
ausschreibst.“
Schließen
Sir John
Davis
│ Zusatz von Marx. Vermutlich bezieht sich Marx
auf John
P[atrick] Prendergast: The Cromwellian settlement of Ireland.
London 1865. Engels exzerpierte dieses Buch um
1870
(kurze Auszüge innerhalb seiner Exzerpten aus Matthew O’Conor:
The history of the Irish catholics from the settlement in 1691 …
Pt. 1. Dublin 1813, IISG,
Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. J 18; J 20, S. 12–21; J 21, S. 1/2). Er
erwähnte es in seinen Briefen an Marx vom 17.
November, 29. November, 13. Dezember 1869 (zusammen mit Davies),
19. Januar und 25. Januar 1870 sowie in seinem Brief an Jenny Longuet vom 24. Februar 1881
(RGASPI, Sign. f. 1, op. 1, d. 5661). Marx erwähnte es in seinem
Brief an Engels vom 17. Dezember
1869. Das Buch war, so Engels in seinem Brief an Marx vom 25. Januar 1870,
„wichtig wegen der vielen Auszüge aus ungedruckten Acten“. Die
zweite Ausgabe (London 1870) erwähnte Engels in einem Brief an
Sigismund Ludwig Borkheim von Anfang März 1872 (siehe Borkheim an
Friedrich Adolph Sorge, 15. März 1872, RGASPI, Sign. f. 1, op. 1, d.
5787 (Kopie)).
Schließen
Prendergast.
Published by the Government of Madras: „Papers on Mirasi Right“ (Madras 1862).
Bei Maine, S. 77: M.
Rénan has discovered them [i.e. village-communities] among the
obscurer Semitic tribes in Northern Africa. – Vermutlich bezog sich
Maine auf Ernest Renan: La société Berbère. In: Revue des deux mondes.
43. année – seconde période. T. 107. Paris 1873.
S. 138–157. Allerdings handelte es sich bei diesem Artikel um die
Besprechung eines kurz zuvor erschienenen einschlägigen Werks (A[dolphe]
Hanoteau, A[ristide] Letourneux: La Kabylie et les coutumes
kabyles. Vol. 1–3. Paris 1872/1873), und Renan erklärte
einleitend, dass die Berber weder zur „groupe indo-européen“ noch
zur „groupe sémitique“ gehörten, sondern eine eigene Gruppe
bildeten.
Schließen
Renan
(Semitic tribes in Northern
Africa).
Patterson (Fortnightly Review. N. XCIV XLIV ) (House Community in Croatia, Dalmatia, Illyria).
Dupin
( Zusatz
von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 80: It is a remarkable fact that assemblages
of kinsmen, almost precisely the counterpart of the
House-Communities surviving among the Slavonians, were observed bei
M. Dupin, in 1840, in the French Department of the Nièvre
Maine bezieht sich offensichtlich auf [André Marie Jean
Jacques Dupin:] Excursion dans la Nièvre. Visite à la communauté
de Jault. Lettre de M. Dupin à M. Étienne. Rassigny en Morvan,
le 22 septembre 1840. Paris [1840].
Schließen nicht wo!
1840 über House Communities in
Departement of Nièvre.)
Freeman: „Comparative Politics“.
Tocqueville: „Ancien régime“ (see I. 18)│ Coote: „Neglected Fact in English History“.
Rev. H. Dugmore: „Compendium of Kaffir Laws and Customs“.│ Thorpe: „Ancient Laws“.
Der
Titel wird auch im „Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1880–1881“ (S. 8)
notiert.
Schließen
Hunter
.
„Orissa“.
Sullivan : edition of O’Curry’s Lectures , at the end of wich translated the Crith Gablach, a Brehon tract.
| Dasent: „Story of Burnt Njal“. | Coote: „Neglected Fact in English History“. |
|
Die 1596 verfasste Schrift war
erstmals 1633 und danach in mehreren Ausgaben erschienen.
Maine benutzte anscheinend die Ausgabe von 1633 (Edmund
Spenser: A view of the state of Ireland, written
dialogue-wise betweene Eudoxus and Irenæus, in the yeare
1596. … Dublin 1633. In: The historie of Ireland,
collected by three learned authors, viz. Meredith
Hanmer, Edmund Campion, and Edmund Spenser. Dublin
1633). Engels besaß eine spätere Ausgabe, die
vermutlich Marx bekannter war (Edmund
Spencer: A view of the state of Ireland …; reprinted in:
Ancient Irish histories. The works of Spencer, Campion,
Hanmer, and Marleburrough. In 2 vol. Vol. 1. Dublin
1809). Sein Exemplar ist überliefert (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 17). Um 1870 hatte Engels es in seinem
„Heft VI“ auch exzerpiert (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign.
J 20, S. 1–6). Schließen Spencer: „View of the State of Ireland“. |
Engels exzerpierte 1869/1870 Sir John
Davies, Historical Tracts, 1786 in seinem „Heft
V“ (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. J 16, S. 2–9). In
seinen Briefen an Marx aus dieser Zeit erwähnt er ihn häufig
als Quelle für die alten irischen Gesetze (siehe Engels an Marx, 29. November, 13. Dezember 1869, 15. April, 29. April und 11. Mai
1870). Marx erwähnte ihn in seinem Brief an Engels vom 10. Dezember
1869: „Den Davies habe ich extractweis viel
gelesen. Das Buch selbst hatte ich nur oberflächlich
durchblättert im Museum. Du verpflichtest mich also, wenn Du
mir die auf common property bezüglichen Stellen
ausschreibst.“ Schließen Sir John Davis: „Historical relations“. |
Aus:
Thomas Strange:
Hindu law; Principally with Reference to Such Portions of it as
Concern the Administration of Justice, in the King’s Courts, in
India, London 1830.
Schließen
Vermutlich bezieht sich Strange auf R[obert]
Rickards: India; or, facts submitted to illustrate the character
and condition of the native inhabitants, with suggestions for
reforming the present system of government. Pt. 1.4. London
1828–1832. Siehe bes. Pt. 1. S. 5–43 (Section 1: Casts of
the Natives of India). Stranges Werk „Hindu Law“ erwähnt bzw.
exzerpiert Marx im vorliegenden Heft in seinen Notizen aus Maine auf
S. 186–189.
Schließen
See Rickards
on subject of
»Castes«
;
Hebers
Bericht wird auch von H. C. Irwin erwähnt, aus dessen Buch Marx
die folgenden bibliographischen Notizen übernimmt. Siehe bei Irwin,
S. 112/113: We get an interesting glimpse of Oudh as it was in 1824
from Bishop Heber’s journal.
sd. edit. (vor \ in Year 1830): Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen also Bishop Heber’s „Narrative“
v. II,
p. 327, sd. edit. (vor \ in Year
1830)
H[enry] C[rossley] Irwin: The garden of India; or chapters on Oudh history and affairs. London 1880.
Schließen
Col. Sleeman
(Reise durch Oude).
Zusatz
von Marx.
Die Angaben zu den Publikationen von Sleeman, Shore, Butter und
Bell entnahm Marx dem Buch H[enry] C[rossley] Irwin: The garden of
India; or chapters on Oudh history and affairs. London 1880. Das
Buch befand sich in seinem Besitz, er hatte es von Irwin selbst
erhalten. Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist
überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 610 und Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft
1880/1881). Marx hat das Buch in seinen Exzerpten aus
Maine im vorliegenden Heft erwähnt. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Noch
heut zu Tag …“.
Schließen (sehr
wichtig)
Dr Butter’s Report on the Southern District of Oudh. (1837)
Shore: „Notes on Indian Affairs“ u. Id. „Present State and Prospects of Oude“ (written 1835).
Dr. Butter: „Outlines of the Topography and Statistics of the Southern Districts of Oudh“. (1837)
Sleeman: „Tour in
Oude“
(3 months’ march through Oude (1st of December 1849 bis 28 Febr. 1850; Bei Irwin S. 140: a work which bears much the
same relation, to compare small things with great, to the subsequent
annexation of the province and the course of the mutiny, that Arthur
Young’s “Travels in France” bears to the first French
Revolution
Schließen ist
Analogon of
Arthur
Young’s
„Travels in France“
vor d. French
Revolution
).
Major Evans Bell: „Retrospects and Prospects of Indian Policy“.
Martin Haverty: The history of Ireland, ancient and modern; derived from our native annals, from the most recent researches of eminent Irish scholars and antiquaries, from the state papers, and from all the resources of Irish history now available. Dublin 1867.
Schließen
Exzerpte aus dem Buch von Martin Haverty, dem
Marx diese Titel (mit dem entsprechenden Versehen im Titel von
O'Connels Buch) entnahm, fügte er in seine Auszüge aus dem Buch von
Maine ein. Siehe unten, S. 173–175.
Schließen
Pynnar: „Survey of Ulster“
u. other
original documents in
Harris
„Hibernica“
u. in
Duffy:
„Library of
Ireland“: „The Confiscation of Ulster“
by
Thomas
MacNevin.
Leland. (Mit
Bezug auf Ireland unter
James II James I
.):
„History of
Ireland“
(B. IV, c. 8)
Taylor:
„History of
the Civil War in Ireland“
v. I, p. 243, 246.
(
O’Connell:
„Memoir of on Ireland“)
Plowden:
„History of Ireland“.
|
Lewis H[enry] Morgan: Ancient society or researches in the lines of human progress from savagery, through barbarism to civilization. London 1877.
Schließen
Quoted by Morgan.
Letters on
the Iroquois, by Skenandoah: addressed to Albert Gallatin,
President New York Historical Society. In: The American Review:
a Whig journal. New York. Vol. 5. 1847. Nr. 2, February.
S. 177–190; Nr. 3, March. S. 242–257; Nr. 5, May. S. 447–461;
Vol. 6. 1847. Nr. 5, November. S. 477–490; Nr. 6, December.
S. 626–633. (Morgan, S. 65.) Marx hat diesen Titel
nachträglich hinzugefügt
(siehe Faksimile von S.
[1a]
).
Schließen
L. H. Morgan
: in American Review,
1847: „Letters on the Iroquois by
Skenandoah“.
|
Marx hat dieses Buch auch in
seinem Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1880/1881 zweimal
vermerkt. |
⎧ | |
|
Marx besaß das Buch in der deutschen
Übersetzung von H. Müller: Forschungen über die
Urgeschichte der Menschheit und die Entwickelung der
Civilisation. Leipzig 1866. Sein Exemplar, mit
zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe
MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1339). Der Titel ist in den
Manuskripten zum zweiten Buch des „Kapital“ erwähnt (siehe
MEGA II/11). Schließen Edwin Edward B. Tylor: „Early History of Mankind“. |
⎨ |
Bei Morgan, S. 14: In Lubbock’s Pre-Historic Times, in Tylor’s Early History of Mankind, and in
Peschel’s Races of Man, the
particulars respecting this art, and the extent of its
distribution, have been collected with remarkable breadth of
research. Schließen geben alle 3 viel über pottery |
| Peschel: „Races of Men“ | ⎩ |
Anscheinend hat
Marx diesen Titel hier zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt hinzugefügt
(siehe
Faksimile von S.
[1a]).
Schließen
Bachofen:
Das Mutterrecht, Stuttgart
1861.
| Foster: „Pre-historic races of the U. St.“ | |
| Jones: „Antiquities of the Southern Indians.“ | Adair „History of the American Indians“ 1775. |
Marx
hatte diesen Titel bereits notiert bei der Lektüre des Buchs von
M.
Kovalevskij: Общинное землевладѣніе, причины, ходъ и послѣдствія его
разложенія. Ч. 1. Москва 1879.
Schließen
L. H. Morgan
„Systems of
Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family“
(1871).
id. „The League of the Iroquois“ ditto: „The American Beaver and his Works“.
Rev. Hiram Bingham: „Sandwich Islands“. Hartford. 1847.
Dr. Bartlett: „Historical Sketch of the Missions etc in the Sandwich Islands“.
Ueber die Australian classes, organized upon sex, see: Rev. Lorimer Fison (English missionary in Australia): „Proceedings of the Amer. Ac. of Arts and Sciences“, for 1872, vol. VIII, p. 412; ditto McLennan: Primitive marriage (p. 118) u. Tylor: Early Hist. of Mankind.
Bei Morgan, S. 153, Fn. 4: Mr. Francis
Parkman, author of the brilliant series of works on the colonization
of America
Schließen
Francis
Parkman
several works on the colonization of America.
Carver „Travels in North-America“. Phil. ed. 1796 , p. 164 (über die „Dakotas“).
Schoolcraft : History of Indian Tribes.
E[dward] B[urnett] Tylor: Forschungen über die Urgeschichte der Menschheit und die Entwickelung der Civilisation. Leipzig [1866]. Aus dem Englischen von H. Müller. S. 117.
Schließen
Vermutlich hat Marx den Titel entnommen aus dem Buch E. B. Tylor:
Forschungen über die Urgeschichte der Menschheit und die
Entwickelung der Civilisation. Leipzig 1866. Aus dem
Englischen von H. Müller. S. 117, das er besaß. Sein
Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert
(siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1339). Marx erwähnte Tylors
„Forschungen“ in den Manuskripten zum zweiten Buch des „Kapital“
(siehe MEGA II/11). Aus der gleichen Ausgabe entnahm Marx
auch den obengenannten Titel des Buches von Goguet. (Sie Erl. dazu)
Schließen
Tylor
„Mexico“
Genauer:
S. 156–161.
Schließen (Ueber deren Irrigation
p. 157–161).
Lewis H[enry] Morgan: Ancient society or researches in the lines of human progress from savagery, through barbarism to civilization. London 1877.
Schließen
Acosta (visted visited Mexico in 1585, his work publ. at Sevilla. 1589): „The natural and moral history of the East and West Indies“ Lond. 1604.
Herrera: „General History of America“ Lond. edit. 1725.
Clavigero: „History of Mexico“. Philad. ed. 1817.
Freeman: „Comparative Politics“.
Latham: Descriptive ethnology.
J[ames] W[illiam] B[ayley] Money: Java; or, How to manage a colony. Showing a practical solution of the questions now affecting British India. In 2 vol. London 1861.
Schließen
Bei Money, S. 62: the Oude landholders’ simple
statement to General Sleeman […] – Den Titel kannte Marx bereits
durch Irwin (siehe
oben).
Schließen
General Sleeman:
„Tour through Oude“.
Harrington Harington „Analysis of the Regulations, Calcutta. 1817.“
John B[udd] Phear: The Aryan village in India and Ceylon. London 1880.
Schließen
Grenier’s „Reports“ (Ceylon) for 1874 : p. Note of Mr. Nell , Appendix to Part I II.
Ribeyro
,
Knox
,
Korrigiert mit Rotstift von
Engels.
Schließen
Valentyne Valentyn
(über Ceylon).
Growse: „Mathura“ (wegen der nonexistence der Kshatria caste).
„Mr. La Touche “ recent: „Settlement Report of Ajmere and Mhairwarra“.
H[enry] C[rossley] Irwin: The garden of India; or chapters on Oudh history and affairs. London 1880.
Schließen
Dieses
Memorandum ließ sich nicht ermitteln. Bei Irwin, S. 270: The local
authorities having thus said their say, the running was taken up by
Mr. (soon to become Sir William) Muir, who was then Secretary to the
Government of India, in a very able “Memorandum on the Investigation
into Tenant Rights in Oudh,” dated the 20th of October 1865. To this
memorandum were added three appendices, on (1) the existing law and
practice of Oudh courts in regard to cultivating tenures; (2) the
result of the local inquiry into rights of non-proprietary
cultivators; and (3) tenant-right in the N. W. Provinces and other
parts of India.
Der zitierte Verweis auf das Memorandum von Muir ist in Marx’
Exemplar von Irwins Buch mit Blaustift unterstrichen (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 610 und Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft
1880/1881).
Schließen
Mr.
Muir: (später Sir William Muir
, damals Secretary to the Gvt of India): „Memorandum on the Investigation into tenant rights of Oudh“
(20 October 1865).
Die Worte
„Mr. Gubbins’ account of the Mutinies in Oudh …“ in Marx’ Exemplar
von Irwins Buch sind
mit Blaustift unterstrichen und am rechten Rand angekreuzt (siehe
MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 610 und Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft
1880/1881).
Schließen
Gubbins:
„Account of the Mutinies in
Oudh“.
Aus:
Henry Sumner
Maine: Lectures on the early history of institutions.
London 1875.
Schließen
Forbes
„Oriental Memoirs.“
(Darin II. 25 Lord Teignmouth’s description of „sitting
dharna.“)
Aus:
Thomas Strange: Hindu law;
Principally with Reference to Such Portions of it as Concern the
Administration of Justice, in the King’s Courts, in India,
London 1830.
Schließen
Wahrscheinlich übernommen von S. 188 des vorliegenden
Hefts, wo Marx seine Auszüge aus Maines „Lectures“ mit Exzerpten aus
„Hindu law“ von Thomas Strange ergänzte, in denen auf „Post, p. 245“
verwiesen wird. Marx bezog sich offensichtlich nicht auf die Studien
von Albert Hermann Post über
„Die
Geschlechtsgenossenschaft der Urzeit und die Entstehung der
Ehe“ und über „Die Anfänge des Staats- und
Rechtslebens“, die er schon notiert hatte (siehe oben).
Schließen See
Post
for Hindu Law
.
Diese Angaben hat Marx wahrscheinlich aus der
Erinnerung hinzugefügt. Siehe Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft 1880/1881.
Mit dem ersten Titel meinte Marx offenbar [Gustav] Hugo:
Lehrbuch des Naturrechts, als einer Philosophie des positiven
Rechts. ([Gustav] Hugo: Lehrbuch eines civilistischen Cursus.
Bd. 2.) Berlin
1799.
Schließen See
Hugo’s
Naturrecht od. ähnlicher Titel (hab ihn vergessen)│
Sybel:
Dtsches
Königthum.
|
Lewis H[enry] Morgan: Ancient society or researches in the lines of human progress from savagery, through barbarism to civilization. London 1877.
Schließen
Lewis H.
Morgan: „Ancient Society“. London
1877.
Bezeichnung von Marx; nicht fortgesetzt.
Schließen A) Growth of
intelligence through inventions and
discoveries.
Part I. Ch. I.
I) Period of savagery.
1) Lower Status. Infancy of human race: lives in its original restricted habitat; subsists upon fruits and nuts; in this period commencement of articulate speech; ends with acquisition of fish subsistence and knowledge of use of fire. No tribes in this condition to be found in historical period of mankind.
2) Middle Status: commences mit fish subsistence and use of fire. Mankind spreads from original habitat over greater portion of earth’s surface. Such tribes existing still, f.i. the Australians and greater part of the Polynesians, when discovered.
3) Upper Status: Commences with invention of bow and arrow, ends with invention of art of pottery. In this state the Athapascan tribes of the Hudson’s Bay Territory, the tribes of the valley of Columbia u. certain coasts coast tribes of North and South America; with relation to the time of their discovery. [9, 10]
II) Period of Barbarism.
1) Lower Status begins with art of Pottery. Für den
folgenden Status (middle) comes in Betracht
the unequal endowment of the 2 hemispheres,
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen western and eastern; aber to
adopt equivalents. In Eastern hemisphere the domestication of
animals, in the Western the cultivation of Maize and plants by
irrigation, zugleich mit use of
adobe-brick and stone in house
building. Im lower status z. B. the Indian Tribes of the U. St. east of the Missouri river,
and such tribes of Europe
and Asia practising pottery, but
were without domesticated animals.
2) Middle Status. Commences in Eastern sphere with domestication of animals, in the Western with cultivation by irrigation and the use of adobe-brick and stone in architecture; ends with the process of smelting iron ore. In this state f.i. the village Indians of New Mexico, Mexico, Central America, Peru u. tribes in the Eastern hemisphere possessing domestic animals, but without knowledge of iron. Ancient Britons belong hierhin; they knew the use of iron and other arts of life – far beyond the state of development of their domestic institutions – thanks to the vicinity of more advanced continental tribes.
3) Upper Status. Commences with the smelting
of Iron Ore, use of iron tools etc, ends
with the invention of a phonetic alphabet,
and the use of writing in literary composition. In the upper Status of Barbarism the Grecian tribes of homeric ages, Italian tribes Bei
Morgan, S. 11: shortly before
Schließen before the founding
of Rome
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (?), the
Bei Morgan, S. 11:
Germanic
Schließen German tribes of Caesar’s time.
[10–12]
III. Period of Civilization.
Begins with phonetic alphabet and production of literary records; as equivalent – hiperoglyphical writing upon stone. [12]
Überschrift von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 13: Since the use
of pottery is less significant than that of domestic
animals, of iron, or of a phonetic alphabet, employed to
mark the commencement of subsequent ethnical periods,
the reasons for its adoption should be stated. The
manufacture of pottery presupposes village life, and
considerable progress in the simple
arts.
Schließen Ueber Pottery specially to II
Period. (1)
Flint and stone implements älter als pottery, found frequently in ancient repositories ohne pottery. Eh diese erfunden, commencement of village life, with some degree of control over subsistence, wooden vessels u. ustensils, finger weaving with filaments of bark, basket making u. bow u. arrow vor appearance of pottery. Diese nicht z. B. bei den Athapascans, the tribes of California u. of the village valley of Columbia. It was unknown in Polynesia (except the islands of the Tongans u. Fijians), in Australia, California u. the Hudsons’s Bay Territory. Tylor bemerkt, dass die „art of weaving unknown in most of the islands away from Asia“ u. „in most of the South Sea islands there was no knowledge of pottery.“ Flint and stone implements gave the canoe, wooden vessels and ustensils, and ultimately timber and plank in house architecture. Boiling of food – vor pottery – rudely accomplished in baskets coated with clay, and in ground cavities lined with skin, the boiling being effected with heated stones.
The village Indians – wie die Zuñians, the Azteks u. die Cholulans (in Period II, (2) state) manufactured pottery in large quantities, and in many forms of great excellence; the partially Village Indians of the U. St. in Period II (1) wie die Iroquois, Choctas, Cherokees made it in smaller quantities u. limited number of forms.
Morgan (S. 13) zitiert den Namen Goguet, nach Tylor: Researches into the early history of mankind
and the development of civilization. 2. ed.
S. 273, aber mit falscher Schreibweise. Marx hatte
Goguet und sein Werk „De l’origine des loix“ in seinen
bibliographischen Notizen am Anfang des vorliegenden
Hefts korrekt zitiert, offensichtlich direkt nach Tylor.
Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Goguet: ‚De l’origine des
lois‘“.
Schließen
Goquet
Goguet
– in last century – relates of
Capt. Gonneville
visiting the Southeast coast of South America in 1503,
that he found „their household
ustensils of wood, even their boiling pots, but
plastered with |2 a kind of
clay, a good finger thick, which prevented the
fire from burning them“ u. nach
Goquet Goguet
daubed die wooden
combustible vessels mit clay to protect them with from fire, till they found that
clay alone would answer the purpose, and „thus the art of pottery came into
the world.“
E. T.
Cox: Fifth annual report of the Geological Survey of
Indiana, made during the year 1873. Indianapolis
1874.
Schließen Nach
Prof.
E. T. Cox
of Indianapolis, the
analyses of „ancient pottery“ „belonging to the mound-builders age, are composed of alluvial clay and sand, or a mixture of
the former with pulverized fresh[-]water- shells.“[13–15]
Überschrift
von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 16.
Schließen Development in different tribes u.
families.
Einige so geographisch isolirt, dass sie selbstständig die verschiednen Phasen durchlaufen; andre adulterated durch external influence. So Africa was u. is and an ethnical chaos of savagery u. barbarism; Australia u. Polynesia were in savagery, pure and simple.
The Indian family of America – unterscheidet sich dadurch v. jeder andern existirenden – stellten condition of mankind in three successive ethnical periods dar. When discovered, stellten sie jede der 3 conditions dar u. namentlich lower u. middle status of barbarism more elaborate u. complete als irgend andre portion of mankind. Die far Northern Indians u. some of the coast tribes of North and Southamerica were in the Upper Status of Savagery;
the partially Village Indians east of the Mississippi were in the Lower Status of Barbarism,
the village Indians of North and South America were in the Middle Status. [16]
Part I. Ch. II. Arts of subsistence.
Upon
their (men’s) skill in this direction – arts of
subsistence – the whole question of human
supremacy on the earth depended. Mankind are the only beings
who may be said to have gained an absolute
control
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (?!) over the production of food. (19) the
great epochs of human progress – identified, more or less directly, with
the enlargement of the sources of subsistence.
(l.c.)
1) natural subsistence upon fruits or roots on a
restricted habitat. Primitive period; invention of language.
Such kind of subsistence unterstellt a tropical or subtropical climate.
Fruit and nutbearing forests under a tropical sun. (20) Were at least
partially tree-livers
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (auf Bäumen lebend). (
Lucret.
de rerum
natura
lib. V) [l.c.]
2) fish subsistence; first artificial food, not fully available without cooking; fire first utilized for this purpose. – ⦗hunt for game too precarious ever to have formed an exclusive means of human support.⦘ Upon this species of food mankind became independent of climate and locality; by following the shores of the seas and lakes, and the courses of rivers could, while in the savage state, spread over the greater portion of the earth’s surface. Of the fact of these migrations … abundant evidence in the remains of flint and stone implements found upon all the continents. In Interval bis zur nächsten period important increase in the variety and amount of food; bread roots z. B. cooked in ground ovens; permanent addition of game through improved weapons, especially the bow and arrow; dies kam nach spear u. war club; gab the first deadly weapon for the hunt, appeared late in savagery; Bezeichnet (Bogen u. Pfeil) the upper status of savagery, was iron sword to barbarism, firearms to the period of civilization. bow u. arrow were unknown to the Polynesians in general, and to the Australians. (21) (22)
In Folge der precarious nature of all these sources of food, outside of the great fish areas, cannibalism became the resort of mankind. The ancient universality of this practice is being gradually demonstrated. (22)
3) Farinaceous food through cultivation.
Die cultivation of cereals scheint unbekannt gewesen zu sein im lower u. bis nah zum Ende des middle status of barbarism … in der Oestlichen Hemisphäre den tribes of Asia u. Europe. Dagegen im Lower Status of barbarism in der Westlichen Hemisphäre bekannt den American aborigines; sie hatten horticulture.
Beide Hemisphären ungleich endowed by nature: die Oestliche besass alle Thiere, save one, adapted to domestication u. a majority of cereals; the Western had one cereal (Maize) fit for cultivation, but that the best. Gave the advantage of condition in this period den American aborigines. Aber als die most advanced Eastern tribes, at the commencement of the middle period of barbarism, had domesticated animals giving meat and milk, without a knowledge of the cereals, ihre condition much superior to that of the American aborigines mit maize u. plants, aber ohne domesticated animals. Mit der domestication of animals scheint differentiation der Semitic u. Aryan families heraus aus der Masse der Barbaren begonnen zu haben.|
3Dass die discovery u. cultivation of cereals durch die Aryan family später als domestication von animals beweisen common terms for these animals in the several dialects der Aryan language, and no common terms for cereals or cultivated plants. Ζέα (einziges dieser Worte), philologisch = Sanskrit yavas (bedeutet in Indian barley, in Greek „spelt“).
Horticulture preceded field culture, as the garden (hortos hortus)
das
field (ager); the latter implies boundaries, the
former signifies directly an „inclosed field“.
Zusatz von Marx nach William
Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of
Forcellini and Freund. London
[1855].
S. 508 (hortus) und S. 194 (cŏhors). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch
(möglicherweise
die Ausgabe von
1857). Es gehörte zu den
Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm
Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte
(siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht
bekannt.
Schließen ⦗hortus an inclosed place for plants, hence a
garden; from the same root cohors (auch
cors, in einigen Mscpt. chors) a yard, a
place walled round, a court, (auch cattle-yard); cf. gr. χόρτος, χορός; lat. hortus; german. garten, engl. garden, yard (ital. corte,
french
court cour, engl. court) (ital. giardino, sp. u. french
jardin)[⦘]
Tillage muss aber älter sein als der
inclosed
garden;
erst: tillage of patches of
open alluvial land, 2) enclosed space of
gardens, 3) field by means of the plow drawn by animal power. Ob die
Cultur solcher plants wie pea, bean, turnip, parsnip,
beet, squash
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Kürbisartige Frucht bei
Massachusetts Indians) u. melon, one or more of them, preceded the
cultivation of the cereals, wissen wir nicht. Einige v. diesen haben
common terms in Latin u. Greek, aber keines davon common term mit
Sanskrit.
Horticulture
im in
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Östlicher Hemisphere seems to
have originated more in the necessities of the
domestic animals than of in those of mankind. Commences in the Western hemisphere mit Maize; led in America to localization and village life; tended bes. under the village Indians to take the place of fish and
game. Von cereals u. cultivated plants mankind obtained their
first impression of the possibility of an abundance of food. – Mit
farinaceous food verschwindet cannibalism; it survived in war, practised
by war parties, unter den American aborigines in the Middle Status of barbarism, z. B. unter Iroquois u. Azteks; but
the general practice had disappeared. (Wurde in savagery
practicirt upon captured enemies u. in times of
famine upon friends and kindred) [22–24]
4) Meat and Milk Subsistence. Absence of animals, adapted to domestication in Westlicher Hemisphäre ausser Llama. Die early Span. writers speak of a „dumb dog“ found domesticated in the West Indian Islands, ditto in Mexico u. Central America; sprechen auch von poultry u. turkeys on the American continent; the aborigines had domesticated the turkey u. die Nahuatlac tribes some species of wild fowl.
Diese Differenz u. die specific differences in the cereals beider Hemisphären producirten essential difference with that portion ihrer inhabitants who had attained to the Middle Status of Barbarism.
The domestication of animals provided a permanent meat and milk subsistence; tribes, die sie besassen, differentiated v. der mass of other barbarians. Den Village Indians ungünstig the limitation upon an essential species of food; haben inferior size of the brain verglichen mit den Indians in the Lower Status of Barbarism.
Vorzüge der Aryan u. Semitic families durch maintenance in numbers of domestic animals. Die Greeks milked their sheep as well as their cows u. goats. ( Ilias IV, 433) Aryans to noch greater extent als Semites.
Domestication of animals – in östl. Hemisphäre –
gradually introduced pastoral life, upon the plains of the Euphrates and of India u. den
steppes of Asia; on the confines of one or the
other of which the domestication of animals first accomplished.
Bei Morgan, S. 25: They were thus drawn to
regions
Schließen
Sie kamen so
von
regions
, die, so weit entfernt
die cradle lands der human race zu sein, were
areas they would not have occupied as savages or
barbarians in the Lower Status of barbarism, to whom forest areas
were natural homes. Nachdem sie sich gewöhnt an pastoral life,
unmöglich for either of these families to reenter the
forest areas of Western Asia and of Europe with their flocks u.
herds, without first learning to cultivate
some of the cereals with which to subsist the latter at a distance from the grass plains. Sehr
probable that the cultivation of the cereals
originated in the necessities of the domestic animals, and in
connection with these western migrations; and that the use of
farinaceous food by these tribes was a
consequence.
In der Western Hemisphere die aborigines advanced generally into the Lower Status of Barbarism, u. ein Theil davon in Middle Status ohne domestic animals, ausser Llama in Peru u. upon a single cereal, maize, mit den adjuncts of bean, squash u. tobacco u. in some areas cacao, cotton u. Pepper. „Maize“ from its growth in the hill – which favoured direct cultivation – from its useableness both green and ripe, from its abundant yield u. nutritive properties, was a richer endowment in aid of early human progress als all other cereals together; hence remarkable progress der American aborigines ohne domestic animals; the Peruvians produced bronze, which stands next to the process of smelting iron ore. [24–26] |
45) Unlimited subsistence through field agriculture.
The domestic animals supplemented human muscle with animal power, new factor of the highest value. Später production of iron gab Pflug mit an iron point u. a better spade u. axe. Mit diesen u. aus der früheren horticulture, came field agriculture u. damit zuerst unlimited subsistence. Der plow drawn by animal power; damit entsprang thoughts of reducing the forest and bringing wide fields into cultivation. (Lucret. v. 1369). Dense population in limited areas became possible. Vor field agriculture schwerlich dass ½ Million Menschen held together u. developed under one government in any part of the earth. Wo exceptions, they must have resulted from pastoral life on the plains od. von horticulture improved by irrigation, under peculiar u. exceptional condition. [26, 27]
Zusammenfassung von Marx
in eigenen Worten.
Schließen
Morgan
theilt die Familienformationen (p. 27, 28) ein
in:
1) Consanguine family: intermarriage of brothers and sisters in a group; darauf founded (u. dient jetzt als evidence davon) das Malayan system [of] consanguinity.
2) Punaluan family: name derived von der Hawaiian relationship of Punalua. Founded upon the intermarriage of several brothers to each other’s wives in a group; and of several sisters to each other’s husbands in a group. „Brother“ includes here the first, second, third, and even more remote cousins, all considered as brothers; u. „sister“ includes first, 2nd, 3d and even more remote female cousins, all sisters to each others other. Auf this form of family gegründet the Turanian u. Ganowánian systems of consanguinity. Beide Familienformen gehören zu period of savagery.
3) The Syndyasmian family: Bei Morgan: The term is from συνδυάζω, to
pair, συνδυασμός, a joining two together.
Die Zusätze von Marx sind übernommen von Val[entin]
Christ[ian] Friedr[ich] Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches
Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich
umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und
Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig
1852.
Bd. 2. S. 474. Dort: συν-δυάζω, 1) paaren; Pass., sich paaren
od. begatten, Plat., Plut. […] συνδυάς,
[…] gepaart Eur. συνδυασμός, […]
Paarung, Verbindung Zweier, Plut. – Verweise auf Autoren, bei
denen ein Wort in der betreffenden Bedeutung vorkommt, sind erst
in die 4. Aufl. aufgenommen).
Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe
MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31). Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt. Engels benutzt
im „Ursprung“ für „Syndyasmian family“ durchgängig den Ausdruck
„Paarungsfamilie“.
Schließen
von συνδυάζω ⦗(paaren (συνδυάς gepaart.
Eur.
) Passiv: sich paaren
od. begatten.
Plato,
Plutarch
⦘ ⦗συνδυασμός Paarung, Verbindung Zweier.
Plutarch.⦘ Founded upon
the pairing of a male and a female under the form of marriage,
aber ohne an exclusive cohabitation; ist germ
der Monogamian family. Divorce or separation at the option of both
husband u. wife. Diese Familienform gründet kein besondres Verwandtschaftssystem.
4) The Patriarchal family: founded upon the marriage of one man to several women. In Hebrew pastoral tribes the chiefs and principal men practised polygamy. Little influence on mankind for want of universality.
5) Monogamian family: marriage of one man with one woman, with an exclusive cohabitation; preeminently the family of civilized society, essentially modern. Auf diese Familienform gegründet an independent system of consanguinity.
Part
III.
Ch. I. The ancient family.
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Allerältestes: Hordenwesen
mit promiscuity; no family; hier kann nur Mutterrecht irgendwelche Rolle
spielen.⦘
Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen
Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 384: these forms [types of family] […]
create three distinct systems of consanguinity, all of which
still exist in living forms. Conversely, these systems are
sufficient of themselves to prove the antecedent existence of
the forms of the family and of marriage, with which they
severally stand connected
Schließen Die Verwandtschaftssysteme gebaut auf different types of family; ihrerseits
wieder evidence für Existenz
der letzteren, die sie überleben.
[384]
Das älteste system of consanguinity, bis jetzt entdeckt, found unter den Polynesians, wovon die Hawaiian als typical genommen; Morgan nennts das Malayan system. Hier alle consanguinei fallen unter die relationship: parent, child, grandparent, grandchild, brother u. sister; keine andre Blutverwandtschaft; ausserdem die marriage relationships. Dies system came in with the »consanguine« family form u. beweist deren alte Existenz; das System prevailed sehr allgemein unter den Polynesians, obgleich die family unter ihnen übergegangen aus consanguine form in punaluan. Letztere von ersterer nicht genug verschieden, um eine Modification des auf erstere gegründeten Verwandtschaftssystems zu produciren. Intermarriage zwischen brothers u. sisters noch nicht ganz verschwunden aus den Sandwichinseln, als amerik. Missionäre sich vor 50 Jahren dort etablirten. Muss auch in Asien geherrscht haben, weil es die Basis des dort noch existirenden Turanian system. [385, 386]
Turanian system war allgemein unter den nordamerik. aborigines u. hinreichend auch in Südamerika nachgewiesen, found in parts of Africa, wo jedoch unter dessen tribes Verwandtschaftssystem sich mehr dem Malayan nähert. Turanisches System noch prevailing in Südindien unter den Hindus der Dravidian language u., in modificirter Form in Nordindien unter den Hindus sprechend dialects der Gaura language; ebenso in Australien in partially developed form. In den principal tribes der Turanian u. Ganowánian families producirt durch punaluan marriage in the group u. die organization into gentes, tending to repress consanguine marriages, by |5 prohibition of intermarriage in the gens, wodurch [es] own brothers u. sisters von marriage relation ausschloss. [386]
The Turanian system recognizes all the relationships known under the Aryan system, aber auch diesem unbekannte. In familiar u. formal salutation the people address each other by the term of relationship, nie by the personal name; wo keine relationship exists, durch „my friend“. [387]
Bei Entdeckung der American aborigines war die
family aus der
punaluan in ihre
syndasmian syndyasmian form übergegangen; so dass die
relationships recognized by the system of
consanguinity in zahlreichen Fällen nicht
die waren die wirklich in der
syndasmian syndyasmian family existirten; aber ebenso hatte Malayan system of consanguinity überdauert den Uebergang der consanguine family in die
Punaluan. Gradeso überdauerte Turanian
system of consang. den Uebergang der punaluan family in die
syndasmian
syndyasmian
. Die
Familienform
Bei Morgan, S. 388: advances faster of
necessity
Schließen variirt schneller als systems of
consanguinity which follow to record the family relationships.
Bei Morgan, S. 388: It
required an institution as great as the gentile
organization
Schließen Die
organization in gentes war
nöthig to change the Malayan system in das
Turanian; property in the
concrete, with its rights of ownership u.
inheritance, war nöthig, zusammen mit
der monogamian family which it created, to
overthrow the Turanian system of consanguinity
and substitute the Aryan. [387,
388]
The Semitic, Aryan, od. Uralian system of consanguinity – defining the relationships in the monogamian family – was nicht based upon the Turanian system, wie dies war upon the Malayan, sondern superseded it among civilized nations.
Von den 5 family forms haben 4 existed in der historic period; nur die consanguine disappeared; can aber be deduced v. dem Malayan system of consanguinity. [388]
Marriage between single pairs had existed from
the older period of barbarism, under the form of
pairing during the pleasure of the parties; wurde stabiler mit
advance of society, mit Bei Morgan,
S. 389: progress of inventions and discoveries
Schließen progress durch inventions and
discoveries into
higher successive conditions. Man began to exact fidelity from the wife,
under savage penalties, but he claimed exemption for himself. So unter
den Homeric
Greeks. Fortschritt v. Homerisch.
Zeitalter bis dem von Pericles
, with its gradual settlement into a defined institution. Bei Morgan, S. 390: The modern family is
an unquestionable improvement upon that of the Greeks and
Romans; because woman has gained immensely in social
position.
Schließen So moderne Familie höher als griech. u. röm.; Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 388: We have a record
of the monogamian family, running back nearly three thousand
years, during which, it may be claimed there has been a gradual
but continuous improvement in its character. […] the stupendous
conjugal system […] fastened itself upon mankind in the infancy
of their existence, and followed them down to civilization;
although steadily losing ground with the progressive improvement
of society. The ratio of human progress may be measured to some
extent by the degree of the reduction of this system through the
moral elements of society arrayed against it. Each successive
form of the family and of marriage is a significant registration
of this reduction. After it was reduced to zero, and not until
then, was the monogamian family possible. […] the creation of
five successive forms of the family, each differing from the
other, and belonging to conditions of society entirely
dissimilar
Schließen
Geschichte durchgemacht in
histor. Zeit von 3000 Jahren durch die
monogamische Familie u. Ehe.
Der Fortschritt des alten complicirten »conjugal« system besteht in seiner
successive reduction, bis reduced to zero in der monogamian family.
Jeder der 5 family types belongs
to conditions of society entirely
dissimilar
. Das
Turanian system of consanguinity, which records the relationships in punaluan family,
blieb wesentlich unverändert bis zur Etablirung der monogamian family, when it became almost totally untrue to the nature of
descents, and even a scandal upon monogamy. z. B. unter
dem
Malayan system nennt ein Mann seines Bruders
Sohn seinen Sohn, weil seines Bruders Frau auch
seine Frau ist; u. seiner Schwester Sohn ist
auch sein Sohn, weil seine Schwester auch seine Frau ist. Unter dem Turanian
system ist seines Bruder’s Sohn immer noch sein
Sohn, aus demselben Grund, aber seiner
Schwester Sohn ist jetzt sein Neffe,
weil under der
gentile organization seine Schwester aufgehört
hat, seine Frau zu sein. Unter den
Iroquois, wo die family syndasmian syndyasmian ist, nennt ein Mann seines Bruder’s Sohn seinen Sohn, obgleich
seines Bruder’s Frau aufgehört hat, seine Frau zu sein u. so selbe Incongruenz mit
grosser Anzahl andrer relationships, die der existing
form of marriage aufgehört haben zu entsprechen. Das System hat die Gebräuche
überlebt, worin es entsprang u. erhält sich
fort unter ihnen, obgleich in the main untrue, für descents as they
now exist. Monogamy kam auf to assure the
paternity of children and the legitimacy of
heirs. Turanian system konnte durch keine Reform ihm
adaptirt werden;
stand
in schreiendem Gegensatz zur Monogamie; das
System ward dropped; aber die
descriptive method, stets employed
durch die Turanian tribes when they wished to make a
given relationship specific, wurde
substituted. They fell back upon the bare
facts of consanguinity u. described the relationship of each person by
a combination of the primary terms; sagten
so: Bruder’s Sohn, Bruder’s grandson; father’s
brother; father’s brother’s son; each phrase described a
person, leaving the relationship a matter of implication; so bei
den
arischen Nationen, in der ältesten Form
bei den
Griechischen, latein., sanskritischen,
celtischen, Bei Morgan, S. 392: and also in the
Semitic, as witness the Hebrew Scripture
genealogies
Schließen
semitischen tribes.
(Old testament, Genealogies)
Traces des Turanian system unter
den
arischen u. semit. nations down to the
historical period, aber essentially uprooted, Descriptive |6
substituted in its place. [389–392]
Jedes der systems of consanguinity expresses the
actual relationships existing in the family
at the time of its establishment. Die
relations v. Mutter u. Kind,
Bruder u. Schwester, Grossmutter u. grandchild were stets
versicherbar (seit Etablirung irgend einer Form von family), aber nicht
die von Vater u. Kind, Grossvater u.
grandchild; letzteres nur Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen (mindestens
officiell?) versicherbar in Monogamie. [392,
393]
Die systems of consanguinity sind classificatory oder aber descriptive. Unter dem ersten System consanguinei »classified« into categories unabhängig von ihrer Nähe od. Entfernung in degree von Ego; der selbe term of relationship applied to all the persons in the same category. z. B. meine eignen Brüder u. die Söhne von den Brüdern meines Vaters sind alle gleichmässig meine Brüder; meine eignen Schwestern u. die Töchter der Schwestern meiner Mutter sind alle gleichmässig meine Schwestern; such is the classification in Malayan u. Turanian systems. Im descriptiven System dagegen die consanguinei bezeichnet durch die primary terms of relationship od. combination dieser terms, wodurch die relationship jeder Person specific gemacht. So im Aryan, Semitic; od. Uralian system, which came in with monogamy; später introducirt a small amount of classification durch inventions of common terms, aber die earliest form of the system – the Erse u. Scandinavian – typical, – purely descriptive. Der radicale Unterschied der Systeme resulted von plural marriages in the group in one case, from single marriages between single pairs in the other. [394]
Relationships zweifach: 1) by
consanguinity or blood; diese selbst
zweifach, a) lineal
u. b) collateral; a) lineal ist die connection unter Persons wovon eine von der andern abstammt; b) collateral ist sie, wo persons descend von common ancestors, aber nicht von einander.
2) by affinity or marriage; marriage relationships exist by custom. Wo marriage between
single pairs, each person the Ego from whom the degree of relationship of each person is
reckoned u. to whom it returns. His position in the lineal line, which line is vertical.
Upon it, above and below him, ancestors and
descendants in direct series from father to son; these persons
together constitute the right lineal male line.
Out of this trunk line emerge the several collateral lines, male and female, numbered
outwardly; Zusammenfassung von
Marx.
Schließen in einfachster Form with one
brother and one sister etc:
| 1st collateral line: | male, | my brother and his descendants; | female: | my sister and her descendants. |
| 2nd coll. line: | male, | my father’s brother and his descendants; | female: | my father’s sister u. her descendants. |
| male, | my mother’s brother and his descendants; |
female: |
my mother’s sister und her descendants. | |
| 3d coll. line: | on the father’s side: male: | my grandfather’s brother and his descendants; | female: | my grand father’s sister and her descendants. |
| on the mother’s side: | my grandmother’s brother and his descendants; | female: | my grandmother’s sister and her descendants. | |
| 4th coll. line: | great grandfather’s brother and sister | and their respective descendants. | ||
| great grandmother’s brother and sister | and … ditto … ditto. | |||
| 5th coll. line: | great-great grandfather’s brother and sister | and their respective descendants. | ||
| great-great-grandmothers brother and sister | and … ditto … ditto. |
Habe ich several brothers u. sisters, so constituiren sie mit ihren descendants so many independent lines, aber zusammen bilden sie my first collateral line in 2 branches, a male and a female etc etc. [394–396]
Bei Morgan, S. 396/397: it will be seen at
once that a method of arrangement and of description which […]
rendered the whole intelligible would be no ordinary
achievement. This task was perfectly accomplished by the Roman
civilians […] and is so entirely simple as to elicit
admiration.
Schließen Dies Zeug einfach summirt
durch die
Roman civilians
⦗
Pandects
lib. XXXVIII, title X. De
gradibus, et adfinibus et nominibus eorum; u.
Institutes of Justinian lib. III, title V VI: De gradibus cognationis⦘; adoptirt durch
principal European nations.
Bei Morgan, S. 397:
These terms finally appeared among the Romans
in
Schließen
Römer geben bes.
Namen:
patruus (for uncle on father’s side) u. amita (for aunt on father’s side);
avunculus (uncle on mothers mother’s side) u. matertera (for aunt on mother’s side)
avus, grandfather, giebt avunculus (a little grandfather); Matertera soll herkommen v. mater u. altera = another mother. – Die Erse, Scandinavian u. Slavonic haben nicht diese röm. method of description angenommen.
The 2 radical forms – the classificatory u. the descriptive [–] yield nearly the exact line of demarcation between the barbarous u. civilized nations. [396, 397]
Powerful influences existed to perpetuate the systems of consanguinity after the conditions under which each originated had been modified or had altogether disappeared. [398] |
7In so complicated system wie das Turanian entwickelte sich natürlich divergence in minor particulars. Das system of consanguinity des Tamil people of South India u. das der Seneca-Iroquois, of New York, sind noch identisch through 200 relationships; a modified form of the system – standing alone – that of the Hindi, Bengali, Marâthi u. other people of North India, ist combination der Aryan u. Turanian systems. A civilized people, the Brahmins, coalesced with a barbarous stock, lost their language in the new vernaculars named, which retain the grammatical structure of the aboriginal speech, wozu das Sanskrit 90% of its vocables gab. Ihre 2 systems of consanguinity came into collision, the one founded on monogamy or syndyasmy u. the other upon plural marriages in the group. [398, 399]
Unter den Indian tribes von North America the family syndyasmian; aber lebten generally in joint-tenement houses u. practised communism within the household. Je mehr wir niedersteigen in der direction der punaluan u. consanguine families, the household group becomes larger, with more persons crowded together in the same apartment. The coast tribes in Venezuela, wo die family punaluan gewesen zu sein scheint, are represented by the Spanish discoverers (Herrera’s : History of America) as living in bell-shaped houses, each containing 160 persons. Husbands u. wives lived together in a group in the same house. [399]
Part III. Ch. II. The Consanguine Family.
Bei Morgan, S. 401: As first and most
ancient form of the institution, it has ceased to exist even
among the lowest tribes of savages. […] There are tribes of
savages […] seemingly not far removed from the primitive state;
but they have advanced beyond the condition the consanguine
family implies.
Schließen Existirt in primitivster
Form nicht mehr selbst unter lowest savages. Sie ist aber bewiesen
durch a system of consanguinity and
affinity welches für zahllose Jahrhunderte überlebt hat the
marriage customs in which it originated: das
Malayan system; it defines the relationships wie
sie nur in einer consanguine family existiren
konnten; es besitzt an antiquity of unknown duration; die
inhabitants of Polynesia included in this
system, obgleich die eigentlichen Malays es in einigen Punkten modificirt haben. Hawaiian u. Rotuman forms typical; te the simplest, therefore the oldest. Alle consanguinei, near u.
remote, classified under 5 categories:
| 1st category: | Ego, my brothers u. sisters, my first, second and more remote male and female cousins, are all without distinction my brothers and sisters. (word cousin here used in our sense, the relationship being unknown in Polynesia.[)] |
| 2t category: | My father and mother, together with their brothers and sisters, and their first, second, and more remote cousins are all my parents. |
| 3t category: | My grandfathers and grandmothers, on father’s side and mother’s side, with their brothers and sisters, and their several cousins, are my grandparents. |
| 4t category: | my sons and daughters, with their several cousins, are all my children. |
| 5t category: | my grandsons and granddaughters, with their several cousins, are all my grandchildren. |
| Ferner: | all the individuals of the same grade or category are brothers and sisters to each other. |
The 5 categories or grades in the Malayan system appears appear auch in den „Nine Grades of relations“ of the Chinese mit 2 additional ancestors u. 2 additional descendants. [401–404]
The wives of my several brothers, own and collateral, are my wives as well as theirs; für die female, the husbands of her several sisters, own and collateral, are also her husbands. [406]
The several collateral lines are brought into and merged in the lineal line, ascending as well as descending; so that the ancestors and descendants of my collateral brothers and sisters become mine as well as theirs.
All the members of each grade are reduced to the same level in their relationships, without regard to nearness or remoteness in numerical degrees. Auch bei andren Polynesian tribes – ausser Hawaians u. Rotumans – dies System; so unter den Marquesas Islanders u. den Maoris of New Zealand; den Samoans, Kusaiens, King’s Mill Islanders of Micronesia; zweifellos in every inhabitant inhabited island of Pacific except where it verges upon the Turanian. [407–408]
System based auf: intermarriage zwischen own brothers and sisters, and gradually enfolding the collateral brothers and sisters as the range of the conjugal system widened. In dieser consanguine family the husbands lived in polygyny u. die wives in polyandry. It would be difficult to show any other possible beginning of the family in the primitive period. All traces of it had not disappeared among the Hawaiians at the epoch of their discovery –
The system also founded upon the intermarriage of own and collateral brothers and sisters in a group. [408, 409] |
8
Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen
Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 410/411: All the children of my several
brothers, myself a male, are my sons and daughters. Reason:
Speaking as a Hawaiian, all the wives of my several brothers are
my wives as well as theirs. As it would be impossible for me to
distinguish my own children from those of my brothers, if I call
any one my child, I must call them all my children. One is as
likely to be mine as another. […] All the children of my several
sisters, myself a female, are my sons and daughters. Reason: The
husbands of my sisters are my husbands as well as theirs. This
difference, however, exists: I can distinguish my own children
from those of my sisters, to the latter of whom I am a
step-mother. But since this relationship is not discriminated,
they fall into the category of my sons and daughters. Otherwise
they would fall without the system. […] The children can
distinguish their own mothers, but not their fathers […] The
children of these brothers and sisters are also brothers and
sisters to each other; the children of the latter are brothers
and sisters again, and this relationship continues downward
among their descendants indefinitely.
Schließen The husband in diesem
Sinn weiss nicht ob dies od. jenes Kind sein eignes Fabrikat; es ist sein
Kind, weil das Kind einer seiner Frauen, die er mit seinen brothers, own od.
collateral gemein hat. Die Frau kann
dagegen ihre Kinder von denen ihrer sisters
unterscheiden; sie wäre ihre step-mother; diese »Categorie« existirt aber nicht im
System; ihrer Schwestern Kinder also ihre Kinder. Die Kinder dieser
gemeinsamen Eltern könnten sich zwar von mütterlicher Seite
unterscheiden, aber nicht von väterlicher: sind daher alle Geschwister.
[410, 411]
The marriage relationship extended wherever the relationship of brother and sister was recognized to exist; each brother having as many wives as he had sisters, own or collateral, and each sister as many husbands as she had brothers, own or collateral. [411]
Wherever the relationship of wife is found in the collateral line, that of husband must be recognized in the lineal, and vice versa.
Unter den
Kaffern v. Südafrika die wives meiner
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen
Cousins
– father’s
brother[’s] son, father’s
sister’s son, mother’s brother[’s]
son, mother’s
sisters sister’s son – are alike my wifes wives. [412]
The larger the group recognizing the marriage relation, the less the evil of close interbreeding. [413]
1820 the American missions established in the Sandwich islands, were chocked shocked at the sexual relations; they fanden dort die punaluan family, with own sisters and brothers not entirely excluded, the males living in polygyny, the females in polyandry; the people had not attained the organization in gentes. Unwahrscheinlich dass die actual family among the Hawaiians was as large as the group united in the marriage relation. Necessity would compel its subdivision into smaller groups for the procurement of subsistence, and for mutual protection; individuals passed wahrscheinlich at pleasure from one of these subdivisions into another in the punaluan as well as consanguine families, giving rise to that apparent desertion by husbands and wives of each other and by parents of their children, mentioned by Rev. Hiram Bingham. (Missionair, amerik., in Sandwich islands) Communism in living must have prevailed both in the consanguine and in the punaluan family als requirement of their condition. It still prevails generally among savage and barbarous tribes. ⦗each smaller family would be a miniature of the group.⦘ [414–416]
Ueber Chinese System of 9 Grades see »Systems of consanguinity« etc p. 415, p. 432. [416, 417]
In Plato’s
Timaeus
(Ch. II) all consanguinei in the Ideal Republic
to fall into 5 categories, in which the women were to be in common as
wives and the children in common as to parents. Zusatz von Marx. Gemeint ist hier Plato: Opera quae
feruntur omnia. Recognoverunt Io. Georgius Baiterus, Io.
Caspar Orellius, Aug. Guilielmus Winckelmannus. Accedunt
integra varietas lectionis Stephanianae, Bekkerianae,
Stallbaumianae, scholia et nominum index. Turici
1839. S. 705 l. Sp. (Timaeus, 18c–d). In seinem
Ökonomischen Manuskript 1861–1863 hatte Marx Platos zweites Buch
der „Republik“ nach der Ausgabe von Baiter, Orelli etc (Zürich
1839) zitiert (MEGA II/3.1. S. 256–258). Siehe auch
den ersten Band des „Kapital“ (MEGA II/5. S. 299). Schon im Verzeichnis seiner
Bücher aus dem Jahr 1844 in seinem Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1844
bis 1847 wird „Plato opera omnia 2 t.“ erwähnt (MEGA
IV/3. S. 6.9). Es könnte sich entweder um diese
Ausgabe oder um eine andere im
Verlag Meyer & Zeller in Zürich erschienene Ausgabe, die die
einzelnen Werke in gesonderten (auch gesondert paginierten)
Bänden brachte (Plato: Opera omnia. Recognoverunt Io.
Georgius Baiterus, Io. Caspar Orellius, Aug. Guil.
Winckelmannus. Editio altera. Vol. 1–21. Turici
1839–1841). Marx’ Exemplare sind nicht überliefert.
Sie gehörten wahrscheinlich zu den gestohlenen Werken, über die
Marx Engels am 27. Februar 1861 schrieb: „Die Kölner haben schön
mit meiner Bibliothek gewirthschaftet. Den ganzen Fourrier
gestohlen, dtto Göthe, dtto Herder, dtto Voltaire u. was mir das
Scheußlichste, die ‚Economistes du 18e siècle‘ (ganz neu,
kosteten mir an 500 fcs) u. viele Bände der griechischen
Klassiker, viele einzelne Bände v. andren Werken.“ (MEGA
III/11. S. 380.)
Schließen (sieh meine Ausgabe p. 705, erste Columne)
Hier
dieselben 5 primary grades of relations, Plato bekannt mit hellenischen
u. pelasgischen traditions, reaching back in the region of barbarism
etc. Seine grades exact die der Hawaiians.
[417]
Der
state of society indicated by the consanguine
family points to an anterior condition
of promiscuous intercourse
Klammern und
Ausrufezeichen von Marx.
Schließen (in der Horde!)), trotz Darwin. (See
Descent of Man II,
360)
Sobald die
Horde would break up into
smaller groups for subsistence, it would fall von promiscuity into consanguine
families, welches die first »organized form
of society«. [417, 418]
Part III. Ch. III. The Punaluan family.
Existed in Europe, Asia, America within the historical period, in Polynesia within the present century; widely prevailing in the Status of Savagery, remained in some instances among tribes advanced into the Lower Status of barbarism, u. im case der Britons, among tribes im Middle Status of Barbarism.
Geht hervor aus consanguine family durch gradual exclusion of own brothers and sisters from the marriage relation … Commencing in isolated cases, introduced partially at first, then becoming general, and finally universal among the advancing tribes, still in savagery … illustrates the operation of the principle of natural selection. [424, 425]
In dem Australian class system
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (sieh später) evident,
that their primary object the exclusion of own
brothers and sisters from the marriage relation,
während Verweis von Marx auf S. 425, Fn. 1 des Buchs von
Morgan.
Schließen (see the descents of these
classes p. 425) the collateral brothers and
sisters were retained in that relation. In der Australian punaluan group wie in der Hawaiian the brotherhood of
the husbands formed the basis of the marriage relation of one
group, and the sisterhood of the wives of the
other … the Australian organization into classes upon
sex – which gave birth to the punaluan group, which contained
the germ of the gens – prevailed wahrscheinlich unter allen tribes of
mankind who afterwards fell under the gentile organization. Vor der organization into gentes, which permanently
excluded brothers and sisters from the marriage relation by an organic
law, letztere noch frequently involved in Punaluan
family, wie bei den Hawaiians, die keine organization in gentes
noch das
Turanian system of consanguinity hatten.
[425, 426]
1) Punaluan family:
1860 said Judge Lorin
Andrews
,
of Honolulu, in a letter accompanying a schedule of the Hawaiian
system of consanguinity: „the relationship of
pŭnalŭa is rather amphibious. It |9 arose from the
fact that 2 or more brothers with their wives, or two or more
sisters with their husbands, were inclined to possess each other in common; but the modern use of the
word is that of dear friend, or intimate companion.“ What Judge Andrews says
they were inclined to do, and which may then have been a declining
practice, their system of consanguinity proves to have been once universal among them. Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen Weiter bezeugt durch die
Missionäre. (see p. 427,
428)
So schrieb Rev.
Artemus Bishop
, lately
deceased, one of the oldest missionaries in these islands, der dem
Morgan ebenfalls 1860 a similar schedule
schickte: „This confusion of relationships
is the result of the ancient custom among
relatives of the living together of husbands and wives in
common.“ Then punaluan family group
consists of: one group: several brothers
and their wives; other group: several sisters with their husbands; jede
group including the children of the
marriages. [427, 428]
Bei den Hawaiians a man calls his wife’s sister his wife; all the sisters of his wife, own as well as collateral, are also his wives. But the husband of his wife’s sister he calls pŭnalŭa, i.e. his intimate companion; and all the husbands of the several sisters of his wife the same. They were jointly intermarried in the group. Diese husbands waren probably keine Brüder, sonst would the blood relationship have prevailed über die affineal; but their wives were sisters, own and collateral; in such case the sisterhood of the wives the basis upon which the group was formed, and the husbands stood to each other in the relation of pŭnalŭa.
Die andre group rests upon the brotherhood of the
husbands, and a woman calls her husband’s brother her husband; alle Brüder ihres Mannes, own
and collateral, waren auch ihre husbands; but the wife of her husbands husband’s brother stands to her in the relationship of pŭnalŭa. Diese wives Bei
Morgan: probably
Schließen generally nicht sisters, obgleich
zweifellos exceptions in beiden Gruppen Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗so dass auch Brüder Schwestern u.
Schwestern Brüder in common hatten⦘. Alle
diese wives zu einander in relationship of pŭnalŭa.
[428]
Brothers ceased to marry their own sisters, and after the gentile organization had worked upon society its complete results, their collateral sisters as well. But in the interval they shared their remaining wives in common. In like manner, sisters ceased marrying their own brothers, and after a long period of time, their collateral brothers; but they shared their remaining husbands in common.
Marriages in pŭnalŭan groups explain the relationships of the Turanian system of consanguinity. Giebt nun
verschiedne Beispiele vom Ueberleben über savagery hinaus of
punaluan custom; Zehn Männer, in anderen Fällen zwölf, haben gemeinsam
Frauen, und zwar zumeist Brüder mit Brüdern und Väter mit
ihren Söhnen. (Übers. Otto Schönberger.)
Schließen
Caesar De bell. gall.
über Britons in the Middle Period of Barbarism; Caesar sagt: »Uxores habent deni duodenique inter se
communes, et maxime fratres cum fratribus
parentesque cum liberis.«
Barbarian mothers have not 10–12 sons, die als Brüder sich gemeinschaftliche Weiber halten
könnten; aber das
Turanian system of consanguinity liefert viele Brüder, weil male
cousins, near and remote, fall in this category with Ego. Zusammenfassung
von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 430: The
correlative group which this presupposes, where several
sisters shared their husbands in common, is not suggested
directly by Caesar; but it probably existed as the
complement of the first. Something beyond the first he
noticed, namely, that parents, with their children, shared
their wives in common. It is not unlikely that these wives
were sisters.
Schließen Das »parentesque cum liberis«
wahrscheinlich falsche Auffassung des Cäsar for several sisters sharing their
husbands.
Herodot
über Massagetae in Middle Status of Barbarism. (l. I, c. 216) Zwar führt jeder ein Weib heim, doch
herrscht trotzdem Weibergemeinschaft. (Übers. August
Horneffer.)
Schließen
Herodots Phrase: »γυναῖκα μὲν γαμεέι γαμέει ἕκαστος, ταύτῃσι δὲ ἐπίκοινα χρέονται χρέωνται«
scheint auf Beginn der
syndasmian syndyasmian family hinzudeuten; jeder husband paired with one wife,
who thus became his principal wife, but within the limits of the
group husbands and wives continued in common. Die Massagetae, obgleich ignorant of iron, fought on horseback
armed with battleaxes of copper and with copper-pointed spears, and and manufactured and used the wagon. (ἅμαξα) Also nicht promiscuity supposable.
Herodot, l. IV, c. 104, sagt auch v. den
Agathyrsi: Sie
leben in Weibergemeinschaft, damit alle miteinander verwandt
und verschwistert seien und kein Neid und keine Zwietracht
aufkommen könnten. (Übers. August Horneffer.)
Schließen
»ἐπίκοινον δὲ τῶν γυναικῶν τὴν μῖξιν
ποιεῦνται, ἵνα κασίγνητοί τε ἀλλήλων ἔωσι καὶ οἰκήϊοι
ἐόντες πάντες μήτε φθόνῳ μήτ’ ἔχθεϊ χρέωνται ἐς
ἀλλήλους«
.
Punaluan marriage in the group erklärt
besser diese u. similar usages in other tribes mentioned by
Herodotus, than polygamy or general promiscuity.
[429–431]
Herrera , Hist. of America , sagt: (das gilt v. Zeit der first navigators who visited the coast tribes of Venezuela) „They observe no law or rule in matrimony, but took as many wives as they would, and they as many husbands, quitting one another at pleasure, without reckoning any wrong done on any part. There was no such thing as jealousy among them, all living as best pleased them, without taking offence at one another … the houses they dwelt in were common to all, and so spacious that they contained 160 persons, strongly built, though covered with palmtree leaves, and shaped like a bell.“ |
10These tribes used earthen vessels, were in Lower State of Barbarism. ⦗derselbe Herrera , speaking of the coast tribes of Brazil: „they live in bohios, or large thatched cottages, of which there are about 8 in every village, full of people, with their nests or hammocks to lye in … they live in a beastly manner, without any regard to justice or decency.“[⦘] [431]
Bei der
Entdeckung of North America in its several
parts, the punaluan family seems to have entirely
disappeared; syndasmyan syndyasmian form of family, aber environed with the remains of the ancient conjugal system. Eine
custom z. B. noch jetzt anerkannt in mindestens 40 North American Indian tribes. Heirathete ein Mann
die
älteste Tochter einer family, so
durch custom entitled to all her
sisters as wives when they attained the marriageable
age. Dies Recht selten enforced wegen der
Schwierigkeit several families to maintain, obgleich
Polygmy Polygamy allgemein anerkannt as privilege of the males.
Früher – pŭnalŭa – own sisters went into the marriage relation on
the basis of sisterhood; nach Absterben der pŭnalŭan family
the right remained with the husband of the eldest sister to become
the husband of all her sisters, if he chose. Dies genuine Bei Morgan, S. 432: survival
Schließen revival of the ancient
pŭnalŭan custom. [432]
2) Origin of the Organization into gentes.
Partial development of gentes in the Status of savagery, complete development in the Lower Status of barbarism. Germ of gentes found in the Australian classes wie in der Hawaiian punaluan group. The gentes are also found among the Australians, based upon the classes, with the apparent manner of their organization out of them … Its (the gentile organization’s) birth must be sought in pre-existing elements of society, and its maturity would be expected to occur long after its origination.
Two of the fundamental rules of the gens in its
archaic form found in the Australian
classes, the prohibition of
intermarriage between brothers and sisters, and descent in the Bei
Morgan, S. 433: female
Schließen family line … und when
gens appeared, the
children are found in the gens of their mothers. Natural
adaptation of the classes to give birth to
the gens sufficiently obvious
Bei Morgan, S. 433: to suggest the
probability that it actually so occurred. Moreover, this
probability is strengthen by the fact that the gens is here
found in connection with an antecedent and more archaic
organization, which was still the unit of a social system, a
place belonging of right to the gens.
Schließen … Und in Australien the fact: gens here found (actually) in connection with an antecedent and more
archaic organization, die still
the unit of a social system, Platz später
durch die gens eingenommen.
[433]
Germ of gens ebenso found in Hawaiian punaluan group, aber confined to the female branch of the custom, wo several sisters, own and collateral, shared their husbands in common. Diese Schwestern, mit ihren Kindern u. descendants through females, liefern the exact membership of a gens of the archaic type. Descent hier nothwendig traced durch females, da paternity der children nicht mit certainty ascertainable. Sobald diese specifische Form der Ehe in the group etablirte Institution, the foundation for a gens existed. Die Hawaiians did not turn this natural punaluan group into a gens, d.h. in eine Organisation beschränkt auf diese Mütter, Kinder u. Abkommen in der weiblichen Linie. Aber zu einer analogen Gruppe, resting upon the sisterhood of the mothers, or to the similar Australian group, resting upon the same principle of union, the origin of the gens must be ascribed. It took this group as it found it, and organized certain of its members, with certain of their posterity, into a gens on the basis of kin. [433, 434]
The gens sprang up in a family, which consisted of a group of persons coincident substantially with the membership of a gens.
Sobald sich die gens voll entwickelt u.
ihren full influence on society ausübte »wives became scarce in
place of their former abundance«, weil die gens
tended »to contract the size of the punaluan
group, and finally to overthrow it.« Die
syndyasmische Familie wurde
gradually produced within the punaluan, nachdem die gentile
organization became predominant over ancient society. Als
die syndyasmische Familie zu erscheinen begann u.
die punaluan groups zu verschwinden, wurden
wives sought by purchase and capture.
Bei Morgan,
S. 435: it is a plain inference that the gentile
organization was the sufficient cause of the final overthrow
of the punaluan family […] While it originated in the
punaluan group, as we must suppose, it nevertheless carried
society beyond and above its plane.
Schließen Originating in the punaluan group,
sprengte die gentile organization diese ihre
Geburtsstätte. [434, 435]
3) The Turanian or Ganowanian
Ganowánian
System of Consanguinity.
This system u. die gentile organization, when in its archaic
form, werden gewöhnlich zusammen gefunden. Die family active principle, steht nie still, passes
von a lower form into a higher one. Systems of
consanguinity sind dagegen passiv; recording the progress made by the family at long
intervals apart, and only changing radically when the family has
radically changed. [435]
Kommentar von Marx. Von Engels zitiert
im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29.
S. 21/22).
Schließen ⦗Ebenso
verhält
es sich mit
politischen, religiösen,
juristischen, philosophischen Systemen
überhaupt.⦘
|
Das
Turanian system of consanguinity drückt aus
die
actual relationships wie sie in der Punaluan
family existiren; es beweist seinerseits die Bei Morgan, S. 436:
existence
Schließen Praeexistenz dieser Familie. Das System geht
herab bis
auf
unsre Zeit in Asien u. America, nachdem
die
Familienform, hence Eheform, aus der es entsprang, verschwunden u.
die punaluan family ersetzt durch die
syndyasmische. Die substantiell identischen Formen des
Verwandtschaftssystems der
Seneca-Iroquois (used as typical für die
Ganowanian Ganowánian tribes of America) u. des
Tamil people v. Südindien (als typical f.
die
Turanian tribes of Asia) haben gemein über
200 relationships of the same person. Verweis von Marx auf die „Comparative
Table of the System of Relationship of the Seneca-Iroquois
Indians of New York, and of the People of South-India
speaking the Tamil Dialekt of the Drâvidian Language“ bei
Morgan, S. 447–452.
Schließen (sieh die
Tabellen p. 447 sq.) Natürlich einige, aber
nicht substantielle diversities der Systems bei different
tribes u. nations. All alike salute by kin; unter den
Tamil people, when the person addressed is younger than the speaker, the term of
relationship must be used; when older,
salute by kin or by the personal name; bei den
American aborigines, the address must always
be by the term of relationship. Dies System
was also the means by which each individual in the ancient gentes
was able to trace his connection with every member of his gens, bis
monogamy das Turanian system niederwarf. [435,
436]
Bei den Seneca-Iroquois the relationships of Grandfather (Hoc’-sote), grandmother (Oc’-sote), grandson (Ha-yä’-da) u. granddaughter (Ka-yä’-da) sind die most remote recognized in aufsteigender u. absteigender Linie.
Die relationships of brother and sister sind nicht abstract, sondern in der doppelten Form v. »älter« u. »jünger«, mit special terms for each:
Elder Brother Ha’-je; Younger Brother: Ha’-gă; Elder sister: Ah’-jē; Younger Sister: Ka’-gă.
The relationship of the same person to Ego in many cases different mit change of the sex of the Ego.
Ist collateral line: Für male Seneca his brother’s son and daughters daughter are his son and daughter (Ha-ah’-wuk u. Ka-ah’-wuk) u. beide nennen ihn Vater (Hä’-nih). Ebenso seines brother’s grandchildren his grandsons (Ha-yä’-da (singular)[)] u. granddaughters (Ka-yä’-da); beide nennen ihn (Hoc’-sote) grandfather. Also his brothers brother’s children u. grandchildren in same category with his own.
Ferner: für male Seneca his sister’s son and daughter are his nephew (Ha-yă-wan-da Ha-yă’-wan-da) u. niece (Ka-yă-wan-da Ka-yă’-wan-da), each calling him uncle (Hoc-no’-sch Hoc-no’-seh). So relationships of nephew and niece restricted to the children of a man’s sisters, own and collateral.
The children of this nephew and niece are his grandchildren, as before, u. he their grandfather.
Für Seneca female einige dieser relationships different; her brother’s sons son and daughter are her nephew (Ha-soh’-neh) und niece (Ka-soh’-neh) u. beide nennen sie aunt (Ah-ga’-huc). (andre terms als für nephew u. niece des male Seneca) The children dieser nephews u. nieces sind ihre grand-children.
Her sister’s son and daughter are her son and daughter, jeder v. beiden nennt sie Mutter (Noh-yeh’) u. deren children sind ihre grand-children, nennen sie grandmother (Oc’-sote). The wives of these sons and nephews are her daughters-in-law (Ka’-sä) u. die husbands dieser daughters u. nieces are her sons in law (Oc-na’-hose) u. they apply to her the proper correlative.
IInd collateral line. For male u. female Seneca: father’s brother his or her father, calls [him or] her son or daughter. Also all the brothers of a father are placed in the relation of a father. Their sons and daughters are his or her brothers and sisters, elder or younger. Alias: the children of brothers are in the relationship of brothers and sisters.
Für male Seneca, the children of these brothers are his sons and daughters, their children his grandchildren; die children of these sisters his nephews and nieces, and the children of the latter his grand-children.
Für female Seneca: the children of these brothers her nephews u. nieces, the children of these sisters her sons and daughters, and their children alike her grandchildren.
Des father’s sister ist des Seneca’s aunt, calls him nephew, if he is a male. The relationship of aunt restricted to the father’s sister and the sisters of such other persons as stand to Seneca in the relation of a father, to the exclusion of the mother’s sisters. The father’s sister’s children are cousins (Ah-gare’-seh).
Für male Seneca: the children of his male cousins are his sons and daughters u. of his female cousins his nephews and nieces.
Bei
Morgan, S. 439: but with myself a female these last
relationships are reversed
Schließen
Für female Seneca:
the id. id. are her nephews u. nieces and ditto her sons
and daughters
.
All children of the latter his or her grandchildren.|
12Für male Seneca: mother’s brother is uncle, calls him nephew; the relationship of uncle hier restricted to the mother’s brothers, own and collateral, to the exclusion of the father’s brothers. His children sind des male Seneca’s cousins, the children of his male cousins are his sons and daughters, of his female cousins his nephews and nieces;
Bei Morgan, S. 439: but with myself a female these last
relationships are reversed, the children of all alike are my
grandchildren
Schließen
für female Seneca
the children of all her cousins are her
grandchildren.
Female: The mother’s sisters are my mothers, the mother mother’s sister’s children my brothers and sisters, elder and younger. The children of these brothers are my sons and daughters, of these sisters my nephews and nieces; and the children of the latter my grandchildren.
Für female: reversed the same relationships as before.
Für male Seneca: Each of the wives of these several brothers and of these several male cousins is his sister-in-law (Ah-ge-ah’-ne-ah), each of them calls him: brother-in-law (Ha-yă’-o).
Each of the husbands of these several sisters and female cousins is my brother-in-law.
Traces of the punaluan custom remain here and there in the marriage relationship of the American aborigines; .
In Mandan my brother’s wife is my wife, in Pawnee u. Arickaree the same; in Crow my husband’s brother’s wife is „my comrade“; in Creek my „present occupant“, in Munsee „my friend“, in Winnebago u. Achaotinne „my sister“. My wife’s sister’s husband is in some tribes „my brother“, in others „my brother-in-law“, in Creek, „my little separater“ whatever that may mean.
Bei Morgan, S. 440: Third Collateral
Line. As the relationships in the several branches of this
line are the same as in the corresponding branches of the
second, with the exception of one additional ancestor, it
will be sufficient to present one branch out of the
four.
Schließen
IIId collateral line: hier nur one branch (4
entsprechend den vorhergehenden) considered.
my fathers father’s father’s brother is my grandfather, calls me his grandson. It places these brothers in the relation of grandfathers and thus prevents collateral ascendants from passing beyond this relationship. The principle which merges the collateral lines in the lineal line works upwards as well as downwards. The son of this grandfather is my father, his children my brothers and sisters, the children of these sisters brothers are my sons and daughters, of these sisters my nephews and nieces; and their children my grandchildren. With Ego being a female the same relationships reversed as in previous cases.
IVth collateral line. Auch nur eine branch dieser line betrachtet.
My grandfather’s father’s brother is my grandfather; his son also my grandfather; the son of the latter my father; his son and daughter my brother and sister, elder or younger; and their children and grandchildren follow in the same relationships to Ego as in other cases.
V coll. line: Classification same as in the corresponding branches of IId, except of additional ancestors.
In Seneca-Iroquois terms for father-in-law (Oc-na’-hose), for a wife’s father, and Hä-gä’-sä for a husband’s father. Former term also used for a son-in-law. Terms also for stepfather (Hoc’-no-ese) u. stepmother (Oc’-no-ese), stepson (Ha’-no) u. stepdaughter (Ka’-no). In a number of tribes 2 fathers-in-law and 2 mothers-in-law are related, and terms to express the connection. [436–441]
In about one half of all the relationships named, the Turanian system is identical with the Malayan.
Seneca u. Tamil unterscheiden sich von Hawaiian in den relationships which depended on intermarriage or non-intermarriage of brothers and sisters. In den 2 ersteren z. B. my sister’s son is my nephew, in dem latter my son.
The change of relationships resulting from the substitution der punaluan in place of the consanguine family turns the Malayan in the Turanian system.
In Polynesia family punaluan; system of consanguinity bleibt Malayan;
In
Bei Morgan, S. 442: America
Schließen Northamerica family
syndyasmian, system of consanguinity bleibt Turanian;
In Europe u. Western Asia family becomes monogamian, system of consanguinity blieb für Zeitlang Turanian, bis fallend in decadence u. succeeded by the Aryan. [441, 442] |
13The Malayan system must have prevailed generally in Asia before the Malayan migration to the Islands of the Pacific; the system (Turanian) transmitted in the Malayan form to the ancestors of the three families, with the streams of the blood, from a common Asiatic source; afterward modified into its present form by the remote ancestors of the Turanian and Ganowanian Ganowánian families. [445]
The principal relationships of the Turanian system created by punaluan family; several of the marriage relationships have changed. The brotherhood of the husbands and the sisterhood of the wives formed the basis of the relation fully expressed by the Hawaiian custom of pŭnalŭa. Theoretically the family of the period was coextensive with the group united in the marriage relation; but practically, it must have subdivided into a number of smaller families for convenience of habitation and subsistence. The brothers, by 10 and 12, of the Britons, married to each other’s wives, may indicate the size of an ordinary subdivision of a pŭnalŭan group. [445, 446]
Communism in living seems to have
originated in the necessities of the consanguine
family, to have been continued in
the punaluan, and transmitted to the syndyasmian unter den American aborigines, with
whom it remained a practice down to the epoch of their discovery.
[446]
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen (And the
South Slavonians? and even Russians to a certain
degree?)
Part III. Ch. IV. The Syndyasmian and the Patriarchal
families.
Syndyasmian od. pairing family gefunden bei Entdeckung der American aborigines unter der Portion derselben who were in the Lower State of Barbarism; married pairs, forming clearly marked though but partially individualized families. In dieser family der germ der monogamian family. [453]
Verschiedne der
Syndyasmischen families usually found in one
house
Bemerkung von Marx.
Schließen ⦗wie bei Südslaven:
der monogamischen Familien⦘, forming a communal household
Bemerkung von Marx.
Schließen ⦗wie Südslaven u. in some degree: Russian peasants vor u. nach
Leibeignenemancipation⦘, worin
the principle of communism in living was
practised. Dies fact
beweist that the family was too feeble an
organization to face alone the hardships of life; aber founded
upon marriage between single pairs. Die
woman war jetzt etwas mehr als das
principal wife of her husband; birth of children tended to cement the union and
make it permanent. [453, 454]
Marriages hier founded not upon »sentiment«, but upon convenience and necessity. Die mothers arranged the marriages of their children, ohne deren previous consent od. knowledge; oft so strangers brought into marriage relation; at the proper time they were informed when the simple nuptial ceremony was to be performed. So usages bei Iroquois u. many other Indian tribes. Prior to the marriage, presents to the gentile relatives of the bride, partaking in the nature of purchasing gifts, became feature of these matrimonial transactions. The relation continued only at the pleasure of the parties, Mann oder Frau. Nach u. nach gebildet u. Kraft gewinnend public sentiment gegen diese separations; when dissension arose, erst Vermittlung versucht durch die gentile kindred of each party. Half das nicht, so verliess Weib das Haus ihres Manns, nahm mit ihren personal effects auch die Kinder, regarded as exclusive her own; wo des wife’s kindred predominated in the communal household, was gewöhnlich der Fall, the husband left the home of his wife. So continuance of marriage relations at the option of the parties. [454, 455]
Rev. Arthur Asher Wright , many years a missionary among the Senecas, wrote to Morgan in 1873 hierüber: „As to their families, when occupying the old long-houses … some one clan predominated, the women taking in husbands from the other other clans; and sometimes, for a novelty, some of their sons bringing in their young wives until they felt brave enough to leave their mothers. Usually, the female portion ruled the house … the stores were in common; but woe to the luckless husband or lover who was too shiftless to do his share of the providing. No matter how many children, or whatever goods he might have in the house, he might at any time be ordered to pick up and budge, durfte nicht attempt to disobey. The house would be too hot for him, … he must retreat to his own clan; or, as was often done, go and start a new matrimonial alliance in some other. The women were the great power among the clans, as everywhere else. They did not hesitate, when occasion required, ‘to knock off the horns’, as it was technically called, from the head of a chief, and send him back to the ranks of the warriors. The original nomination of the chiefs also always rested with them.“ Cf: Bachofen: „Das Mutterrecht“ , wo gyneocracy discussed. |
14Unter den Iroquois, barbarians in Lower Status of barbarism, but of high mental grade, and among the equally advanced Indian tribes generally, verlangten die Männer under severe penalties Keuschheit v. den Weibern, aber nicht reciprocal obligation; polygamy universally recognized as the right of the males, was in practice limited from inability to support the indulgence. In syndyasmian family – absence of exclusive cohabitation. The old conjugal system remained, but under reduced u. restricted forms. [455, 456]
Aehnlich unter den Village Indians in the Middle Status of barbarism. Nach Clavigero (Hist. of Mexico) settled the parents all marriages. „A priest tied a point of the huepilli (gown) of the bride with the tilmatli (mantle of the bridegroom) and in this ceremony the matrimonial contract chiefly consisted.“ Herrera (History of America) says „all that the bride brought was kept in memory, that in cases case they should be unmarried again, as was usual among them, the goods might be parted; the man taking the daughters, and the wife the son sons , with liberty to marry again.“ Polygamy a recognized right of the males among the Village Indians, more generally practiced, than among the less advanced tribes. [456, 457]
In the punaluan family was more or less of pairing from the necessities of the social state, each man having a principal wife among a number of wives and vice versa; so that tendency in the direction of the syndyasmian family. Dies result hauptsächlich hervorgebracht durch die organization into gentes. In dieser organization:
1) Prohibition of intermarriage in the gens excluded own brothers and sisters, and also the children of own sisters, da diese alle in der gens. Bei subdivision der gens the prohibition of intermarriage – with all the descendants in the female line of each ancestor in the gens – followed its branches, for long periods of time, as shown was the case among the Iroquois.
2) The structure der gens created a prejudice against the marriage of consanguinei; war schon sehr general unter den American origines aborigines zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung. z. B. unter den Iroquois none of the blood relatives enumerated were marriageable. Since es ward nöthig to seek wives from other gentes they began to be acquired by negotiation u. by purchase; scarcity of wives statt previous abundance; so gradually contracted the numbers of in the punaluan group. Such groups have now disappeared, obgleich das [Turanian] system of consanguinity remains.
3) In seeking wives they
did not confine themselves to their own, nor even
friendly tribes; captured them by force from
hostile tribes; hence Indian usage to
spare the lives of female captives, while the
males were put to death. When wives acquired by purchase and by
capture, they not so readily shared Bei Morgan, S. 459:
with others
Schließen as
before. This tended to cut off that portion of the theoretical group not immediately
associated for subsistence; reduced still more the size of the
family and the range of the conjugal system. Practically group limited
itself, from the first, to own brothers who shared their wives in common
and own sisters who shared their husbands in common.
4) Gens created a higher structure of society than before known. Die marriage of unrelated persons created a more vigorous stock physically and mentally; 2 advancing tribes blended, the new skull and brain would widen and lengthen to the sum of the capabilities of both. –
The propensity to pair, now so powerful in the civilized races, also nicht normal to mankind, but a growth through experience, like all the great passions u. powers of the mind. [457–460]
Warfare under barbarians – from more improved weapons and stronger incentives – zerstört more life als Krieg unter savages; the males trieben stets the trade of fighting; left females in excess; this strenghtened the conjugal system created by marriages in the group; retarded the advancement der syndyasmian family. Dagegen improvement in subsistence, following the cultivation of maize u. plants, favored the general advancement der family (bei den American aborigines). The more stable such a family, the more its individuality developed. Having taken a refuge in a communal household, in which a group of such families succeeded the punaluan group, it now drew its support from itself, from the household and the gentes to which the husbands and wives respectively belonged. Syndyasmian family springing up on the confines of savagery and barbarism, it traversed the Middle and greater part of the Later Period of barbarism, bis superseded by a low form of the monogamian. Overshadowed by the conjugal system of the times, it gained in recognition with the gradual progress of society. [460, 461]
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
Morgan
sagt, was oft anwendbar, von
den
Old Britons: (in the
middle status of barbarism) »they seem to have been
savages in their brains, while wearing the art apparel of more
advanced tribes.«
[462]
Iron has been smelted from the ore by a number of African tribes, including the Hottentots, as far back as our knowledge of them extends. After producing the metal by rude processes acquired from foreign sources, they have succeeded in fabricating |15 rude instruments and weapons. (463)
Die Entwicklungen müssen studirt werden in areas where the institutions are homogeneous. Polynesia u. Australia best areas for the study of savage society. North u. South America für condition of society in the Lower and Middle Status of Barbarism. M. nimmt an „Asiatic origin of the American aborigines“. Their advent in America could not have been resulted from a deliberate migration, but due to the accidents of the sea, and to the great ocean currents from Asia to the Nortwest coast. (464)
Middle State of barbarism – in 16t century – Zusammenfassend von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 465: In no part of
the earth was there to be found such a display of society in
this Status
Schließen (splendidly) exemplified by the Village Indians of New Mexico, Mexico, Central America, Grenada,
Ecuador and Peru, with its advanced arts and
inventions, improved architecture, nascent manufactures and incipient sciences.
Upper Status of barbarism – Grecian, Roman, and later on the German tribes. [465]
Patriarchal family of the Semitic tribes belongs
to the Later Period of Barbarism and remained
for a time after the commencement of
civilization. Chiefs lived in polygamy; dies nicht the
material principle of the patriarchal institution. Was diese
Familienform wesentlich charakterisirt: Organization of a number of persons, bond and free,
into a family, under paternal power, for the purpose of holding
lands, and for the care of flocks and herds. Those held to servitude, and those
employed as servants, lived in the marriage
relation, and with the patriarch as their
chief, formed a patriarchal family. Authority over its members and over its property was the material
fact.
Zusammenfassung
von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 466: It was the
incoropration […], before that time unknown, rather than the
poligamy, that stamped the patriarcal family with the attributes
of an original insititution.
Schließen Das Charakteristische: the incorporation of numbers in servile and
dependent relations, before that time
unknown.
Paternal power over the group; with it a
higher individuality of persons. [465, 466]
So auch die Roman family under patria potestas; Macht des pater über Leben u. Tod seiner Kinder u. descendants, wie über slaves und servants who formed the nucleus of the family and furnished its name; his absolute ownership of all the property they created. Without polygamy, the Roman pater familias was a patriarch and his family a patriarchal family. In mindrem Grad selbe Charakteristik der ancient family der Grecian tribes.
The patriarchal family marks the peculiar epoch in human progress when the individuality of the person began to rise above the gens, in which it previously had been merged; its general influence tended powerfully to the establishment of the monogamian family … Its Hebrew and Roman forms exceptional in human experience. Paternal authority »impossible« in the consanguine and punaluan families; began to appear as a feeble influence in the syndyasmian family, ward fully established under monogamy u. beyond all bounds of reason in the patriarchal family of the Roman type. [466, 467]
Part III. Ch. V. The Monogamian Family.
Bei Morgan, S. 468:
Such, in fact, was the most ancient form of the institution made
known to us among the Latin, Grecian and Hebrew tribes. Thus, by
relation, the patriarchal family was made the typical family of
primitive society, conceived either in the Latin or Hebrew form,
paternal power being the essence of the organism.
Schließen Mode: patriarchal
family – in Latin or Hebrew
form – zur typical form of primitive society zu
machen.
The gens, as it appeared in the later period of
barbarism, was understood, but erroneously supposed to be subsequent in point of time to the monogamian
family. The gens was treated as an aggregation of families;
aber gens entered ganz in phratry, phratry in
tribe, tribe into the nation; aber family could not
enter entirely into the gens, because husband and wife were
necessarily of different gentes. The wife, down to the latest
period, counted herself of the gens of her father, and bore the name of his gens under the Romans. As all
the parts must enter into the whole, the family
could not become the unit of the gentile
organization, that place was held by the
gens. [468, 469]
family – modern appearence unter Bei
Morgan, S. 469: Latin
Schließen Roman tribes; beweist die
Bedeutung von familia, contains
same element as famulus = servant. Das Wort famulus kommt aus dem Oskischen,
in dem ein Sklave famul genannt wurde; von da auch das Wort familia.
nominabun(?)tur: Bei Morgan, S. 469, Fn. 1: nominabuntur.
Bei Festus: nominabatur.
Schließen
Festus
sagt: »Famuli origo ab Oscis dependet, apud quos servus famul nominabun(?)tur, unde
[et]
familia vocata.« Also in seiner primären
Bedeutung family unbezogen auf das
married pair od. dessen children, sondern in relation to the body
of slaves and servants who labored for its maintenance and were
under the power of the pater familias. In
einigen testamentarischen dispositions ist Familia used als Equivalent für patrimonium, the inheritance which passed to the
heir. der gab […] einem Freunde seine familia
d.h. sein Vermögen mancipationsweise […] (Übers. Friedrich
Wilhelm Konrad Beckhaus.)
Schließen
Gajus
instit.
II, 102: »Amico familiam suam, id est patrimonium suum mancipio dabat.« Wurde
introducirt in Lateinische Gesellschaft to define a new
organism, the head of which held wife and children, and a body of
servile persons under paternal power.
Mommsen
nennt die
familia a „body of servants“. (
Roman Hist.
) Dieser term also nicht älter als the iron-clad family system
|16 of the Latin tribes, which came in after
field agriculture and after legalized servitude, as well as after the separation of the Greeks and Bei Morgan, S. 470:
Latins
Schließen Romans
. [469, 470]
Kommentar von Marx. Von Engels erwähnt im
„Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 34), ohne sich auf Fourier zu
beziehen. Allerdings äußert er sich in der letzten Fußnote des
Werkes wie folgt: „Ich beabsichtigte anfangs, die brillante
Kritik der Civilisation, die sich in den Werken Charles Fouriers
zerstreut vorfindet, neben diejenige Morgan’s und meine eigne zu
stellen. Leider fehlte mir die Zeit dazu. Ich bemerke nur, daß
schon bei Fourier Monogamie und Grundeigenthum als
Hauptkennzeichen der Civilisation gelten und daß er sie einen
Krieg des Reichen gegen den Armen nennt.“ (MEGA I/29.
S. 113.)
Schließen ⦗
Fourier
charakterisirt Epoche der Civilisation
durch Monogamy u. Grund Privateigentum.
Die moderne Familie enthält im Keim nicht nur servitus (Sklaverei) sondern auch Leibeigenschaft, da sie von
vorn herein Beziehung auf Dienste
für Ackerbau. Sie enthält in Miniatur alle die Antagonismen in sich, die
sich später breit entwickeln in der
Gesellschaft u. ihrem Staat.⦘
Mit der syndyasmischen Familie Keim der
väterlichen Autorität, entwickelt sich je mehr die neue Familie
monogamische Charaktere annimmt. Sobald property began to be created in masses
u. the desire for its transmission to children had
changed descent from the female line to the male, wurde
zuerst a real foundation for paternal power gelegt.
Ferner stehen in unsrer potestas unsre in
civilrechtlich anerkannter Ehe erzeugten Kinder. Und dieses
Gewaltverhältniß ist den römischen Bürgern eigenthümlich, denn
es giebt wol nicht leicht andre Völker, die eine solche potestas
über ihre Hauskinder haben wie wir (Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm
Konrad Beckhaus.)
Schließen
Gajus
selbst sagt
Inst.
I, 55: »Item in potestate nostra sunt liberi
nostri ⦗auch jus vitae
necisque⦘, quos justis nuptiis procreavimus, quod jus proprium civium Romanorum est: fere
enim nulli alii sunt homines, qui talem in filios suos
habent potestatem, quod qualem nos habemus.« Monogamy appears in a definite form in the Later
Period of Barbarism. [470, 471]
Old Germans: their institutions homogeneous and indigenous. Nach Tacitus
marriages strict among them; contented themselves with a single wife, a very few excepted
on account of their rank; husband brought
dowry to his wife (not vice versa), nämlich a caparisoned horse and a shield, with a spear and sword; by virtue of these gifts the wife was espoused.
(
Germania
, c. 18) The
presents in the nature of purchasing gift – zweifelsohne früher für gentile kindred of the wife – damals schon
went to bride. Sie begnügen sich
mit nur einer Gattin (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)
Marx’ Exemplar von C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io.
Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772, der die
„Germania“ enthält, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 1296). Er hat die zitierten Worte dort
zunächst mit Grünstift unter- und angestrichen und später noch
einmal mit Blaustift unterstrichen. Erwähnt war diese Ausgabe in
Marx’ Verzeichnis römischer Autoren in einem seiner Bonner Hefte
von 1842 (MEGA IV/1. S. 341), in einem Verzeichnis seiner
Bücher in seinem Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1844 bis 1847 (MEGA
IV/3. S. 6.29) und in dem von Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellten Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.29).
Schließen
»Singulis
uxoribus contenti sunt« (
Germania
, c. 19 18)
u. die Weiber Sie leben […] in umhegter
Keuschheit (Übers. Josef
Lindauer.)
Schließen
»septae septa pudicitia agunt«.
Wahrscheinlich family »sheltered itself in a
communal household
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (wie Sudslaven Südslaven)
composed of related families. When slavery became an institution, these households would
gradually disappear.
[«]
[471, 472]
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗In fact:
die
monogamische family unterstellt, um
selbstständig, isolated, existiren zu können, überall a domestic class, die in ursprünglich überall direct
slaves.⦘
Homeric Greeks: Monogamian family of a low type. the treatment of their female captives reflects the culture of the period with respect to women in general; tentlive tent life of Achilles u. Patroclus ; whatever of monogamy existed, was through an enforced constraint upon wives ⦗some degree of seclusion⦘; . [472, 473]
Der change of descent von der female line to the male schädlich für Position u. Rechte der Frau u. Mutter; ihre Kinder transferred von ihrer gens zur gens ihres husband; sie verlor durch marriage ihre agnatic rights, erhielt kein Equivalent dafür; vor dem change, die Glieder ihrer eignen Gens predominated in the household; dies gave full force to the maternal bond u. machte women rather than men the center of the family. Nach dem change stand sie allein im household ihres husband, isolated from her gentile kindred. Under the prosperous classes her condition of enforced seclusion u. als primary object der marriage to beget children in lawful wedlock (παιδοποιεῖσθαι γνησίως). [473, 474]
Von Anfang bis End unter den Griechen a principle of studied
selfishness among the males, tending to lessen the appreciation of
women, scarcely found among savages … the usages
of centuries stamped upon the minds of Grecian women a sense of their
inferiority. Kommentar von Marx. Engels erwähnt diesen
Kommentar im „Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 35).
Schließen
⦗Aber das Verhältniss
der
Göttinnen im Olymp zeigt
Rückerinnerung an frühere freiere u.
einflussreichere Position der Weiber. Die
Juno
herrschsüchtig, die Weisheit Göttin,
springt aus Kopf des
Zeus etc⦘
Bei Morgan, S. 474: It
was, perhaps, one of the sacrifices required of womankind to
bring this portion of the human race out of the syndyasmian into
the monogamian family. It still remains an enigma that a race,
with endowments great enough to impress their mental life upon
the world, should have
Schließen Es war vielleicht … diese Race nöthig, um aus
Syndyasmian in Monogamian system herüberzukommen.
Greeks blieben barbarians in their treatment of the female sex at the height
of their civilization; their education superficial, intercourse with the
opposite sex denied them, their inferiority inculcated as a principle
upon them, until it came to be accepted as a fact by
the women themselves. Das wife not companion equal to
her husband, but in the relation of a daughter.
[474, 475]
Bei Morgan, S. 477: The growth of property
and the desire for its transmission to children was, in reality,
the moving power which brought in monogamy to insure legitimate
heirs, and to limit their number to the actual progeny of the
married pair. A knowledge of the paternity of children […] had
not attained the requisite degree of certainty because of the
survival of some portion of the ancient jura
conjugialia. It explains […]
Schließen
Da die moving
power which brought in monogamy was – the growth of property and
the desire for its transmission to children –
legitimate heirs, the actual
progeny of the married pair
– in the Upper
Status of Barbarism sprang up – als protection gegen
das survival of some portion of the ancient jura conjugalia – the new
usage: the seclusion of wives; plan of
[domestic] life among the civilized Greeks – a system of female confinement and restraint.
[477]
|
Roman family: Mater familias was mistress of the family; went into the streets freely ohne restraint by her husband, frequented with the men the theaters and festive banquets; in the house not confined to particular appartments apartments, nor excluded from the table of the men; Roman females daher mehr personal dignity u. independence als griechische; aber marriage gave them in manum viri; war = daughter des husband; he had the power of correction u. of life u. death in case of adultery (mit concurrence of the council of her gens). [477, 478]
Confarreatio, coëmptio, usus, alle 3 Formen der röm. Ehe, gaben Frau in manus des Mannes, fell out under the Empire, when free marriage generally adopted, not placing the wife in manus des Mannes.
Divorce, von frühster Periode, at the option of the parties, (wahrscheinlich transmitted v. Syndyasmian family Period), selten in Republik. (Becker: Gallus) [478]
Licentiousness – so auffallend in Grecian u. Roman cities at the height of civilization – in all probability remains of an ancient conjugal system, never fully eradicated, had followed down from barbarism as a social taint u. now expressed its excesses in the new channel ofhaeterism hetaerism . [479]
Bei Morgan,
S. 480/481: the Aryan, Semitic and Uralian families of mankind
formerly possessed the Turanian system of consanguinity, and
that it fell into desuetude under monogamy.
Schließen Der
Monogamian family entsprach Aryan (Semitic, Uralian) system of consanguinity and
affinity. Gentes
had their natural origin in the punaluan family.
The principal branches of the Aryan Bei Morgan,
S. 481: family
Schließen stock
organized into gentes when first known
historically; Bei Morgan,
S. 481: sustaining the inference that, when one undivided
people, they were thus organized. From this fact the further
presumption arises that they derived the organization through a
remote ancestry who lived in that same punaluan condition which
gave birth to this remarkable and wide-spread institution.
Besides this, the Turanian system of consanguinity
is
Schließen zeigt dass sie auch dort
anfingen u. aus der punaluan family entsprang Turanian system of
consanguinity
, still found connected with the
gens in its archaic form among the American aborigines. Also
auch dies ursprüngliches system der Aryans. Im Aryan system of consanguinity – Armuth of original nomenclature for relationship erklärt
dadurch dass a large portion of
the nomenclature of the Turanian system would fall out under
monogamy. Common unter den
several Aryan dialects nur: father u. mother, brother u. sister,
son u. daughter u. a common term
applied indiscriminately to nephew, grandson and
cousin (Sanscrit: naptar, lat. nepos, Greek: ἀνεψιός). In so
advanced Cultur, wie Monogamy voraussetzt, they could not have arrived
mit such a scanty nomenclature of blood relationships. Erklärt with a
previous system wie das Turanian, durch
impoverishment. [480–482]
Im Turanian system brothers u. sisters – younger u. elder u. the several terms applied to categories of persons including persons not own brothers and sisters. Im Aryan, on basis of monogamy, terms for brother u. sister now in the abstract for the first time u. inapplicable to collaterals.
Remains of a prior Turanian system still appear: So bei Hungarians brothers u. sisters classified als elder u. younger by special terms. French frère (aîné\älter, pûné puîné u. cadet\junger); aînée u. cadette älter u. junger sister. Sanskrit: älter Bruder u. jüngerer (agrajar u. amujar), ditto für Schwester (agrajri u. amujri). If common terms once existed in Greek, Roman etc dialects für elder u. younger brother and sister, their former application to categories of persons, machte sie unanwendbar als exclusiv für own brothers and sisters.
Für grandfather no common term in the Aryan dialects. Sansk. pitameha, Gr. πάππος, lat. avus, Russ. djed, Welsh: hendad. Der term in a previous system (Turanian) was applied nicht nur zu grandfather proper, his brothers and several male cousins, sondern auch to brothers u. several male cousins of his grandmother; konnte daher nicht be made to signify a lineal grandfather and progenitor under monogamy.
Kein term für uncle u. aunt in the abstract u. no special terms für uncle u. aunt väterl. u. mütterl. Seite in den Aryan dialects. Sansk. pitroya, Gr. πάτρως, lat. patruus, Slavonic: stryc; Anglo-Saxon, Belgian, German: eam, oom, oheim for paternal uncle. In der Aryan original speech no term für Onkel mütterlicher Seite, a relationship made so conspicuous by the gens among barbarous tribes. If the previous system Turanian, necessarily a term hierfür, aber restricted to the own brothers of the mother, and her several male cousins; die Categorie schloss numbers of persons ein wovon viele could not be uncles under the monogamian system. [482, 483]
Bei
Morgan, S. 483: Assuming that the nations of the Aryan, Semitic
and Uralian families formerly possessed the Turanian system of
consanguinity, the transition from it to a descriptive system
was simple and natural, after the old system, through monogamy,
had become untrue to descents as they would then
exist.
Schließen Dagegen erklärt sich, bei früherer Existenz des
Turanian Systems (by categories) der Uebergang zu
descriptive system auf Basis
der Monogamy. Jede relationship under monogamy is specific; persons, under the new system,
described by means of the primary terms or combinations of them as brother’s son für nephew, father’s
brother für Onkel, father’s brother’s
son für cousin. Dies war the original
of the present system of the Aryan, Semitic u. Uralian families. The
generalizations they now contain |18 were of later origin. All the tribes, die das Malayan u.
Turanian system besassen, described their kindred by
the same formula, when asked in what manner one person was
related to another; nicht as a system of consanguinity, but as a means
of tracing relationships. Schluss daraus: nach
allgemeiner
Errichtung des
monogamian systems unter Aryans etc, fielen diese
back upon the old descriptive form, always in use under the
Turanian system u. dropten diesselbst als useless u.
untrue to descents. [483, 484]
Beweis dass das original des present system purely descriptive: Erse – typical Aryan form, Esthonian – typical Uralian – are still descriptive. Im Erse the only terms for the bloodrelationships the primary: father and mother, brother and sister, son and daughter. Alle andre kindred described vermittelst dieser terms, commencing in the reverse order. z. B. brother, son of brother, son of son of brother. The Aryan system exhibits the actual relationships under monogamy, assumes that the paternity of children is known. [484]
Später a method of description, materially different from the Celtic, was engrafted upon the new system; but without changing its radical features; introduced by the Roman civilians, angenommen durch verschiedne Aryan nations, unter denen Roman influence extended. Slavonic System has some features entirely peculiar, of Turanian origin (see: Systems of consanguinity etc p. 40).
Römische Aenderungen: unterschieden väterlichen u. mütterlichen Onkel mit besondern terms dafür, erfanden term für Grossvater als correlative of nepos. Mit diesen terms u. den primary, in connection mit suitable augments, konnten sie systematize the relationships in the lineal u. the first 5 collateral lines, which included the body of the kindred of each individual.
The Arabic system passed through processes similar to the Roman u. mit similar results. [484, 485]
Von Ego to tritavus, in the lineal line, 6 generations of ascendants u. von Ego to trinepos the same number of descendants, in deren description nur 4 radical terms used. Wäre es nöthig to ascend farther, tritavus would become the new starting point of description: tritavi pater bis tritavi tritavus; the 12th ancestor of Ego in the lineal line, male; ebenso trinepotis trinepos etc.
1st collateral line male: frater; fratris filius; fratris nepos; fratris pronepos bis fratris trinepos; wenn zum 12t descendant fratris trinepotis trinepos. Durch diese simple Method frater is made the root of descent in this line.
Same line: female: soror, sororis filia, sororis neptis, sororis proneptis bis sororis trineptis (6th degree) u. sororis trineptis trineptis (12th descendant).
Beide Linien descend von pater; aber, by making the brother and sister the root of descent in the description, the line and its two branches are maintained distinct, and the relationship of each person to Ego is specialized.
2nd collateral line: male on the father’s side: father’s brother, patruus; patrui filius, p. nepos, p. pronepos, p. trinepos, bis patrui trinepotis trinepos.
patrui filius heisst auch frater patruelis, u. in gewöhnl. Volkssprache consobrinus (cousin).
ingleichen die Brüdersöhne und
Brüdertöchter, d.h. diejenigen beiderlei Geschlechts, welche von
zwei Brüdern erzeugt worden sind, ferner die Schwestersöhne und
Schwestertöchter, d.h. diejenigen beiderlei Geschlechts, die von
zwei Schwestern geboren worden, gleichsam Verschwisterte,
endlich die Geschwisterkinder beiderlei Geschlechts, d.h. die
von einem Bruder und einer Schwester abstammen; alle diese nennt
man im gemeinen Leben gewöhnlich Geschwisterkinder
[consobrinos]. (Übers. Carl Friedrich Ferdinand
Sintenis.)
Schließen
Pand. lib. XXXVIII, tit. 10 »Item fratres
patrueles, sorores patrueles, id. est qui quaeve ex duobus fratribus progenerantur; item
consobrini consobrinae, id est qui quaeve ex duobus duabus sororibus nascuntur (quasi
consorini consororini
); item amitini
amitinae, id est qui quaeve ex fratre ex et sorore propagantur; sed fere vulgos vulgus istos omnes communi appellatione consobrinus consobrinos
vocat.«
female on the father’s side. : father’s sister; amita, amitae filius filia, a. neptis, a. trineptis, a. trineptis trineptis; special term for amitae filia amitina.
3d collateral line: male on the father’s side [:] grandfather’s brother – patruus magnus (keine existing language has an original term for this relationship); patrui magni filius, nepos, trinepos, ending with patrui magni trinepotis trinepos.|
19same line female (on father’s side) commences with amita magna, great paternal aunt etc.
4th and 5th collateral lines on the father’s side commence respectively mit patruus major (great grandfather’s brother) u. patruus maximus (great-great-grandfather’s brother). Geht dann wie vorhin: patrui majoris filius, bis trinepos u. patrui maximi filius bis trinepos.
Female branches (on paternal side) commence respectively mit amita major u. amita maxima.
|
die relatives
on the mother’s side,
the first collateral line
Zusatz von Marx. Schließen soror etc remains the same, während the female lineal line is substituted for the male. |
||||
|
Second collateral line |
(on mother’s side): |
avunculus (maternal uncle),
Bei Morgan, S. 489: and on as
before Schließen avunculi filius, nepos, trinepos etc. |
||
| In the female branch | (on mother’s side): |
matertera (maternal aunt), materterae filia, neptis, proneptis, trineptis etc. |
||
| Third collateral line, male and female | (on mother’s side), | begin respectively mit: | avunculus magnus | u. matertera magna; |
| Fourth | mit | avunculus major | u. matertera major. | |
| Fifth | avunculus maximus | u. matertera maxima. [485–489] | ||
Bei Morgan, S. 491: When the fact is
accepted that the family has passed through four successive
forms, and is now in a fifth, the question at once arises
whether this form can be permanent in the future. The only
answer that can be given is, that
Schließen Mit Bezug auf die present monogamian family:
it must advance as society advances, and change as
society changes, even as it has done in the past. It is the
creature of the social system Bei Morgan, S. 491/492: and
will reflect its culture. As the monogamian family has improved
greatly since the commencement of civilization, and very
sensibly in modern times, it is at least
Schließen … must
be supposable
that it is capable of still farther improvement until
the equality of the sexes is attained. Should the monogamian
family in the distant future fail to answer the requirements of society,
assuming the continuous progress of civilization, it is impossible to
predict the nature of its successor. (491, 492)
Part III. Ch. VI. Sequence of Institutions connected with
the family.
| First stage of sequence: | I) | Promiscuous Intercourse. |
| II) | Intermarriage of Brothers and Sisters, own and collateral, in a group; gives: | |
| III) | The Consanguine Family (first stage of the family [)]; gives: | |
| IV) | The Malayan System of Consanguinity u. Affinity. | |
| Second Stage of Sequence: | V) | The organization upon the Basis of Sex, and the Punaluan Custom, tending to check the intermarriage of brothers and sisters; gives: |
| VI) | The Punaluan Family (Second Stage of the Family), gives: | |
| VII) | The Organization into Gentes, which excluded brothers and sisters from marriage. Gives: | |
| VIII) | The Turanian and Ganonian Ganowánian System of Consanguinity and Affinity. | |
| Third Stage of Sequence. | IX) | Increasing influence of Gentile Organization and improvement in the arts of life, advancing a portion of mankind into the Lower Status of Barbarism, gives: |
| X) | Marriage between single pairs, but without an exclusive cohabitation; gives: | |
| XI) | Syndyasmian Family (Third Stage of the Family). | |
| Fourth stage of Sequence. | XII) | Pastoral life on the plains in limited areas, gives: |
| XIII) | Patriarchal family (Fourth, but exceptional Stage of family) | |
| Fifth Stage of Sequence: | XIV) | Rise of Property, and settlement of lineal succession to estates, gives: |
| XV) | The Monogamian family (Fifth Stage of the family), gives: | |
| XVI) | The Aryan, Semitic and Uralian system of Consanguinity and Affinity, and overthrows the Turanian. [498, 499] |
I) Promiscuous intercourse. Leben in Horde; no marriage; far below the lowest savage now living; The ruder flint implements found over part of the earth’s surface, and not used by existing savages, attest extreme rudeness of man’s condition, after he had emerged from his primitive habitat, and commenced, as a fisherman, his spread over continental areas. – Primitive Savage. [500] |
20The consanguine family … recognized promiscuity within defined limits, and those not the narrowest, and its point it points through its organism to a worse condition against which it interposed a shield. [501]
ad V) In theAustralian male and female classes united in marriage, punaluan groups are found. Among the Hawaiians, the same group is also found, with the marriage custom it expresses. The pulanuan punaluan family included the same persons found in the previous sanguine consanguine , with the exception of own brothers and sisters, who were theoretically if not in every case excluded. [502, 503]
ad VII Organization into gentes. Unter den Australian classes, the punaluan group is fond found on a broad and systematic scale; the people were also organized in gentes. Here the punaluan family older than the gens, because it rested upon classes which preceded the gentes. … The Turanian system requires both the punaluan family and the gentile organization to bring it into existence. [503]
ad X and XI Tendency to reduce the groups of married persons to smaller proportions before the close of savagery, because the syndyasmian family became a constant phenomenon in the Lower Status of Barbarism. Custom led the more advanced savage to recognize one among a number of wifes wives as his principal wife; this ripened in time into the custom of pairing, and in making this wife a companion and associate in the maintenance of family. … The old conjugal system, now reduced to narrower limits by the gradual disappearance of punaluan groups, still environed the advancing family, which it was to follow to the verge of civilization. … It finally disappeared into the new form of hetaerism, which still follows mankind in civilization as a dark shadow upon the family. … Syndyasmian family subsequent to the gens, which was largely instrumental in its production. From the Columbian Columbia River to the Paraguay, the Indian family was syndyasmian in general, punaluan in exceptional areas, u. monogamian perhaps in none. [503, 504]
ad XIV It is impossible to overestimate the influence of property in the civilization of mankind. It was the power that brought the Aryan and Semitic nations out of barbarism into civilization. … Governments and laws are instituted with primary reference to its creation, protection and enjoyment. It introduced human slavery as an instrument in its production … With the establishment of the inheritance of property in the children of its owner, came the first possibility of a strict monogamian family.
ad XV The Monogamian family: As finally constituted, this family assured the paternity of children, substituted the individual ownership of real as well as personal property for joint ownership, and an exclusive inheritance by children in the place of agnatic inheritance. Modern society reposes upon the Monogamian family. [505]
Bei Morgan, S. 507: that body of eminent
scholars
Schließen Alle älteren Burschen – darunter Sir
Henry Maine
– nehmen
Hebrew u. Latin types (patriarchal family) an as producing the earliest
organized society … damit hängt zusammen the hypothesis of human degradation to explain the existence of barbarians u. savages. Aber inventions u. discoveries came one by one; the
knowledge of a
chord cord
must precede the bow and
arrow, wie gunpowder the musket, steam engine the railway and
steamship; so the arts of subsistence followed
each other at long intervals u. human tools passed
through forms of flint and stones before they were formed of
iron. Ebenso institutions
[506–508]
Part IV. (The Growth of the Idea of Property)
Ch. I. The three rules of inheritance.
»Earliest ideas
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!)
of property« intimately associated mit procurement of subsistence, the primary need.
Die
objects of ownership vermehren sich natürlich in
jeder »successive ethnical period« mit der multiplication der arts wovon die Subsistenzmittel
abhängen. Wachsthum v. Eigenthum hält so Schritt
mit Fortschritt von Erfindungen u. Entdeckungen.
Jede ethnische Periode zeigt so marked advance upon
its predecessors, nicht nur in der Zahl der
Erfindungen, sondern ebenso in variety and
amount of property which resulted therefrom. The multiplicity of the forms of property would be
accompanied by the growth of certain regulations with
reference to possession and inheritance. The customs upon which these rules of proprietary possession and inheritance depend,
are determined by the condition and progress of social organization. The growth of
property is thus closely connected with the increase of inventions |21
and discoveries, and the improvement of social institutions which mark the several
ethnical periods of human progress. (525,
526)
I) Property in the Status of Savagery.
Mankind, when ignorant of fire, without articulate language, and without artificial weapons … depended … upon the spontaneous fruits of the earth.
Langsam u. fast unbemerkbar, in der Period of savagery,
avanciren sie von Gebärdensprache u. unvollkommnen sounds to articulate speech; von dem club
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Keule), als erster Waffe, zu spear
pointed with flint, u. schliesslich zu arrow u.
bow; von flint-knife u. -chisel to stone axe u.
-hammer; von ozier
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Korbweide) u.
cane basket to the basket coated with clay, which gave a vessel for boiling food with fire; and,
finally, to the art of pottery.
In the means of subsistence, they advanced from natural fruits in a restricted habitat to scale and shell fish of the sea, and finally to bread roots and game.
Bei Morgan, S. 526: Rope […] belong,
with those previously named, to the Status of
Savagery.
Schließen Ferner im status von savagery developed:
Rope
and string-making
from filaments of bark; a species of cloth made of vegetable
pulp; the tanning of skins to be
used as apparel and as a covering for tents; finally the house constructed of poles and covered with
bark, or made of plank split by stone
wedges. Bei Morgan, S. 526: Among minor
inventions may be mentioned the
Schließen Unter minor inventions zählt er neben
fire-drill
Bemerkung von Marx.
Schließen (während umgekehrt alles zum Feuermachen
Gehörige die Hauptinvention!), moccasin
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Indian word für Schuhe ohne Sohlen aus
weicherm skin von deer etc), u. the
snow-shoe. [526]
Bei Morgan, S. 526/527: Before the
close of this period, mankind had learned to support
themselves in numbers in comparison with primitive times;
they had propagated themselves over the face of the earth,
and come into possession of all the possibilities of the
continents in favor of human advancement.
Schließen
Während dieser
Periode grosse Vermehrung der Menschen (im
Gegensatz zum primitiven Zustand) auf Basis vermehrter
ConsumtionsMittel, Ausbreitung derselben
über die Continents. In
socialer Organization Fortschritt von
consanguine horde zu tribes organized into gentes, so possessed of the germs of the principal governmental
institutions. [526, 527]
Der entwickeltste Theil der savages, had finally organized gentile society u. developed small tribes with villages here and there … ihre
rude energies and ruder arts chiefly devoted to subsistence; noch
nicht the village stockade
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Pfahlwerk)
for defence, no farinaceous food, still cannibalism. – Der progress was immense »potentially«, trug in sich
die
rudiments of language, government, family,
religion, house architecture, property; ditto the principal germs of
the arts of life. [527]
Property of savages inconsiderable; rude weapons, fabrics, ustensils, apparel, implements of flint, stone, and bone u. »personal ornaments« their chief items of property. Wenige Gegenstände des Besitzes, keine passion für Besitz; kein studium lucri, now such a commanding force in the human mind.
Lands owned by the tribes in common, while tenement-houses owned jointly by their occupants.
Die passion of possession nourished its nascent powers upon articles purely personal, increasing with the slow progress of inventions. Those esteemed most valuable deposited in the grave of the deceased proprietor for their his continued use in spirit-land.
Inheritance
:
its first great rule came in with the
institution of the gens, which distributed
the effects of a deceased person among his gentiles.
Practically they were appropriated by the nearest
of kin; but the principle general that
the property should remain in the gens of decendent decedent
, and be distributed among its
members. ⦗Blieb in civilazt civilization. v. Greek, Bei Morgan, S. 528:
Latin
Schließen Roman gentes.⦘ Children
inherited from their mother, but took nothing from their reputed
father.
[527, 528]
II) Property in the Lower State of Barbarism.
Hauptinventions:
art of pottery, finger
weaving and the art of cultivation in
America which gave farinaceous food (maize) u. plants by irrigation (in Eastern hemisphere
beginning as equivalent: domestication of
animals), keine great inventions. Finger
weaving, with warp and woof
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Kette u. Einschlag)
scheint dieser Periode anzugehören, ist eine der greatest
inventions; but it cannot be certainly attained affirmed that the art was not attained in
savagery.
The Iroquois u. other tribes of America in
the same status manufactured belts u. burden-straps with warp and woof of excellent
quality and finish; using fine twine
made of filaments of elm and basswood bark. Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (basswood americ.
Linde)
Principles dieser Erfindung, which since
clothed the human family, were perfectly
realized; but sie were unable to
extend it to the production of the woven
garment.
Picture writing seems to have made its first appearance in this period; wenn früheren Ursprungs, erhielt es jetzt sehr beträchtliche Entwicklung. Die series of connected inventions in this department:
1) Gesture Language or language of personal
symbols. 2) Picture writing, or
idiographic symbols.
Bemerkung
von Marx zur eigenen Orientierung.
Schließen 3) (verte)
|22 3) Hieroglyphs, or conventional symbols. 4) Hieroglyphs of
phonetic power, or phonetic symbols used
in a syllabus. 5) Phonetic Alphabet
or written sounds.
The characters on the Copan monuments apparently hieroglyphs of the grade of conventional symbols; beweisen, dass die American aborigines, who practised the 3 first forms, unabhängig auf Weg in direction of a phonetic alphabet. [528, 529]
Stockade as a means of village defence u. of a raw-hide shield als denfence defence gegen arrow, which had now become a deadly missile, of the several varieties of war-club, armed with an encased stone or with a point of deer-horn, scheinen zu dieser Periode zu gehören. Jedenfalls waren sie in common use among the American Indian Tribes in the Lower Status of Barbarism when discovered. Der Speer, pointed mit flint or bone kein customary weapon with the forest-tribes, though sometimes used; z. B. die Ojibwas used the lance or spear, She-mä’-gun, pointed with flint or bone. Bow u. arrow, und war-club Hauptwaffen der American Indians in diesem Status. [529, 530]
Einiger Fortschritt in pottery, nämlich im increased size der vessels produced u. in their ornamentation; the Creeks made earthen vessels von 2 to 10 gallons; die Iroquois ornamented their jars u. pipes mit miniature human faces attached as buttons; im ganzen blieb pottery extremely rude bis Ende dieser Periode.
Bemerkbarer Fortschritt in House architecture in size u. mode of construction.
Unter minor inventions: air-gun for bird shooting, wooden mortar for reducing maize to flour u. der stone mortar for preparing paints;
Earthen u. stone pipes, with the use of tobacco;
Bone and stone implements of higher grades,
with stone hammers and mauls
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (mauls sind heavy wooden
hammers), the handle and
upper part of the stone being encased in raw hide; and moccasins u. belts ornamented with porcupine
quills.
Einige dieser Erfindungen wahrscheinlich geborgt from tribes in the Middle Status; denn es war durch diesen Process constantly repeated that the more advanced tribes lifted up those below them, as fast as the latter were able to appreciate and appropriate the means of progress. [530]
The cultivation of maize and plants gave the
people unleavened bread, the Indian succotash
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (Speise von grünem Mais u.
Bohnen) u. hominy
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Maismuss); tended
also to Links
von der Anstreichung, vertikal entlang dieser Zeilen, mit
Tinte, Marginale von Marx: „Property“. Siehe Faksimile der
S. 22.
Schließen
introduce a new species of property, cultivated lands
or gardens.
Obgleich lands owned in common by a
tribe, a possessory right to
cultivated land was now recognized in the
individual
,
or
in the group, which became a subject of
inheritance. The group united in a
common household were mostly of the same gens, and the rule
of inheritance would not allow it to be detached
from the kinship.
[530]
Zusatz
von
Marx.
Siehe Faksimile der S. 22.
Schließen
Inheritance:
The property u. effects v. husband u. wife kept
distinct, remained after their demise to in the gens wozu sie respective gehörten. Weib u. Kinder
nahmen nichts von husband u. father u. vice versa. Starb unter den
Iroquois ein Mann leaving wife and
children, so wurde sein Eigenthum
vertheilt unter seine gentiles so dass seine Schwestern u. deren children u. ihre his maternal uncles would receive the most of it; his brothers might receive a small portion.
Starb a wife, leaving husband and
children, so ihre effects geerbt von ihren Kindern, Schwestern, Mutter u.
Mutterschwestern; die greater
portion assigned to her children; in jedem Fall blieb property in der gens. Unter
den
Ojibwas die effects der Mutter
vertheilt unter ihren Kindern, wenn alt genug to use them; sonst,
od. in default of children, they went to her
sisters, ihrer Mutter u.
Mutterschwestern, to the exclusion of
her brothers. Obgleich die
Ojibwas had changed descent to the male
line, the inheritance followed the rule
which prevailed when descent was in the female line.
Die variety u. amount of property grösser als in savagery, aber noch nicht stark genug to develop a strong sentiment in relation to inheritance.
In dem distributionsmodus germ der 2nd great rule of inheritance, which gave the property to the agnatic kindred, to the exclusion of the remaining gentiles. Agnation and agnatic kindred assume jetzt descent in the male line; Princip selbes in beiden cases, aber the persons included – different. Mit descent in the female line, agnates Personen who can trace their descent through females exclusively vom |23 same common ancestor with the intestate; im andern Fall, who can trace their descent durch males exclusively. It is the blood connection of persons within the gens by direct descent, in a given line, vom selben common ancestor which lies at the foundation of agnatic relation.
Gegenwärtig unter advanced Indian tribes hat begun sich zu manifest repugnance gegen gentile inheritance; einige haben sie ganz über Bord geworfen u. exclusive inheritance in children substituirt. Evidence of this repugnance unter Iroquois, Creeks, Cherokees, Choctas, Menominees, Crows u. Ojibwas. [530–532]
In dieser älteren Periode of barbarism sehr bedeutende Abnahme of cannibalism; wurde aufgegeben als common practice; blieb als war practice in dieser u. der Middle Period. In dieser Form ward Cannibalism gefunden in den principal tribes der U. St., Mexico, u. Central America. Erwerbung v. farinaceous food Hauptmittel to extricate mankind von this savage custom.
I) u. II), status of savagery u. Lower Status of barbarism, diese 2 ethnischen Perioden, cover mindestens ⅘ der ganzen Existenz der Menschheit auf der Erde.
Im Lower Status beginnen die higher attributes of mankind sich zu entwickeln: Persönliche Würde, Beredsamkeit, religious sensibility, rectitude, manliness u. courage jetzt common traits of character, aber auch Grausamkeit, treachery u. fanaticism. Element worship in religion, with a dim conception of personal gods, and of a Great Spirit, rude verse making, joint-tenement houses, and bread from maize belong to this period. It produced also syndyasmian family u. confederacy of tribes, organized into phratries u. gentes. Die imagination, that great faculty so largely contributing to the elevation of mankind, was now producing an unwritten literature of myths, legends u. traditions, already become powerful stimulus upon the race. [532]
III) Property in the middle Status of Barbarism.
Die Evidence dieser Periode more completely lost than that of any other.
It was exhibited by the Village Indians of North and South America in barbaric splendour at the epoch of their discovery. [532]
Diese Epoche eröffnet in Eastern Hemisphere
mit domestication of animals, in
der
Western mit der Erscheinung der Village Indians, living in large
joint-tenement houses of adobe
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Luftziegel)
brick u., in some areas, of stone laid in courses.
Cultivation of maize u. plants by irrigation, which required artificial canals, u. garden beds laid out in squares, with raised ridges to contain the water until absorbed.
Ein Theil dieser Village Indians, when discovered, had made bronze, bringing them near dem Iron smelting process.
The joint-tenement house in the nature of a fortress, hatte intermediate position zwischen der stockades stockaded village of the Lower u. the walled city of the Upper Status. Als entdeckt no cities, in the proper sense of the word, in America.
In Kriegskunst kein grosser Fortschritt ausser in defence, durch die construction of great houses generally impregnable to Indian assault. Sie hatten erfunden: quilted mantles (escaupiles), stuffed with cotton, as a further shield against the arrow u. the two-edged sword (macuahuitl), each edge having a row of angular flint points imbedded in the wooden blade. They still used bow u. arrow, spear, war club, flint knives u. hatchets u. stone implements, obgleich they had the copper axe u. chisel, which for some reason came never into general use. [533]
Zu maize, beans, squashes u. tobacco nun
added cotton, pepper, tomato, cacao u. the
care of certain fruits. A bear beer was made by fermenting the juice of the
maguey
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (mexicanische Agave). Die
Iroquois hatten jedoch ein ähnlich Getränk
producirt durch fermenting maple Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Ahornart)
sap.
Durch improved methods in the ceramic art produced earthen vessels of capacity to hold several gallons, of fine texture and superior ornamentation. Bowls, pots, water jars manufactured in abundance.
Discovery and use of the native
metals, erst for ornaments, finally
for implements and ustensils, wie copper axe
and
chisel
, dieser Periode
angehörig. Melting dieser metals in crucible, with the probable use of blow-pipe
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Blaserohr, Pustrohr) and
charcoal, and casting
them in moulds, the production of
bronze, rude stone sculptures, the woven
garment of cotton, (
Hakluyt:
Coll. of Voyages. III, 377), houses of dressed stone, ideographs or
hieroglyphs cut on the grave-posts of deceased
chiefs, the calendar for measuring time, the solstitial stone for marking the seasons,
cyclopean
walls, the domestication of the llama,
of a species of dog, of the turkey and other fowls belong
to same period in America.
A priesthood, organized in a hierarchy, distinguished by a customs costume ; personal gods with idols to represent them, u. human sacrifices erscheinen zuerst in dieser Periode.|
24Two large Indian pueblos, Mexico u. Cusco jetzt, containing über 20,000 inhabitants, number unknown in the previous period.
Aristocratic element in society, in feeble forms, among the chiefs, civil and military, through increased numbers under the same government, and the growing complexity of affairs. [533, 534]
Eastern hemisphere: we find its native tribes in dieser Periode mit domestic animals, yielding them a milk and meat subsistence, aber
wahrscheinlich ohne horticultural u.
farinaceous food. Bei Morgan,
S. 534: When the great discovery was made that the wild
horse, cow, sheep, ass, sow and goat might be tamed, and,
when produced in flocks and herds, become a source of
permanent subsistence it must have given a powerful impulse
to human progress
Schließen
Wild
horse, cow, sheep, ass, sow; ihre Zähmung gab grossen Impuls; produced in herds u. flocks they
become source of permanent
progress. Der effect wurde erst allgemein, sobald pastoral life established for the creation u. maintenance
of flocks. Europa, als hauptsächlich
Wald area, unadapted to the pastoral state; aber
die
grass plains of high Asia u. upon the Euphrates, the Tigris u. other rivers of
Asia, natural homes der pastoral tribes. Thither they would naturally tend; there
the remote Aryan ancestors found confronting like pastoral Semitic
tribes.
Cultur v. cereals u. plants muss vorhergegangen sein ihrer migration von den grass plains in die Forestareas v. Westasien u. Europa. Diese Cultur forced upon them by the necessities of the domestic animals now incorporated into their plan of life. (Dies vielleicht nicht Fall bei den Celts)
Woven fabrics of flax and wool u. bronze implements u. weapons erscheinen in dieser Period auch in der oestlichen Hemisphäre.
To cross the barrier into the Upper Status of barbarism unentbehrlich metallic tools able to hold an edge and point; dazu nöthig Invention des process of Iron smelting. [534, 535]
Zusatz
von Marx. Siehe Faksimile der S. 24.
Schließen
Eigenthum:
Grosser Zuwachs v. personal property u. einige changes in the relations of persons to
land. Das
territorial domain gehörte noch der
Tribus in common; aber a portion
now set apart für support of the government,
andrer für religious uses, u. noch wichtigere portion – das, wovon Volk seine
Subsistenz bezog, divided unter the several gentes, or communities of persons who resided in the same
pueblo. Niemand owned lands or houses in his own right mit
Macht zu verkaufen u. übermachen in fee simple, wem er wollte. Individual ownership of houses and lands
excluded by gemeinschaftliches Eigenthum
on lands durch gentes od. communities of persons, joint-tenement houses u. mode of occupation by related families.
[535, 536]
Rev. Sam. Gorman , Missionär unter den Laguna Pueblo Indians, in address to the Historical Society of New Mexico says:
„the right of property belongs to the female part of the family, and descends in that line from mother to daughter. Their land is held in common, […] but after a person cultivates a lot he has personal claim to it, which he can sell to one of the community … Their women, generally, have control of the granary, are more provident than their Spanish neighbours about the future. Ordinarily they try to have a year’s provision on hands hand. It is only when two years of scarcity succeed each other, that Pueblos, as a community, suffer hunger.[“] Morgan p. 536, Note.
Possessory rights, existing in individuals or families, inalienable ausser durch inheritance to his or her gentile heirs. [536]
The Moqui Village Indians, ausser 7 large pueblos u. gardens, haben jetzt flocks of sheep, horses and mules u. considerable other personal property; manufacture earthen vessels of many sizes u. excellent quality, u. woolen blankets in looms u. mit yarn of their own production. Major J. W. Powell noticed the following case showing that dort still the husband acquires no rights over the property of the wife, or over the children of the marriage. A Zunian married an Oraybe woman, and had by her 3 children; er wohnte mit ihnen zu Oraybe, bis sie †. The relatives of his deceased wife ergriffen Besitz ihrer Kinder u. household property leaving [to] him his horse, clothing u. weapons, mit certain blankets, die ihm gehörten, nicht die seiner Frau. Er left the Pueblo mit Powell um nach Santa Fé zu gehn u. dann to return to his own people at Zuñi. – Women as well as men, not unlikely, had a possessory right to such rooms and sections of the pueblo houses as they occupied u. überliessen sie ihren next of kin, under certain regulations. [536, 537] |
25The Spaniards (writers) have left the land tenure of the southern tribes in inextricable confusion. In unveräusserlichem common land, belonging to a community of persons sahn sie feudal estate, im chief the feudal lord, in people his vassals; sie sahen, dass das land owned in common; nicht die community ihrer owners selbst – die gens od. division of a gens. [537, 538]
Descent in the female line remained still in some of the tribes of Mexico u. Central America, während im andern, probably larger Theil, übergegangen in a descent in the male line; letztres caused durch den influence of property. Unter den Mayas descent was in male line, dagegen schwer zu bestimmen in welcher line bei Aztecs, Tezcucans, Tlacopans u. Tlascalans.
Unter den
Village Indians probable descent in the male
line with remains of the Archaic rule wie in
the case of the office of Teuctli. Unter ihnen zu erwarten the
second grand rule of inheritance which
distributed the property among the agnatic kindred. With descent in
the male line children of a deceased person at
the head of the Agnates, Bei Morgan,
S. 538: and very naturally receive the greater portion of
the inheritance. It is not probable that the third great
rule, which gave an exclusive inheritance to the children of
the deceased owner, had become established among
them
Schließen so dass
sie die
greater portion (unter den
Agnates) erhielten, aber waren nicht exclusive heirs (mit Ausschluß der andern Magnaten Agnaten
[)]
. [538]
Bei Morgan, S. 539: the American
aborigines
Schließen Die Americans never entered last (Upper) Period of Barbarism.
[539]
Ch. II (part IV) The three rules of inheritance
continued.
Bei Morgan,
S. 539: The last great period of barbarism
Siehe das Inhaltverzeichnis am Anfang des Kapitels:
Property in the Upper Status of Barbarism
Schließen
Upper Period of
Barbarism
commenced
in the Eastern Hemisphere.
Process of smelting Iron; trotz Bronze progress arrested durch want of
a metal of sufficient strength and hardness for
mechanical purposes; found zuerst in iron. Bei Morgan, S. 539:
The accelerated progress of human intelligence dates from this
invention.
Schließen Von da Fortschritt
rapider.
[539]
IV) Property in the Upper Status of Barbarism.
Ende dieser Periode property in masses verallgemeinert – consisting in many kinds, held by individual ownership – durch settled agriculture, manufactures, local trade, foreign commerce; aber:
Old common tenure of lands had not given place, ausser in part, to Separateigenthum.
In diesem Status entsprang Slavery; it stands directly connected with the production of
property. Out of it Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (slavery) came the patriarchal family of the Hebrew
type u. the similar family der Latine Latin tribes under paternal power, wie auch a modified form of the same family unter den
Grecian tribes.
Hence, namentlich aber von increased abundance of subsistence, through field agriculture, nations began to develop, zählten viele 1000nds unter one government, wo früher nur a few 1000nds. Struggle für die possession der most desirable territories intensified durch die localization of tribes in fixed areas, u. in fortified cities, mit dem increase der Volkszahl. Advanced Kriegskunst u. vermehrte die rewards of prowess. Diese changes indicate the approach of civilization. [540]
Ersten Gesetze der Griechen, Römer, Hebräer – nach Beginn der Civilization – verwandelten chiefly nur in legal enactments the results die ihre previous experience verkörpert hatte in usages u. customs.
Gegen Ende der Bei Morgan, S. 541: Later Period
of barbarism
Schließen Upper Period of Barbarism
Tendenz zu 2 Formen von Ownership, nämlich, durch Staat u. durch
Individuen. Lands, unter den
Griechen, still held, einige durch die tribes in common, andre
durch die phratry in
common für religious uses, andre
durch die gens in common, aber
die
bulk der lands had fallen
under individual ownership in severalty. Zur Zeit Solon’s war Athenian
society noch gentil, lands in
general held durch individuals who had learnt to mortgage them. (
Plut.
in
Solon
c. XV. »Σεμνύνεται γὰρ Σόλων ἐν τούτοις, ὅτι τῆς τε προϋποκειμένης
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (verpfändeten) γῆς Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗ὅρους = die
Marken, die der Schuldner bei Haus od. Acker setzen
musste, worauf er Geld entlehnt hatte, mit einer Schrift,
welche seinen Namen neben der Summe angab⦘
[und darin stimmen auch die Gedichte
besser überein,] / worin Solon sich rühmt, daß er von den
zuvor verpfändeten Gütern / Die zahlreich aufgesteckten
Marken weggetilgt; / Und sie, vordem in Knechtschaft, frei
geworden […] (Übers. Johann Gottfried Klaiber.)
Die
Übersetzung und die Erläuterung in Klammern übernimmt Marx
von: Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen
Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen.
Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.].
Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.)
Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bd. 2. S. 244, Fn. Marx besaß, wenn
nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor
1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen
der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA
IV/5. S. 301.4). Dort sind „Plutarch 4 Bde“
erwähnt.)
Schließen
ὅρους ἀνεῖλε πολλαχῆ
πεπηγότας·
πρόσθεν δὲ δουλεύουσα, νῦν ἐλεύθερα.«)
The Roman tribes, from their first establishment, had a public domain, Ager romanus; while lands were held by the curia for religious uses, by the gens, u. by individuals in severalty. Nachdem diese social corporations ausgestorben, the lands held by them in common gradually became private property.
Diese several forms of ownership show dass die älteste land tenure was die in common durch den tribe; nach Beginn ihrer Cultivation, ein Theil der tribe lands divided unter die gentes, jede wovon held their portion in common; diesem folgten im Lauf der Zeit allotments to individuals u. diese allotments finally ripened into individual ownership in severalty. [540–542] |
26Personal property, generally, was subject to individual ownership.
Monogamian family erschien in Upper Status of barbarism herausentwickelt aus Syndyasmian family; hing intimately zus. mit increase of property u. usages in respect to its inheritance. Descent changed to the male line; aber alles Eigenthum, real u. personal, blieb, wie seit time immemorial, hereditary in gens. [542]
Zusatz
von Marx auf der linken Seite der Marginalie. Siehe
Faksimile der S. 26.
Schließen
Ilias
In der Ilias (V, 20 90) mentioned fences
around cultivated
fields, (IX, 577) an enclosure of
50 acres
(πεντηκοντόγυος) half for vines, remainder for tillage, XIV (121) (XIV, 121)
Tideus Tydeus
lives in a mansion rich in resources, and
had corn producing fields in abundance.
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (
Morgan
irrt sich,
wenn er glaubt, das blosse fencing beweise
Privatgrundeigenthum)
Breeds of horses already distinguished for
particular excellence. Bei Morgan, S. 542, Fn. 4: v,
265.
Schließen (V, 261 266, 267) „sheep of a rich man standing countless in
the fold.“ (IV, 433)
Coined money unknown, daher trade noch by barter, wie in folgenden lines:
| » Dort
nun kauften des Weins die hauptumlockten
Achaier: Schließen Ἔνθεν ἄρ’ οἰνίζοντο (οἰνίζω: in medium Wein kaufen) κάρηκομόωντες Ἀχαιοὶ , |
|
[Die Einen] brachten Erz, und
Andere blinkendes Eisen, Schließen Ἄλλοι μὲν χαλκῷ (aere), ἄλλοι δ’ αἴθωνι (splendido) σιδήρῳ, |
|
Andere dann Stierhäut’, und Andere lebende
Rinder, Schließen Ἄλλοι δὲ ῥινοῖς (pellibus), ἄλλοι δ’ αὐτοῖσι βόεσσιν, |
|
Andere Gefangene der Schlacht
[…]
(Übers.
Johann Heinrich Voß.) Morgan (S. 542) zitiert nach: The Iliad of Homer. Literally transl., with explanatory notes, by Theodore Alois Buckley. London 1854. S. 134. Marx fügt den griechischen Wortlaut hinzu, zitiert nach der Ausgabe, die er selbst besaß: Homeri Opera omnia ex recensione et cum notis Samuelis Clarkii. Accessit varietas lectionum ms. Iips. et edd. veterum cura Io. Augusti Ernesti, qui et suas notas adpersit. Vol. 1–5. Lipsiae 1759–1764. Vol. 1. S. 332. (Siehe Marx’ Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1844 bis 1847 (MEGA IV/3. S. 6.27) und den Katalog der Bibliothek von Marx, zusammengestellt von Roland Daniels (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.28); der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.) (οἰνίζω: in medium Wein kaufen): Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Valent[in] Christ[ian] Friedr[ich] Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schulgebrauch. 3. ganz umgearb. Aufl. Bd. 1.2. Erfurt, Gotha 1829. Bd. 2. S. 142 (Οἰνίζω […] Med. Wein kaufen …); 4. Aufl. Bd. 2. Braunschweig 1852. S. 142 (οἰνίζω […] Med. sich Wein durch Tauschhandel erkaufen, χαλκῷ, Il. 7, 472, überh. sich Wein holen od. herbeischaffen, Il.). (Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“. Siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31). (aere) […] (splendido) […] (pellibus): Marx zog hier die lateinische Übersetzung heran, die in seiner Ausgabe der Werke Homers auf jeder Seite unter dem griechischen Text beigefügt war. Schließen ἄλλοι δ’ ἀνδραπόδεσσι .« (Il. l. VII v. 472–75; ) |
| Erz | |||||
| hier | Eisen | ||||
| Felle | = wine. |
(III Aequivalentform wo wine = Geld.) |
; u. wine = Erz od. Eisen od. Felle od. Ochsen | ||
| Sklaven |
Zusatz von Marx. Im ersten
Band des „Kapital“ nennt Marx die
zweite Aequivalentform „Zweite […] Form des
relativen Werths“ und die dritte Aequivalentform
„Dritte […] Form des relativen Werths“ (siehe MEGA II/5. S. 35 und 36). Schließen (II Equivalentform) |
Gold in bars named as passing by weight and estimated by talents. (Il. XII,
274, Zusatz
von Marx. Morgans Verweis auf XII, 274 ist fehlerhaft. Soll
sein: XIX, 247.
Schließen v. Morgan citirt; steht da nicht.) Mentioned: manufactured articles of gold, silver, brass and iron, textile
fabrics of linen and woolen in many forms, houses, palaces etc.
[542, 543]
Zusatz
von Marx auf der linken Seite der Marginalie.
Schließen
Inheritance:
Nach Erreichung so grosser Quantität in Upper Status of Barbarism v. houses u. lands, flocks u. herds, u. exchangeable commodities and held by individual ownership question of
inheritance pressed Bei Morgan,
S. 543: until the right was placed upon a basis which
satisfied the growing intelligence of the Greek
mind
Schließen bis right den facts
entsprach. Die
domestic animals a possession of greater value than alle früheren Arten
property zusammen; served for food, exchangeable
for commodities, usable for redeeming decaptives, for paying fines, and in religious sacrifices; capable of
indefinite multiplication in numbers – their possession revealed
to the human mind the first conception of wealth. Folgte in
course of time the systematical cultivation of
the earth, tending to identify the family mit dem
soil, and render it a
property-making
organization; fand bald expression in Latin, Grecian, Hebrew tribes, in the patriarchal family, involving slaves u. servants. Labor of
father and children became more and more incorporated with the land, the production of domestic animals, and the creation of merchandise, it tended to individualize the family u. suggested the superior claims of children to the inheritance of the
property they had assisted in creating. Vor der
Landkultur flocks u. herds fiel naturally
under the joint ownership of persons united
in a group, on a basis of kin, for
subsistence. Agnatic inheritance was apt to assert itself
in this condition. Aber sobald land had
become the subject of property, and allotments to individuals had resulted in individual
ownership, was sure to supervene upon
agnatic inheritance: Third great rule of inheritance, giving
property to the children of the deceased owner.
[543, 544]
When field culture bewiesen hatte, dass
die
ganze Oberfläche der Erde could be made the
subject of property owned by individuals in severalty u.
Familienhaupt became the natural center of accumulation, the new property career of mankind
inaugurated;
fully done before the close of the Later Period of
Barbarism; übte einen grossen Einfluss
auf human mind, rief new elements of
character wach; Bei Morgan, S. 544: the
feeble impulse aroused in the savage mind had now become a
tremendous passion in the splendid
Schließen property became
tremendous passion
im barbarian
des heroic age. Bemerkung von Marx. „Booty and beauty“ war die Losung der
britischen Streitmacht, die im britisch-amerikanischen Krieg
im Dezember 1814 auf New Orleans vorstieß. Der Befehlshaber
der siegreichen amerikanischen Truppen, General Andrew
Jackson, präsentierte sich daher im
Präsidentschaftswahlkampf 1828 als „protector & defender
of beauty and booty“. 1861 spielte der Slogan auch in der
Kriegspropaganda der Südstaaten eine Rolle – den Yankees
gehe es nur um „booty and beauty“.
Schließen
(»booty
and beauty«)
Dagegen
nicht haltbar archaic u. later usages. Kommentar von
Marx. Siehe Achille Loria: La rendita fondiaria e la
sua elisione naturale. Milano, Napoli, Pisa 1880.
S. 682/683. Marx hatte dieses Buch Anfang Dezember 1879 vom
Verfasser erhalten. Er
hatte damals einige bibliographische Notizen daraus
entnommen und ein paar Auszüge gemacht (IISG,
Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 161, S. 1 und 7/8). Zu seiner
Einschätzung des Buchs siehe seinen
Brief
an Engels vom 3. August 1882 (IISG,
Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. L
4754).
Schließen ⦗Herr Loria! voilà the working of
passion!⦘
Monogamy had assured the paternity of
|27
children u. maintained u. asserted their exclusive right to inherit the property of their
deceased fathers. [544]
Germans, when discovered, in Upper Status of Barbarism, used iron, in
limited quantities; had flocks and herds;
cultivated cereals; manufactured coarse textile fabrics of linen
and woolen, had not attained
[to] the idea of individual ownership in
lands. Folgt daher: individual property
in land unknown in Asia u. Europe in Middle Period of Barbarism, came in in Bei Morgan, S. 544: during the Later
Period
Schließen
Upper Period
.
Bei Hebrew tribes individual ownership in lands existed before the commencement of their civilization. They came out of barbarism, wie die Aryan tribes, mit possession of domestic animals u. cereals, iron u. brass, gold and silver, fictile wares u. textile fabrics. Aber ihre knowledge of field agriculture limited in Zeit Abrahams. Nach Reconstruction der Hebrew Society, nach dem Exodus, on basis of consanguine tribes, to which on reaching Palestine territorial areas were assigned, shows that civilization found them under gentile institutions, below a knowledge of political society. Inheritance was strictly in the phratry u. probably in the gens „the house of the father“ … After children had acquired an exclusive inheritance, daughters succeeded in default of sons; marriage would then transfer their own property from their own gens to that of their husband, unless some restraint, in the case of heiresses, was put on the right. Presumptively u. naturally marriage within the gens prohibited; question came before Moses as a question of Hebrew inheritance, vor Solon as a question of Athenian inheritance, the gens claiming a paramount right to its retention within its membership; u. beide entschieden in demselben Sinn. Same question must have turned up in Rome u. in part met by the rule that a marriage of a female worked a diminutio capitis u. with it a forfeiture of agnatic rights. [544–546]
Andre question involved in this issue: war
marriage to be restricted by the rule
forbidding it within the gens, or become
free, the degree, and not the fact of kin, being the measure of limitation
Ausrufezeichen
von Marx.
Schließen ! Letztre Lösung siegte.
[546]
Zelophelad Zelophehad starb, liess Töchter, keine Söhne u. die inheritance given to the former. Später diese Töchter about to marry ausserhalb the tribe of Joseph , wozu sie belonged; the members of the tribe objected to such a transfer of property, brachten Sache vor Moses.
Zusatz von Marx.
Bei Morgan, S. 546: saying
Schließen Diese Burschen präsentiren die
Sache so:
„If they be married to any of the sons of the other tribes of the children of Israel, then shall the inheritance be taken from the
inheritance of our fathers, and shall be put to the inheritance of the tribe whereunto they are
received: so shall it be taken from the lot of
our inheritance.“ (
Numbers
, XXXVI, IV III)
Moses. Ausdruck von Marx. Bei Morgan,
S. 546: The Hebrew lawgiver admits this right in the
language of his decision.
Schließen Mouses antwortet:
„The tribe of the sons of Joseph has spoken well. This is the thing which the Lord doth command
concerning the daughters of
Zelophehad
, saying, „Let them
marry to whom they think best: only to the family
of the tribe of their father shall they marry. So shall not
the inheritance of the children of Israel
remove from tribe to tribe: for every
one of the children of Israel shall keep himself to the inheritance of the tribe of his fathers. And
every daughter that possesseth an inheritance in any tribe of the
children of Israel shall be wife unto one of the
family of the tribe of her father, that the children of
Israel may enjoy every one the inheritance of his fathers.“ ( Siehe: Die
Bibel.
Schließen
Numbers, XXXVI, 5–9) They were required to marry
into their own phratry, not necessarily into their own gens. The
daughters of Zelophehad were „married to their
father’s brother’s sons“ ( Siehe: Die
Bibel.
Schließen
Numbers
XXXVI, II XXXVI, 11
) who were not only members of
their own phratry, but also to of their own gens; they were also
their next agnates. [546, 547]
Früher hatte Moses etablirt die rule of inheritance u. reversion thus:
„And thou shalt speak to the children of Israel, saying, If a man die and have no
son, then you shall cause his
inheritance to pass unto his his daughters. And if he have no daughter, then you shall give his inheritance unto his brothers. And if he have no brethren, then you shall give his
inheritance unto his father’s brethren. And
if his father have no brethren, then you
shall give it unto his kinsman, that is next to him of his family, and he shall
possess it.“ Siehe: Die
Bibel.
Schließen (Numbers, XXVII,
8–11)
Hier heirs: 1) the children; aber scheint that the sons took the property subject to the obligation of maintaining the daughters. Wir finden elsewhere that the eldest son had a double portion.
2) the agnates in their order of nearness: a) the brethren of the deceased, in default of children des Verstorbnen; u., wenn er keine brethren hatte b) the brethren of the father of the deceased.
3) the gentiles, also in the order of nearness „the kinsman that is next to him of his family“. The „family of the tribe“ is the analogue of the phratry; also property, in default of children u. agnates, went to the nearest phrator des defunct owner, – diese Erbfolge excludes cognates von inheritance; a phrator, more distant than a |28 father’s brother, would inherit in preference to the children of a sister of the deceased. Descent in the male line and the property must be hereditary in the gens. The father did not inherit from his son, nor the grandfather from his grandson. Hierin u. fast in allem übrigen Mosaic Law agrees mit dem Law of Twelve Tables. [547, 548]
Später the Levitical law established marriage upon a new basis, independent of gentile law; verbot Ehe innerhalb gewisser Grade v. consanguinity u. affinity, declared it free beyond these degrees; dies entwurzelte gentile usages mit Bezug auf Ehe bei den Hebräern, wurde später the rule of Christian nations. [548]
Solon’s
Gesetze über inheritances substantiell selben wie die von
Bei
Morgan, S. 548: Moses
Schließen
Mouses
. Beweist, dass
die
früheren usages, customs, institutions
der Hebräer u.
Bei Morgan, S. 548:
Athenians
Schließen
Griechen
dieselben in Bezug auf Eigenthum. In Solon’s Zeit, 3d great
rule of inheritance fully established unter Atheniensern; sons took
the estates ihres deceased father
mit obligation of maintaining the daughters
u. apportioning them suitably for on their marriage. Wenn no
sons, erbten die
Töchter equally; dadurch created heiresses (ἐπικλήρες) by investing women mit estates; Solon enacted that the heiress should marry her nearest male
agnate, although they belonged to the
same gens, and Ehe unter ihnen
früher verboten durch usage.
Instances occurred wo der
nächste Agnat, obgleich verheirathet, put away
his wife, in order to marry the heiress, and thus gain the
estate. Protomachus
im Eubulides des Demosthenes Beispiel. (Demost.
ag
ain
st Eubulides, 41) Wenn keine
children, estates to the agnates, in their
default to the gentiles des defunct. Property was retained within the gens as inflexibly among the Athenians wie unter Hebrews u. Romans. Solon turned into law, was vorher established usage.
[548, 549]
Bei Morgan, S. 549: The progressive growth of the idea of
property is illustrated by the appearance of testamentary
dispositions established by Solon.
Klammern und Fragezeichen von Marx.
Schließen Unter
Solon
erscheinen testamentary dispositions
(established ? by him);
Plutarch
sagt es sei früher nicht erlaubt gewesen.
Zusatz
von
Marx.
Schließen (Romulus: 754–717
a.C., 1–37 der Stadt Rom; Solon Gesetzgeber Athen’s about 594 a.C.)
Auch das
Gesetz wegen der Vermächtnisse erhielt vielen Beifall.
Vorher waren diese gar nicht gestattet, sondern Haus und
Vermögen des Verstorbenen mußten durchaus bei dem
Geschlechte bleiben. Solon erlaubte, wenn keine Kinder da
wären, das Seinige nach Belieben zu vermachen, gab der
Freundschaft den Vorzug vor der Verwandtschaft, der Liebe
den Vorrang vor der Natur, und machte dadurch das Vermögen
erst zum Eigenthum des Besitzers. (Übers. Johann Gottfried
Klaiber.)
Schließen »Εὐδοκίμησε δὲ κἀν τῷ περὶ διαθηκῶν νὼμῳ νόμῳ
·
πρότερον
γὰρ
οὐκ
ἐξῆν, ἀλλ’ ἐν
τῷ γένει τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἔδει
τὰ
χρήματα
καὶ
τὸν
οἶκον
καταμένειν, ὁ δ’ ᾧ βούλεταί τις ἐπιτρέψας, εἰ
μὴ
παῖδες
εἶεν
αὐτῷ, δοῦναι
τὰ
αὑτοῦ, φιλίαν
τε
συγγενείας
ἐτίμησε
μᾶλλον καὶ χάριν
ἀνάγκης, καὶ τὰ
χρήματα κτήματα τῶν ἐχόντων ἐποίησεν.« (Plut. Vita Solon.
c. 21)
[549]
This law recognized the absolute individual ownership of property by the person while living, to which jetzt added testamentar. Verfügung, when no children da; aber das gentile right remained paramount so long [as] children existed to represent him in the gens. At all events muss die custom früher dagewesen sein (testamentliche), da Solon in positive law – customary law verwandelte. [549, 550]
Roman Law of 12 tables, first promulgated 449 a. Ch.; durch sie anerkannt:
Intestaterbrecht:
Die Erbschaften intestat Verstorbener
kommen nach dem Zwölftafelgesetz zuerst auf die sui heredes.
(Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad Beckhaus.)
Schließen »Intestatorum hereditate hereditates lege XII tabularum primum ad
suos heredes pertinet pertinent
.« (
Gajus, inst.
, III, 1)
(mit den children war wife des
defunct coheiress) Ist gar kein suus heres da, dann
kommt die Erbschaft zufolge desselben Zwölftafelgesetzes auf
die Agnaten. (Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad
Beckhaus.)
Schließen »Si nullus sit suorum
heredum, tunc hereditas pertinet ex eadem
lege XII tabularum ad agnatos.« (
Gaj.
III, 9)
Ist auch kein Agnat da, so ruft dasselbe Zwölftafelgesetz
die Gentilen zur Erbschaft. (Übers. Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad
Beckhaus.)
Schließen »Si nullus agnatus sit,
eadem lex XII tabularum gentiles ad hereditatem vocat.« (ib. III, 17)Seems a reasonable inference dass hereditas wirklich grade
in der umgekehrten Ordnung primitiv bei
den Römern existirt hatte als in den
12 Tafeln; inheritance by gentes vor der der
Agnaten; die der Agnaten vor der exclusiven
der Kinder. [550]
In der later Period of Barbarism kam Aristocratie auf, durch Entwicklung der individuality of persons, increase of wealth now possessed by individuals in masses; slavery, by permanently degrading a portion of the people, tended to establish contrasts of condition unknown in the previous ethnical periods; dazu, with property and official position – schuf sentiment of aristocracy, antagonistisch den democratical principles fostered by the gentes.
Im Upper Status of Barbarism, the office of chief in its different grades, originally hereditary in the gens and elective among its members, passed, very likely, unter Grecian u. Roman tribes von father to son as a rule. Aber keine evidence, dass so by hereditary right.|
29Die
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen blosse
possession jedoch der offices of archon, phylo-basileus
or
βασιλευς βασιλεύς
unter den Griechen, u. v. princeps u. rex
unter den
Römern, hatte Tendenz to strengthen in their
families the sentiment of aristocracy. Obgleich es permanent
existence gewann, nicht stark genug to change
essentially the democratic constitution of the early governments
of these tribes. [551]
Heutzutag, wo property so immense u. seine forms so diversified, it has become, on the part of
the people, an unmanageable power. »The human mind stands bewildered in the presence
of its own creation. The time will come, nevertheless, when human intelligence will rise to the mastery over property … A mere property career is not the final destiny of
mankind. The time which has passed away
since civilization began is but a fragment Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (u. zwar sehr
kleines) of the past duration of man’s
existence; and but a fragment of the ages yet to
come. The dissolution of society bids
fair to become the termination of a career of which property is
the end and aim; because such a career contains the elements of
self-destruction … It (a higher Bei Morgan, S.
552: plane
Schließen plan of society) Marx bezieht sich auf diesen Satz im Februar 1881 im ersten
Entwurf seines Briefs an Vera Ivanovna Zasulič (MEGA
I/25. S. 220). Engels zitiert den gesamten Absatz
(bei Morgan, S. 552) in deutscher Übersetzung, ohne die
Auslassungen und Ergänzungen von Marx, im „Ursprung“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 114).
Schließen
will be a revival, in a higher
form, of the liberty, equality and fraternity of the
ancient gentes
.« (552)
»With one principal principle of intelligence and one physical form, in virtue of a common origin, the results of human experience have been substantially the same in all times and areas in the same ethnical status.« (552)
Part II (Growth of the Idea of Government.) [p. 47]
Ch. I. Organization of Society upon the Basis of
sex.
Organization into male and female classes (also
organization upon the basis of sex) now found in full vitality
among the Australian aborigines. Low down in
savagery
community of husbands and Bei Morgan,
S. 49: wives
Schließen women
, within prescribed lines, was
the central principle of the social system: the marital rights (jura conjugialia) ⦗Romans
distinguish: connubium, related to marriage as a civil
institution, u. conjugium, the mere physical union) ⦘
established in the group. ⦗Emancipation von
diesen »rights« etc slowly accomplished durch movements resulting in unconscious reformations;
»worked out unconsciously through natural
selection«.⦘ [49, 50]
In Darling River District – north of Sydney – die
nachfolgende organization into classes on the basis
of sex and the inchoate organization into
gentes on the basis of kin unter den
Australian aborigines speaking the Kamilaroi language. Wide spread selbiges unter
other Australian tribes; evident from internal considerations, that the male u. female classes older than the
gentes, die, among the Kamilaroi, are in process of overthrowing the classes. The class in its male and female branches is the unit of the social system u. the central position, während
die
gentes inchoate u. advancing to completeness
through encroachments upon the former. Selbe Organization upon sex not yet been found under savage tribes
out of Australia, weil diese Bei Morgan, S. 51: islanders
Schließen insular savages
slowly developing in their secluded habitat, Bei
Morgan, S. 51: and the more archaic character of the
organization upon sex than that into gentes, suggests the
conjecture, that the former may have been universal in such
branches of the human family as afterwards possessed the gentile
organization.
Schließen die
most archaic (organized) form am
längsten erhalten haben.
[50, 51]
The Kamilaroi divided in 6 gentes, standing with relation to maritime marriage in 2 divisions:
| I) | 1) Iguana (Duli) | II) | 4) Emu (Dinoun) |
| 2) Kangaroo (Murriira). ⦗Padymelon, a species of Kangaroo⦘ | 5) Bandicoot (Bilba) | ||
| 3) Opossum (Mute) | 6) Blacksnake (Nurai) |
Ursprünglich die ersten 3 gentes not allowed to intermarriage with each [other], weil sie waren subdivisions of one original gens, durften aber marry into either of the other gentes u. vice versa. Dies nun modified unter den Kamilaroi, aber nicht so weit dass marriage erlaubt mit allen gentes ausser dem gens des individual. Absolute prohibition for males or females to marry into their own gens. Descent in female line, which assigns children to the line of their mother. These features of archaic form of gens.
Aber ausserdem existirt weitere u. ältere division des people in 8 classes, 4 exclusively of males u. 4t 4 exclusively of females. It is accompanied with a regulation in respect to marriage and descent which [obstructs] the gens (zeigt, dass deren organization later…[)] Marriage is restricted to a portion of the males of one gens with a portion of the females of another gens, während in entwickelter gentile organization members of each gens allowed to marry persons of the opposite sex in all the gentes except their own.|
30Die Klassen sind:
| Male | Female |
| 1) Ippai | 1) Ippata |
| 2) Kumbo | 2) Buta |
| 3) Murri | 3) Mata |
| 4) Kubbi | 4) Kapota |
Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen Alle Glieder, je einer der 4
männlichen Klassen, sind, of whatever gens
they may be, Brüder v. einander, so alle Ippais Brüder etc, weil alle supposed descended from a common female
ancestor.
Ebenso alle Glieder je einer der 4 weiblichen Klassen Schwestern v. einander for same reason
(descent from common mother), to whatever
gens they may belong.
Ferner all Ippais u. Ippatas Brüder u. Schwestern
von einander, ob sie nun children der same mother or
collateral consanguinei, Bei Morgan, S. 53: The Kumbos and Butas
are brothers and sisters; and so are the Murris and Matas, and
the Kubbis and Kapotas respectively. If an Ippai and
Ippata
Schließen ebenso
verhält es sich für die folgenden mit denselben numbers bezeichneten
Klassen. If a Kumbo u. Buta meet, die sich nie vorher gesehn, begrüssen
sie sich als Bruder u. Schwester. Die Kamilaroi sind also
organized in 4 great primary groups of brothers and
sisters, each group being composed of a male
and female branch, but intermingled over the
areas of their occupation. The classes embody the germ of gens, so far as z. B. Ippai u. Ippata in fact a single class
in 2 branches bilden u. not can intermarry with each
other; aber keine realisirte Gens, weil sie fall unter 2 names (wie Ippai u.
Ippata), each of which is integral for certain purposes, u. weil their children take different names from their
own. [51–53]
Die classes stand to each other in a different order with respect to right of marriage or rather cohabitation (since brothers and sister sisters are not allowed to intermarry), viz. so:
|
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 1) Ippai |
can marry |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 4) Kapota, |
and no other | Später – as shown hereafter, dies scheme so far modified, that each class of males gets right of intermarriage mit an additional class of females; dies encroachment von gens upon class. |
|
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 2) Kumbo |
" " |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 3) Mata |
" " | |
|
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 3) Murri |
" " |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 2) Buta |
" " | |
|
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 4) Kubbi |
" " |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 1) Ippata |
" " |
Each male in the selection of a wife so limited to ¼ of all the Kamilaroi wifes wives. Theoretisch jede Kapota the wife of
every Ippai. Quotes
Siehe L. Fison:
Australian aborigines. Appendices [zu Lewis H[enry] Morgan:
Australian kinship]. In: Proceedings of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences. Nr. 8. 1873.
S. 429–438.
Schließen
Rev. Fison
quotes von a letter of Mr. T. E. Lance
(der lange
in Australien gelebt): „if a Kubbi meets a stranger Ippata, the they address each other as Goleer =
Spouse … A Kubbi thus meeting an Ippata, even though she were of
another tribe, would treat her as his wife, and his right to do so would
be recognized by her tribe.“
Under this conjugal system ¼ aller males united in marriage mit ¼ aller females of the Kamilaroi tribes. [53, 54]
Während die Kinder blieben in gens ihrer Mutter, gingen sie über in eine andre Klasse, in selber gens, different from that of either parent.
| Male | Female | Male | Female | |||
|
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 1) Ippai marries |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 4) Kapota; |
their children are |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 3) Murri |
u. |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 3) Mata |
|
|
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 2) Kumbo |
" |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 3) Mata |
" " " |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 4) Kubbi |
u. |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 4) Kapota |
|
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 3) Murri " |
" " |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 2) Buta " " " |
" " " |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 1) Ippai |
u. |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 1) Ippata |
|
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 4) Kubbi |
" " |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 1) Ippata " " " |
" " " |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 2) Kumbo |
u. |
Nummerierung von Marx. Schließen 2) Buta. |
Folgt man der female line, so Kapota (4) ist die Mutter of Mata (3) u. Mata (5) ist hinwiederum die Mutter of Kapota; ebenso Buta (2) Mutter von Ippata (1) u. hinwiederum Ippata (1) die Mutter von Buta (2). Selbes mit male class; da aber descent in the female line, leiten sich die Kamilaroi tribes selbst ab von 2 supposed female ancestors, which laid the foundation for 2 original gentes. – By tracing the descents still further found that the blood of each class passes through all classes.
Obgleich jedes Individuum einen der oben erwähnten class names führt, so daneben the single personal name common among savages as well as barbarous tribes. [55]
The gentile organization supervened naturally upon the classes as a higher organization, by simply enfolding them unchanged, encroaches then upon them.|
31The classes are in pairs von brothers u. sisters derived from each other u. die gentes, vermittelst der classes, sind auch in pairs wie folgt:
| Gentes | Male | Female | Male | Female | ||||
| 1) Iguana | all are | Murri | u. | Mata | oder | Kubbi | und | Kapota |
| 2) Emu | " " | Kumbo | u. | Buta | oder | Ippai | u. | Ippata |
| 3) Kangaroo | " " | Murri | und | Mata | od. | Kubbi | u. | Kapota |
| 4) Bandicoot | " " | Kumbo | u. | Buta | oder | Ippai | u. | Ippata. |
| 5) Opossum | " " | Murri | u. | Mata | oder | Kubbi | u. | Kapota |
| 6) Blacksnake | " " | Kumbo | u. | Buta | od. | Ippai | u. | Ippata |
The connection of children with a particular gens is proven by the law of marriage. So Iguana-Mata must marry Kumbo; her children are Kubbi u. Kapota, u. nothwendig Iguana in gens, because descent in the female line. Iguana-Kapota must marry Ippai, her children are Murri u. Mata u. ditto Iguana in gens. So Emu-Ippata must marry Kubbi, her children are Kumbo u. Buta u. of the Emu gens. So die gens maintained by keeping in its membership the children of all its female members. Ebenso mit den remaining gentes. Each gens is made up theoretically of 2 supposed female ancestors, and contains 4 of the 8 classes. Wahrscheinlich ursprünglich nur 2 male u. 2 female classes, set opposite to each other in respect to the right of marriage; and that the 4 afterward subdivided into 8. The classes evidently as an anterior organization nachher arranged within the gentes, not formed by the subdivision of the gentes.
Da die Iguana, Kangaroo u. Opossum gentes are counterparts to each other in the classes they contain, so subdivisions of an original gens; ebenso andrerseits Emu, Bandicoot u. Blacksnake; so 2 original gentes mit dem right in each to marry into the other, but not in itself. Dies confirmed durch das fact, dass 1), 3), 5) originally nicht intermarry durften unter einander, ebensowenig wie 2), 4), 6). When the three were one gens intermarriage unter ihnen verboten; dies followed the subdivisions, because they were of the same descent, although under different gentile names. Dasselbe exact gefunden bei den Seneca-Iroquois. [55–57]
Da marriage restricted to particular classes, when there were but 2 gentes, one half of all the females of one were the wives of one half of all the females males of the other. After their subdivision into 6 the benefit of marrying out of the gens was neutralized by the presence of the classes mit ihren restrictions; hence continuous in-and-in marriages, beyond the immediate degree of brother and sister.
z. B. descents of Ippai u. Kapota giving to each intermediate pair 2 children, a male and a female, dann:
1) Ippai marries Kapota; their children Murri u. Mata. Die letztern 2 können nicht einander heirathen.
2) Murri marries Buta … their children: Ippai u. Ippata;
Mata
marries Kumbo … their children: Kubbi u.
Kapota;
3) Ippai marries his cousin Kapota u. Kubbi marries his cousin Ippata; their children are respectively Murri u. Mata u. Kumbo u. Buta; von diesen die Murris marry the Butas, second cousins, etc. In this condition the classes not only intermarry constantly, but are compelled to do so through this organization upon sex. – The organization into classes seems to have been directed to the single object of breaking up the intermarriage of brothers and sisters. – Innovation: allowing each triad of gentes to intermarry with each other, to a limited extent; and secondly, to marry into classes, not before permitted[.] So Iguana-Murri can now marry Mata in the Kangaroo gens, his collateral sister etc. Each |32 class of males in each triad of gentes seems now to be allowed one additional class of females in the 2 remaining gentes of the same triad, from which they were before excluded. [57, 58]
Wherever the middle or lower Bei Morgan, S.
59: stratum
Schließen statum of savagery is uncovered, marriages of entire groups under usages defining
the groups, have been discovered … the necessities of their condition
would set a practical limit to the size of the group living together
under this custom.
[59]
»Cases of physical and mental deterioration in tribes and nations must be admitted, for reasons which are known, but they never interrupted the general progress of mankind … The arts by which savages maintain their lives are remarkably persistent. They are never lost until superseded by others higher in degree. By the practice of these arts, and the experience gained through social organizations, mankind have advanced under a necessary law of development, although their progress may have been substantially imperceptible for centuries … tribes and nations have perished through the disruption of their ethnic life.« (p. 60) Among other tribes (non-Australian) the gens seems to have advanced in proportion to the curtailment of the conjugal system. [60]
»We have the same brain, perpetuated by reproduction,
which worked in the skulls of barbarians and savages in by-gone
ages; and it has come down to us ladened and
saturated with the thoughts, aspirations and passions, with
which it was busied though through the intermediate periods. It is the same brain grown older and
larger with the experiences of the ages … Outcrops of barbarism Bei Morgan, S. 61: some of the
excrescences of modern civilization, such as Mormonism, are seen
to be relics of the old savagism not yet eradicated from the
human brain. – Morgan dürfte sich besonders auf die von den
Mormonen damals gelehrte und praktizierte Polygamie
beziehen.
Schließen (wie z. B. Mormonism) are so many revelations of its ancient
proclivities … a species of mental
avatism
atavism
.« (61)
P. II Ch. II The Iroquois Gens.
Aelteste organization – social, founded upon gentes, phratries, tribes; so gentile society created, wo government dealt with persons through their relations to a gens or tribe. These relations purely personal. Kömmt nachher a political organization, founded upon territory u. property; hier government deals with persons through their relations to territory, wie z. B. the township, the county, and the state. (62)
Gentile Organization found in Asia, Europe, Africa, America, Australia; dauert bis political society, die erst mit der Civilization eintritt. Irish Sept, Scottish Clan, die phrara der Albanians, ganas des Sanscrit etc selbes was American Indian gens.
Gens, γένος u. ganas (lat. gr. Sansk.) bedeuten alike kin; enthalten dasselbe Element as gigno, γίγνομαι, ganamai (beget alle 3); implying an immediate common descent of the members of a gens. A gens daher a body of consanguinei. Descended from the same common ancestor, distinguished by a gentile name, and bound together by affinities of blood. It includes a moyety moiety only of such descendants; wo descent in female line, wie überall in archaic period, gens zusammengesetzt of a supposed female ancestor and her children, with the children of her female descendants, through females, in perpetuity; umgekehrt, wo descent in the male line, into which the female line was changed after the appearance of property in masses. Der moderne Familienname ist selbst a survival of the gentile name, with descent in the male line. The modern family, as expressed by its name, is an unorganized gens; with the bond of kind kin broken, and its members as widely dispersed as the family name is found. Final form of gens enthält two changes: 1) change from female to male line of descent; 2) change of the inheritance of the property of a deceased member from his gentiles to his agnatic kindred u. finally to his children. [62–64]
Gens in its archaic form now exists among the American aborigines. [65]
Wo gentile institutions prevailed – and prior to
the establishment of political society – we find peoples or nations in gentile societies, and nothing beyond.
»The state did not exist.« (p. 67) As the
gens, the unit of organization, was essentially democratical, so necessarily the phratry composed of gentes, the tribe composed of phratries, and the gentile
society formed by the confederation or Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Morgan,
S. 66.
Schließen (was höhere Form)
coalescencing coalescing of tribes. ⦗ Zusatz von Marx. Siehe das
Inhaltsverzeichnis von Kapitel XII am Anfang von Morgans Buch,
S. XIII.
Schließen wie
die
3 röm. in Rom, the 4 tribes of the
Athenians in Attica, the 3 Dorian
tribes in Sparta, all of them on some common
territory⦘ [66, 67]
In der archaic form der gens die children einer Frau gehören zu ihrer gens; ebenso die children ihrer Töchter, Grosstöchter etc aber die children ihrer Söhne, deren Grosssöhne etc belong to other gentes, nämlich denen ihrer Mütter. In the Middle Status of Barbarism (mit Syndyasmian family) began die Indian tribes to change the female line to the male; selbes im Upper Status of Barbarism bei Greek tribes (except the Lycians), u. den Italian tribes (except the Etruskans). [67, 68] |
33Intermarriage in Gens prohibited. Die Gensinstitution beginnt nothwendig mit 2 gentes; the males and females of one gens marrying the females and males of the other; the children, following the gentes of their respective mothers, would be divided between them. Resting on the bond of kin as its cohesive principle, gens verleiht jedem individual member that personal protection which no other existing power could give. [69]
Gentes of the Iroquois taken as standard exemplification in der Ganowánian family. When discovered the Iroquois in the lower status of barbarism; manufactured nets twine and rope from filaments of bark; wove belts and burden straps, with warp and woof, vom selben Material; machten earthern vessels u. pipes von clay mixed with siliceous materials u. hardened by fire, some of them ornamented mit rude medallions; cultivated maize, beans, squashes u. tobacco in garden beds, made unleavened bread von pounded maize which they boiled in earthern vessels (these loaves or cakes about 6 inches in diameter u. an inch thick); tanned skins into leather with which they manufactured kilts, leggins u. moccasins; used bow and arrow and warclub als Hauptwaffen; used flint, stone u. bone implements, wore skin garments, were expert hunters u. fishermen. Constructed long joint-tenement houses large enough to accommodate 5, 10, 20 families u. each household practised communism in living; were unacquainted mit the use of stone or adobe-brick in house architecture u. mit dem use der native metals. In mental capacity u. general advancement waren they der representative branch der Indian family north of New Mexico. Military „their career was simply terrific. They were the scourge of God upon the aborigines of the Continent.“ [69, 70]
In lapse of time number u. names der respective gentes have slightly varied, their largest number being 8.
| I) Senecas: |
1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7) Heron. 8) Hawk. |
| II) Cayugas: |
1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7) Eel. 8) Hawk. |
| III) Onondagas: |
1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Deer. 6) Snipe. 7) Eel. 8) Ball. |
| IV) Oneidas. | 1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. |
| V) Mohawks. | 1) Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Turtle. |
| VI) Tuscaroras. |
1) Gray Wolf. 2) Bear. 3) Great Turtle. 4) Beaver. 5) Yellow Wolf. 6) Snipe. 7) Eel. 8) Little Turtle. |
Die Changes zeigen, dass certain gentes in some of the tribes became extinct u. dass andre formed by segmentation of overfull gentes. [70]
Das jus gentilicium besteht [in]:
1) The right der gens of electing its sachem und chiefs.
Fast bei allen American Indian tribes 2 grades of chiefs, sachem u. common chiefs; von diesen 2 primary grades all other grades were varieties; elected in each gens from among its members, a son could not be elected to succeed his father, wo descent in the female line, weil er belonged to a different gens. Office of Sachem hereditary in the gens, insofern it was filled so oft als a vacancy occurred; office of chief non-hereditary, weil bestowed in reward of personal merit u. died with the individual. Duties of Sachem confined to peace, konnte nicht in Krieg ziehn as a Sachem. The chiefs, raised to office for personal bravery, wisdom in affairs, or for eloquence in council, gewöhnlich die superior class in ability, aber nicht in authority over the gens. The relation des Sachem was primarily to the Gens, wovon er the official head; die des Chief primarily to the tribe, – von dessen council er wie der Sachem members. [71, 72]
The office of Sachem älter als gens, gehört ebenso zu punaluan group or even the anterior horde. In the gens the duties of this office paternal; in the gens elective among its male members. Dem Indian system of consanguinity entsprechend office of Sachem passed von brother zu brother, or from uncle to nephew u. sehr selten von grandfather to grandson. The choice, by free suffrage of both males and females of adult ages, fiel gewöhnlich auf einen Bruder des deceased Sachem od. einen der Söhne einer Schwester; sein eigner Bruder od. der Sohn einer eignen Schwester meist preferred. Zwischen several brothers, own or collateral, on the one hand u. den sons of several sisters, own or collateral, on the other, no priority of right, da alle male members der gens equally eligible.
Hatte die
gens einen gewählt (Sachem) (unter den Seneca-Iroquois z. B.), so noch
erfordert assent der 7 remaining gentes. These met for the purpose by
phratries; wenn sie die Wahl to confirm verweigerten, musste
die gens neu wählen; wurde er accepted, so election complete;
aber der neue Sachem musste still »be
raised up« (i.e. invested with his office),
durch a council of the confederacy,
before he could enter upon Bei Morgan, S. 73: its
duties
Schließen his
duty; it was their method of conferring the imperium.|
Der Sachem of a gens was ex officio a member of the council of the tribe, and of the higher council of the confederacy. Selbe Method of election u. confirmation for the office of a chief; aber a general council never convened to raise up chiefs below the grade of a sachem; they awaited the time when sachems were elected. [72, 73]
Chiefs in each gens usually proportioned to the number of its members; unter den Seneca-Iroquois 1 chief for about every 50 persons; der Seneca nun in New York einige 3000, haben 8 Sachems u. about 60 chiefs; the proportionate number jetzt grösser als früher. Anzahl der gentes in a tribe meist entsprechend der Bevölkerungszahl des tribe; die Zahl der gentes varies in different tribes von 3 unter Delawares u. Munsees to über 20 unter Ojibwas u. Creeks; 6, 8, 10 waren gewöhnliche Anzahlen. [73]
2) Recht Sachems u. Chiefs abzusetzen.
Dies Recht reserved by the members of the gens; office nominally »for life«, tenure practically »during good behaviour«. Die installation eines Sachem hiess: „putting on the horns“, seine Absetzung „taking off the horns“. Sobald ein Sachem od. chief in due form abgesetzt durch gens, war er von nun Privatperson. Council of the tribe konnte auch Sachems u. chiefs absetzen, ohne zu warten auf action der gens, and even against its wishes. [74]
3) Obligation not to marry in the gens.
Diese rule noch inflexible bei den Iroquois. – Bei Entstehung der gens brothers were intermarried to each other’s wives in a group, and sisters to each other’s husbands in a group; gens sought to exclude brothers and sisters from the marriage relation by prohibiting to marry in the gens. [74, 75]
4) Mutual rights of inheritance of the property of deceased members der gens.
Im Status of Savagery property beschränkt auf personal effects; im Lower Status of Barbarism kamen noch hinzu possessory rights in joint-tenement houses u. gardens. The most valuable personal articles buried mit body des deceased owner.
Im übrigen: property to remain in the gens and to be distributed among the gentiles des deceased owner. Dies theoretisch noch rule bei den Iroquois; praktisch the effects einer deceased person appropriated by his nearest relations within the gens. In case of a male his own brothers and sisters and maternal uncle uncles divided his effects amongst each other; in the case of a female her property inherited by her children u. her sisters, to the exclusion of her brothers. In beiden Fällen blieb property in gens. Deshalb nahm husband nichts von wife u. vice versa. These mutual rights of inheritance strengthened the autonomy of the gens. [75, 76]
5) Reciprocal obligations of help, defense, and redress of injuries.
Individual depended for security upon his gens; bond of kin powerful
element for mutual support; to wrong a person was to wrong his gens.
Herrera: „History of
America“
erzählt von den
Mayas of Yukatan: wo satisfaction to be made for
damages, if he [who was] adjudged to pay
was like to be reduced to poverty, the kindred Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(gens)
contributed;
selbe sagt v. Florida
Indians: Stirbt ein Bruder od. Sohn, so verhungern eher the
people of the house than seek anything to eat during 3 months, aber
kindred u. relations send it all in.
Persons,
removing von one village to an other another
, could not transfer their
possessory right to cultivated lands or to
a section of a joint-tenement house to a stranger; must leave them
to his gentile kindred. Herrera refers to this usage under the
Indian tribes of Nicaragua.
Garcilasso de la Vega ⦗ Royal Commentaries Lond. ed. 1688, Rycaut’s Trans. p. 107⦘ bemerkt über die tribes der Peruvian Andes, dass „when the commonalty, or ordinary sort, married, the communities ( = gentes) of the people were obliged to build and provide them houses.“
The ancient practice of blood revenge … had its
birthplace in the gens. Tribunals for the trial of criminals
and laws prescribing their punishment, came late into existence in
gentile society. Unter den
Iroquois and other Indian
tribes generally, the obligation to avenge
the murder of a kinsman universally recognized. Vorher Beilegungsversuch zwischen gens of the slayer u. gens
des slayed slain
; a council of the members of each
gens held separetely, propositions made on behalf of the
murderer for a condonation of the act meist in Form of expression of
regret u. presents of considerable value; Zusammenfassung von
Marx.
Schließen zog
das alles nicht
,
weil gentile kindred der slain person implacable, so ernannte die gens
(des slain) unter ihren members one or more
avengers, die den criminal to
pursue, until discovered, and then to slay him wherever he might be
found. If they did so, this no ground of complaint by any member of the
gens of the victim. [76–78]
|35 6) The right of bestowing names upon the members of the gens.
Unter savage u. barbaric tribes there is no name for the family. The personal names von individuals derselben family indicate no family connection between them. ⦗family name ist nicht älter als die Civilization⦘ Indian personal names, however, usually indicate the gens of the individual to persons of other gentes in the same tribe. As a rule each gens had names for persons that were its special property, and, as such, could not be used by other gentes of the same tribe. A gentile name conferred of itself gentile rights.
After birth of the child his mother selected for him a name, not in use, belonging to the gens, with the concurrence of her nearest relatives. The child not fully christened until its birth u. the name of its father, had been announced at the next ensuing council of the tribe. Bei Tod einer Person, konnte deren Namen Name nicht wieder used werden in the life-time of his oldest surviving son, without the consent of the latter. ⦗Dies wie alles particulare, wenn nicht direct Gegentheil gesagt, gilt von den Iroquois⦘
Zwei classes of names in use, one adapted to childhood, the other to adult life; one „being taken away“ (ihre expression) u. der andre „bestowed“. Im Alter v. 16 od. 18 der erste Name weggenommen, usually durch a chief der gens u. einer der 2ten Klasse statt dessen gegeben. At the next council of the tribe the change of names was publicly announced, after which the person, if a male, assumed the duties of manhood. In some Indian tribes the youth was required to go out upon the war-path and earn his second name by some act of personal bravery. After a severe illness nicht ungewöhnlich for a person, from superstitious considerations, to solicit and obtain a second change of name. When a person was elected a Sachem od. a chief, his name was taken away, and a new one conferred at the time of his installation.
Das Individual had no control over the question of a change; was prerogative der female relatives u. der chiefs; but an adult person might change his name provided he could induce a chief to announce it in council. A person having the control of a particular name, wie der eldest son of that of his deceased father, might lend it to a friend in another gens; but after the death of the person thus bearing it the name reverted to the gens to which it belonged. The names jetzt in use unter den Iroquois u. andern Indian tribes meist ancient names handed down in the gentes from time immemorial.
In familiar intercourse u. formal salutation the American Indians address
each other by the term of relationship the
person spoken to sustains to the speaker. When related they salute by kin; wenn nicht, they substitute „my friend“. Gälte für lümmelhaft to address an Indian by his personal name, or to
inquire his name directly from
himself. Bei Morgan, S. 80: Our Saxon
ancestors
Schließen
Anglo-Saxons Saxon ancestors der »English« hatten bis Norman
Conquest nur single personal names, no name
to designate the family. Zeigt an späte
Erscheinung der Monogamie; u. Existenz in
früherer Periode von a Saxon gens.
[78–80]
7) The right of adopting strangers into the gens.
Captives taken in war either put to death, or adopted into some gens;
Bei Morgan, S. 80: Women and children
taken prisoners usually experienced clemency in this
form
Schließen letztres mit women u.
children, taken prisoners, usual. Adoption not only conferred gentile rights, sondern auch
die
nationality of the tribe.
The person adopting a captive placed him or her in the relation of a brother or a sister; if a mother adopted, in that of a son or a daughter; and ever afterwards threated treated the person in all respects as though born in that relation.
Slavery, which in the Upper Status of Barbarism became the fate of the captive, was unknown among tribes in the Lower Status in the aboriginal period. Captives when adopted were often assigned in the family the places of deceased persons slain in battle, in order to fill up the broken ranks of relatives. Ausnahmsweise declining gens so replenished, z. B. at certain time die Hawk gens der Senecas so much thinned, dass dem Erlöschen nah; to save the gens, a number of persons from the Wolf gens by mutual consent were transferred in a body by adoption to that of of the Hawk. Das Adoptionsrecht left to the discretion of each gens. Unter den Iroquois die Adoptionsceremonie performed at a public council of the tribe, wodurch turned practically in a religious right rite. [80, 81]
8) Religious Bei Morgan, S. 81: Religious rites
in the gens. Query.
Schließen
rights rites
in the
Gens?
Kann kaum gesagt werden, dass any Indian gens had special religious rites; aber their religious worship [had] mehr od. minder direct connection with the gentes; religious ideas germinated u. forms of worship instituted in gens, expanded from the gens over the |36 tribe, statt special to remain to the gens. So bei den Iroquois 6 annual religious festivals ⦗Maple, Planting, Berry, Green-Corn, Harvest u. New Year’s Festivals⦘ common to all the gentes united in a tribe, observed at stated seasons of the year.
Jede gens furnished a number of „Keepers of the Faith“, male and female, charged mit celebration jener festivals; conducted in selben die ceremonies zus. mit den Sachems u. Chiefs der Tribes who, ex officio [,] „Keepers of the Faith“. With no official head, none of the marks of a priesthood, their functions equal. Die „female keepers of the faith“ bes. charged mit preparation of the feast, provided at all councils at the close of each day for all persons in attendance; was a dinner in common. – Their worship was one of thanksgiving, with invocations des Great Spirit u. der Lesser Spirits to continue to them the blessings of life. (Cf. Morgan’s: League of the Iroquois , p. 182) [81, 82]
9) A common burial place.
Ancient – aber nicht exclusive – mode of burial:
by scaffolding the body until the flesh had
wasted, danach die
bones collected u. preserved in bark barrels in a house constructed for their
reception; die belonging zur selben gens usually placed in the
same house. Rev. Dr Cyrus
Byington
found these practices unter
den
Choctas, 1827; so sagt
Adair
⦗
Hist. of the Americ. Indians
, p. 183⦘ von
den
Cherokees: „I saw three of them, in one of their
towns pretty near each other … Each house contained the bones of one
tribe separately, with the hieroglyphical figures of each family (gens) on each of the
oddshaped arks.“ Die Iroquois
in ancient times used scaffolds u. preserved the bones of deceased relatives in bark barrels, often keeping them in
the house they occupied. They also buried in
the ground; im letztern Fall die same gens not always buried
locally together, unless they had a common cemetery for the village. So bei Morgan, S. 83. Soll sein: Asher
Wright.
Schließen
Rev. Ashur Wright
, a missionary among the Senecas, wrote to Morgan:
„I find no trace of the influence of clanship in the burial places of
the dead … buried promiscuously … they say that
formerly the members of the different clans more frequently resided
together than they do at present time. As one family they were more
under the influence of family feeling, and had less of
individual interest.“
At the Tuscarora reservation (near Lewiston), obgleich die Tuscaroras now »Christians«, hat tribe one common cemetery, aber die individuals of the same gens – of Beaver, Bear, Gray Wolf – etc [–] are buried in a row by themselves. Dort husbands u. wives separated u. buried in separate rows; ebenso fathers u. their children; aber found in the same row mothers and their children u. brothers u. sisters.
Unter den Iroquois u. andern Indian tribes in same status of advancement, bei dem funeral of a deseased gentilis, all the members of the gens are mourners; die addresses at the funeral, the preparation of the grave, u. the burial of the body were performed by members of other gentes.
Die
Village Indians v. Mexico u. Central America,
practiced a Bei Morgan, S. 84: slovenly
Schließen
slow
cremation ⦗confined to chief and principal men⦘, ebenso
scaffolding u. burying in the ground. [83,
84]
10) A Council of the Gens.
The Council – instrument of government u. supreme authority über gens, tribe, confederacy. Ordinary affairs adjusted durch die chiefs; those of general interest submitted to the determination of the council u. der council sprang from the gentile organization – the Council of Chiefs; its history, gentil, tribal, u. confederate, bis political society intervened, changing Council in Senat.
Simplest u. lowest form of the Council – that of the Gens; a democratic assembly, wo every adult male u. female member had a voice upon all questions brought before it; it elected u. deposed its sachems u. chiefs, ditto „Keepers of the Faith“, it condoned or avenged the murder of a gentilis, it adopted persons into the gens. It was the germ of the higher council of the tribe, and of that still higher of the confederacy, each of which was composed exclusively of chiefs as representatives of the gentes.|
37So dies bei Iroquois u. selbe Rechte der gentes der Grecian u. Latin tribes ⦗save Punkt 1, 2, 6, deren ancient existence doch presumirt werden muss⦘. [84, 85]
All the members of an Iroquois gens personally free, bound to defend each other’s freedom; equal in privileges u. personal rights; Sachem u. chiefs claiming no superiority; a brotherhood bound together by the ties of kin. Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, though never formulated, were cardinal principles der Gens u. diese die unit of a social u. governmental system, the foundation, worauf Indian society organized. Erklärt sense of independence u. personal dignity universally an attribute of Indian character.
Zur Zeit der europäischen Entdeckung waren die American Indian tribes generally organized into gentes, with descent in the female line; in einigen Tribes, wie den Dacotas, the gentes had fallen out; in andern, wie unter Ojibwas, den Omahas u. Mayas of Yucatan, descent has changed from female to male line. Throughout aboriginal America die gens nahm ihren Namen von some animal, or inanimate object, never from a person; in this early condition of society, the individuality of persons was lost in the gens; die gentes der Grecian u. Latin tribes in der relativ späten Periode wo sie under historical notice kommen, were (bereits) named after persons. In einigen der tribes, wie bei Moqui Village Indians of New Mexico, the members of the gens claimed their descent from the animal whose name they bore – their remote ancestors having been transformed by the Great Spirit von animal into human form.
| Personenzahl der gentes varied: | 3000 Senecas divided equally | unter 8 gentes, | would give an average v. | 375 persons per gens. |
| 15,000 Ojibwas divided | unter 23 gentes | 650 persons per gens. | ||
| Cherokees | would average | more than 1000 to a gens. |
In der present condition der Haupt Indian tribes Personenzahl in jeder gens would range v. 100 to 1000.
Except the Polynesian, every family of mankind seems to have come under the Gentile organization. [85–87]
Pt. II. Ch. III. The Iroquois Phratry.
The phratry (φρατρία) a brotherhood, a natural growth from the organization into gentes; an organic union or association of 2 or more gentes of the same tribe for certain common objects. These gentes were usually such as had been formed by the segmentation of an original gens.
Unter den Grecian gentes phratry nearly as constant as the gens; jeder der 4 tribes der Athenians organized in 3 phratries, each composed of 30 gentes; also 4 tribes = 12 phratries = 360 gentes, od. 4 tribes = 4 × 3 phratries = 4 × 3 × 30 gentes. Solch numerisch symmetrische Organisation beweist, dass später [mit] Gesetz herumgearbeitet an der gegebnen division Division v. tribes in phratries u. phratries in gentes. All the gentes of a tribe – as a rule – of common descent u. bearing a common tribal name. The phratric organization had a natural foundation in the immediate kinship of certain gentes as subdivisions of an original gens u. auf dieser basis auch die Grecian phratry originally formed. Das spätere legislative numerical adjustment der Athenian tribes in phratries u. gentes erheischte nur incorporation of alien gentes u. transfer by consent or constraint.
Von den
functions der Grecian phratry wenig
bekannt: observance of special religious rites;
condonation or revenge of the murder of a phratror phrator
; purification of a murderer
er penalty of his crime escaped preparatory to his restoration to
society. (
Und welche Weihflut seiner Zunft empfängt
ihn wol? (Übers. Johann Heinich Voß.)
Schließen
»ποία δὲ χέρνιψ φρατέρων προσδέξεται«
(Aeschylus, Eumenides, v. 656)
[
)
] In Athen überlebte
diese institution die Errichtung of political society
unter Cleisthenes
; his its function: to look after the registration of
citizens; wurde so guardian of
descents u. of the evidence of citizenship. The wife upon her marriage was enrolled in the phratry of her husband
u. die children der marriage were enrolled in the gens and phratry of their
father. The phratry had still the duty to
prosecute the murderer of a phrator in the courts
of justice. Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen (veränderte Form der
Blutrache!) Wären alle details known, we would probably
find the phratry connected mit the common tables, the
public games, the funerals of distinguished men, the earliest army organzition organization
, and the proceedings of
councils, as well as in observance of
religious rites and the guardianship of social privileges.|
Analogue of Greek phratry – the Roman curia. In die
griechische Sprache übersetzt wären diese Begriffe „Phyle“
[„Stammesgemeinschaft“] und „Trittys“ [„Drittel“] für Tribous und „Phratre“
[„Brudergemeinschaft“] und „Lochos“ [„Abteilung“] für Kourie (Übers. Nicolas
Wiater.)
Schließen
»εἴη δ’ ἂν Ἑλλάδι γλώττῃ τὰ ὀνόματα ταῦτα
μεθερμηνευόμενα φυλὴ μὲν καὶ τριττὺς ἡ τρίβους, φράτρα δὲ
καὶ λόχος ἡ κουρία«
(Dionys. l. II, c. VII; cf. l. II,
c. 13)
Jede curia = 10 gentes [und 10 curiae] in each of the 3 Roman tribes, making 30 curiae u. 300 gentes; the curia entered directly into the [functions of] government. The assembly of the gentes – comitia curiata – voted by curiae, each having one collective vote. This assembly the sovereign power of the Roman people down to Servius Tullius . [88–90]
Bei Morgan,
S. 90: The phratry existed in a large number of the tribes of
the American aborigines, where it is seen to arise by natural
growth, and to stand as the second member of the organic
series
Schließen Of organic growth the
phratry der American aborigines, wo sie existirte under large
number of tribes; had no governmental
functions, wie gens, tribe,
confederacy; certain social functions,
namentlich wichtig when the tribe was
large. It presents the phratry in its
archaic form and in its archaic
functions.
| Ist) Phratry. | Gentes: | 1) Bear. | 2) Wolf. | 3) Beaver. | 4) Turtle. |
| IInd) Phratry. | Gentes. | 5) Deer. | 6) Snipe. | 7) Heron. | 8) Hawk. |
De-ă-non-dă’-a-yoh (Phratry) bedeutet brotherhood. The gentes
in the same phratry are brother gentes to each other, and cousin-gentes to those of the other phratry; die
Senecas brauchen diese Ausdrücke when speaking
of gentes in relation to the phratries. Originally
marriage not allowed unter den members der same
phratry, aber die Members je einer phratry konnten heirathen
into any gens of the other. Dies Verbot
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (die Heirath unter Gliedern derselben
Phratry) zeigt, dass die
gentes of each phratry were subdivisions of an
original gens, u. das Verbot to marry into one’s own
gens had followed to its subdivisions. Diese
Restriction war seit lang verschwunden, ausser mit Bezug auf marriage eines Individuums in seiner
eignen gens. Tradition der Senecas, dass
die
Bär u. the Deer
die original gentes, von denen die andern
subdivisions. Also: natural foundation der
phratry – the kinship of the gentes of which it was composed.
After their subdivision from increase of numbers
there was a natural tendency to their reunion in a
higher organization for objects common to them all. Dieselben gentes nicht für immer constant in a phratry: wenn das
equilibrium in their respective numbers disturbed, transfers of particular gentes from one phratry to the other
occurred.
Mit increase of numbers in a gens, followed by local separation of its members, segmentation occurred, and the seceding portion adopted a new gentile name. Aber tradition of their former unity remained u. became the basis of their reorganization in a phratry. [90, 91]
| Ist Phratry. | Gentes. | 1) Bear. | 2) Wolf. | 3) Turtle. | 4) Snipe. | 5) Eeel Eel. |
| IInd Phratry. | Gentes. | 6) Deer. | 7) Beaver. | 8) Hawk. |
Seven of these gentes selbe wie die der Senecas;
the Heron gens verschwunden;
Eeel
Eel
takes it its place, but transferred to the other side. Bei Morgan, S. 91: The Beaver and the
Turtle
Schließen The Snipe u. Beaver
gentes also have exchanged fratries phratries. Die
Cayugas nennen auch die
gentes der same phratry »brother gentes«, die
der opposite phratry »cousin gentes[«]
. [91]
| Ist Phratry. | Gentes: | 1) Wolf. | 2) Turtle. | 3) Snipe. | 4) Beaver. | 5) Ball. |
| 1nd IInd Phratry. | Gentes. | 6) Deer. | 7) Eeel Eel. | 8) Bear. |
Hawk (bei den Cayugas) ersetzt durch Ball bei den Onondagas. Composition der Phratries different von der der Senecas. 3 der gentes in der 1st phratry selbe, aber Bear gens now found mit Deer.
Die Onondagas have no Hawk, the Senecas no Eel gens, aber fraternize when they meet, as connected with each other. [91, 92]
Die
Mohawks u. Oneidas haben nur 3 gentes: 1) Bear
. ; 2) Wolf; 3) Turtle; no phratries. Zur Zeit der Bildung der Confederation seven of the
8 Seneca gentes existed in the several tribes, as
shown by the establishment of Sachemships in them; but the Mohawk u. Oneidas had
only the 3 named; they had then lost an entire
phratry, and one gens of that remaining – if
Die Ausrufezeichen von
Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 92: it is assumed
Schließen (!) it is supposed
(!) that the original tribes were once composed
|39
of the same gentes.
When a tribe organized in gentes u. phratries subdivides, it might occur on the line of the phratric organization. Obgleich die members of a tribe intermingled throughout by marriage, each gens in a phratry is composed of females with their children and descendants through females, who formed the body of the phratry. Would incline to remain locally together, and thus might become detached in a body. Die male members of the gens married to women of other gentes and remaining with their wives would not affect the gens since the children of the males do not belong to its connexion. The gentes and phratries can be followed through every tribe. [92]
The Tuscarora-Iroquois wurden detachirt vom main stock in unbekannter Periode der Vergangenheit, bewohnten die Neuse-river region von North Carolina zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung. Um 1712 verjagt aus dieser Area, removed to the country der Iroquois, were admitted in die Confederacy as 6th member.
| Ist Phratry. | Gentes. | 1) Bear. | 2) Beaver. | 3) Great Turtle. | 4) Eel |
| II Phratry. | Gentes. | 5) Gray Wolf. | 6) Yellow Wolf. | 7) Little Turtle. | 8)Snipe. |
Haben 6 gentes in common with Cayugas u. Onondagas, 5 mit Senecas, 3
mit Mohawks u. Oneidas.
The Deer Gens, die sie einst besassen, extinct
in modern times. Wolf gens now divided in 2, Gray u. Yellow; ebenso
Turtle Gens verdoppelt in Great u. Little. 3 of the gentes in
the first phratry the same with 3 in the 1st phratry der Senecas u. Cayugas, Bei
Morgan, S. 93: with the exception that the Wolf gens is double –
Da zwar eine „Wolf gens“ bei den Tuscarora doppelt vorkam, aber
in ihrer zweiten Phratrie, schloss Marx offenbar, dass Morgan,
der sich auf die erste Phratrie bezog, die ebenfalls doppelt,
einmal in der ersten und einmal in der zweiten Phratrie
vorkommende „Turtle gens“ gemeint haben müsse.
Schließen nur die
Wolf
Turtle
gens double. Da
several 100 years zwischen separation der Tuscarora von u. return zu
ihren congeners, Beweis of permanence in the
existence of a gens. Wie bei den andern tribes,
die
gentes in der same phratry called brother gentes, die in the other cousin gentes. [92, 93]
Differences in the composition der Phratries
zeigen ihre modification to meet changes of condition, (die die sie bildenden
gentes befielen, wie Entvölkerung einiger, od. extinction etc)
to preserve some degree of Bei Morgan,
S. 93: equality
Schließen equilibrium in the number of phrators in each.
Phratric organization unter Iroquois von
unvordenklicher Zeit, älter als the confederacy,
established über 400 4 centuries ago. Im Ganzen die difference in
their composition as to gentes small, beweist permanence der Phratry
sowohl als der gens. Die
Iroquois tribes hatten 38 gentes u. in 4 of the tribes a total of 8 phratries.
[93, 94]
Unter den Iroquois die Phratry theils für social theils für religious objects.
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 1)
Games, gewöhnlich bei tribal
u. confederate councils. z. B. in ballgame der Senecas they play by phratries, eine gegen die
andre, u.
bet against each other upon the result of the
game. Each phratry puts forwards its best players etc. Befor Before das Spiel beginnt, articles of
personal property are hazarded upon the results durch
members der opposite phratries, are deposited with
keepers to abide the event.
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 2)
At a council of the tribe the sachems and chiefs
in each phratry usually seated on opposite
sides of an imaginary
Council-fire u. the speakers addressed the 2 opposite bodies as
the representatives of the phratries.
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 3) Wenn murder committed erst council der
gens des slain, dann council der gens
des Mörders; aber gens of the criminal calls oft on die other
gentes of their phratry (when the slayer u. the
slayed belonged to opposite phratries), to unite with them to
obtain a condonation of the crime. Dann hielt diese Phratry ein council u. addressed itself hierauf an
die
andre Phratry to which it sent a delegation with a belt of white wampum asking for a council
of the phratry u. an adjustment of the crime. They offered reparation to
the family u. gens des murdered in expressions of regret u. presents of value. Negotiations between the
2 councils, bis affirmative or negative Entscheidung erreicht.
Influence einer phratry grösser als die einer gens u. by calling into
action die opposite phratry condonation
wahrscheinlicher, namentlich bei extenuating circumstances. Darum Grecian phratry (vor Civilization) übernahm main
management of cases of murder u. also of purification des murderer wenn
he escaped punishment; hence, nach
Errichtung
der
polit. society, nimmt phratry die
duty of prosecuting the murderer in the courts
of justice. [94, 95]
|
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 4)
At funerals of persons of recognized importance –
conspicuous functions der phratries (p. 95, 96). ⦗In
the case of a defunct Sachem, the opposite phratry, not his own, sent immediately
after the funeral, the official wampum-belt of
the deceased ruler to the central council fire at
Onondaga, as a notification of his demise. This was retained
until the installation of his successor, upon
whom it then bestowed as the insignia of his office.⦘
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 5)
Phratry directly concerned in the election of sachems and chiefs of the several
gentes. Hatte a gens successor ernannt
für ihren deceased Sachem (od. elected a chief
of the 2nd grade), so expected as a matter of
course that the gentes of the same phratry would
confirm the choice; aber manchmal opposition von Seiten der opposite phratry.
Dadurch
kam action of council of each phratry in’s
Spiel.
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 6) Früher vor modern times had
the Senecas »Medecine Medicine lodges«; letztere formed a prominent part of their
religious system; to hold a Medicine Lodge was
to observe their highest religious rites, and to practice their highest
religious mysteries; they had 2 such organizations, one in each phratry; each was a brotherhood, into which new
members were admitted by a formal initiation.
Unlike the Grecian phratry u. die Roman curia this Indian phratry had no official head; ebenso no religious functionaries belonging to it as distinguished von gens u. tribe. [97]
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen M. betrachtet die 4 „lineages“ of the Tlascalans who
occupied the 4 quarters of the pueblo of Tlascala, als so many phratries (nicht als so many
tribes, weil sie occupied the same
pueblo and spoke the same
dialect). Each „lineage“
od. phratry, had a distinct military organization,
a peculiar costume u. banner, and its head
war-chief (Teuctli) who was its general military
commander. They went forth to battle by
phratries. The organization of a military force by phratries u. by
tribes
nicht unbekannt den
homerischen Griechen.
Nestor sagt zu Agamenon
Agamemnon
:
Sondere rings die Männer nach Stamm und
Geschlecht, Agamemnon; / Daß ein Geschlecht dem Geschlecht
beisteh’ und Stämme den Stämmen. (Übers. Johann Heinrich Voß.)
Morgan zitiert hier (S. 98) nur in der englischen
Übersetzung. Auf S. 237 zitiert er aber auch den griechischen
Originaltext. Marx zitiert an der Stelle seines Exzerpts nicht
erneut den griechischen Text und kommentiert nur: „(Siehe oben!)“
Marx zitiert hier
wahrscheinlich
den griechischen Wortlaut nach der Ausgabe, die er selbst besaß:
Homeri
Opera omnia ex recensione et cum notis Samuelis Clarkii.
Accessit varietas lectionum ms. Iips. et edd. veterum cura
Io. Augusti Ernesti, qui et suas notas adpersit. Vol. 1–5.
Lipsiae 1759–1764. Vol. 1. S. 88. (Siehe Marx’ Notizbuch aus
den Jahren 1844 bis 1847 (MEGA IV/3. S. 6.27) und
den Katalog der Bibliothek von Marx, zusammengestellt von
Roland Daniels (MEGA
IV/5. S. 301.28); der Verbleib des Exemplars ist
nicht bekannt.)
Schließen
»Κρῖν’ ἄνδρας κατὰ
φῦλα, κατὰ φρήτρας, Ἀγάμεμνον,
ὡς
φρήτρη φρήτρη φρήτρηφιν ἀρήγῃ, φῦλα δεφύλοις δὲ φύλοις.« (
Hom. Iliad. II, 362–363.)
[98]
Die Chocta gentes united in 2 phratries, the first called „Divided People“, containing 4 gentes; the second „Beloved People“, contains also 4 gentes. This separation of the people into 2 divisions by gentes created two phratries. – A tribe hat nie weniger als 2 gentes. The gens increases in number of its members, divides into 2; these again subdivide, and in time reunite in 2 or more phratries. These phratries form a tribe, and its members speak the same dialect. In course of time this tribe falls into several by process of segmentation, which in turn reunite in a confederacy. Such a confederacy is a growth, through the tribe and phratry, from a pair of gentes. [99]
Mohegan Tribe, had 3 original
gentes, Wolf, Turtle, Turkey. Each of these subdivided, and the subdivisions became independent gentes, but
they retained the names Bei Morgan, S. 100: of the original
gentes
Schließen of the original subdivisions of each gens
as their
respective phratric names, alias the
subdivisions of each gens reorganized into a phratry. Dies beweist conclusively the natural process, wodurch, in course of time,
a gens breaks up into several, u. diese remain united in a phratric organization which
is expressed by assuming a phratric name.
| I) Wolf Phratry. | 4 gentes. | 1) Wolf. | 2) Bear. | 3) Dog. | 4) Opossum. |
| II) Turtle " " | 8 4 gentes. | 5) Little Turtle. | 6) Mud Turtle. | 7) Great Turtle. | 8) Yellow Eeel Eel. |
| III) Turkey " " | 3 gentes. | 9) Turkey. | 10) Crane. | 11) Chicken. |
Selten unter den American Indian Tribes to find such plain evidence of the segmentation of gentes, followed by the formation into phratries of their respective subdivisions. Shows also that the phratry founded upon the kinship of the gentes. As a rule the name of the original gens out of which others had formed – unknown; but in each of these cases it remains as the name of the phratry. Der Name nur einer der 12 Athenian phratries known to us; die der Iroquois had no name but that of brotherhood. [100]
Pt. II Ch. IV The Iroquois Tribe.
American aborigines fallen in Bei Morgan, S. 102: large number of
independent tribes
Schließen
zahllose tribes
– by the natural process of
segmentation; each tribe individualized by a name, a
separate dialect, a supreme government, a territory, occupied and
defended as its own. The dialects as
numereous as
|41
the tribes, for separation nicht complete,
before dialectical variation had commenced. –
Bei Morgan,
S. 103: In this chapter I will endeavor to point out the manner
in which these numerous tribes were formed, and, presumptively
out of one original people […] – Zum Verweis auf Eskimos siehe
Morgan, S. 104 und 152 sowie Marx’ Notizen
dazu.
Schließen Morgan glaubt, dass all the numerous aboriginal American tribes, (minus Eskimos who no
aborigines) formed out of one original
people.
Der term Nation angewandt auf viele Indian tribes, trotz geringer Volkszahl, v. wegen exclusive possession of a dialect and of a territory. Aber Tribe u. Nations nicht genaue Equivalents; unter gentile institutions entspringt nation nur, wann die tribes, united under the same government, have coalesced into one people, wie die 4 Athenian tribes in Attica, 3 Dorian tribes in Sparta, 3 Latin u. Sabine tribes at Rome. Federation requires independent tribes in separate territorial areas; coalescence unites them by a higher process in the same area, obgleich tendency to local separation by gentes u. by tribes would continue. The confederacy is the nearest analogue of the nation.
Sehr selten Fälle unter den American aborigines, wo the tribe embraced peoples speaking different dialects; wo der Fall, war’s Resultat der Union eines schwächeren mit einem stärkeren tribe speaking a closely related dialect, wie die union der Missouris – after their overthrow – mit den Otoes. Der great body der aborigines ward gefunden in independent tribes; nur wenige hatten es gebracht zu confederacy of tribes speaking dialects of the same stock language. [102–103]
Constant tendency to disintegration existed in the elements of gentile organization, aggravated durch tendency to divergence of speech, inseparable from their social state and the large area of their occupation. A verbal language, obgleich merkwürdig persistent in its vocables u. noch mehr in its grammatical forms, – is incapable of permanence. Der lokalen Separation – in area – folgt im Lauf der Zeit variation in speech; dies leads to separation in interests u. to ultimate independence. Die grosse Zahl von dialects u. stock languages in Nord- u. Südamerika wahrscheinlich – save die Eskimos – abgeleitet von one original language, erheischten für ihre Bildung the time measured by 3 ethnic periods.
New tribes u. new gentes were constantly forming
by natural growth; der process sensibly accelerated
durch the great expanse des American
continent. Die Methode war einfach. From
some overstocked geographical centre, possessing
superior advantages in the means of subsistence, a gradual
outflow of people. Dies continued jährlich, so a considerable population developed at a distance vom original seat
des tribe; im Lauf der Zeit die
emigrants werden distinct in interests,
strangers in feeling, schliesslich divergent in
speech; separation u. independence
follow, though their territories were
contiguous. Dies
repeated itself von age zu age in newly acquired as
well as in old areas … When increased
numbers pressed upon the means of subsistence, the surplus removed
to a new seat wo sie sich mit Leichtigkeit etablirten, weil the
government was perfect in every gens u. in any number of gentes
united in a band.
[104]
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Dies was »organized
colonisation«!⦘
Unter den Village Indians selber Process in etwas modificirter Form. When a village became overcrowded with members, a colony went up or down on the same stream u. commenced a new village; repeated at intervals, several such villages appear, each independent of the other and selfgoverning self-governing body; but united in a league or confederacy for mutual protection; dialectical variation finally springing up, completes their growth into tribes.
Tribes formed by the subdivisions of an original tribe possess a number of gentes in common u. speak dialects of the same language; have a number of [the same] gentes selbst nach centuries of separation. So die Hurons, jetzt Wyandots, haben 6 gentes desselben Namens mit 6 der gentes der Seneca-Iroquois, nach at least 400 J. Trennung. Die Potawattamies haben 8 gentes selben Namens mit 8 unter den Ojibwas, während die former 6 u. die letzteren 14 different haben; showing dass neue gentes formed in each tribe by segmentation seit ihrer Trennung. Ein noch älterer Absetzer der Ojibwas – oder eines common parent tribe beider – die Miamis, haben nur 3 gentes in common mit den former, Wolf, Loon u. Eagle. [105]
Zwischentitel von Marx. Die Formulierung entnahm er dem
Text von Morgan,
S. 105.
Schließen Illustrations from tribes in Lower State
of Barbarism.
8 Missouri tribes, bei ihrer Entdeckung, occupy the banks des Missouri über 1000 miles, zus. mit den banks of its tributaries, the Kansas u. the Platte; ebenso the smaller rivers of Iowa; ebenso West Bank of Mississippi down to the Arkansas. Ihre dialects beweisen dass the people in 3 tribes before the last subdivisions , nämlich:
1) Punkas u. Omahas; 2) Iowas, Otoes u. Missouris; 3) Kaws, Osages, u. Quappas; ihre several dialects nearer to each other than to any other dialect der Dakotian stock language to which they belong; also linguistic necessity for their derivation von an original tribe, wovon sie subdivisions; spreading from a central point on the Missouri along its banks, above u. below; mit increase of distance between their settlements – separation in interests, followed by divergence of speech u. finally by independence. Extending along a river in a prairie country such a people might separate first in 3 tribes, dann in 8, the organization of each subdivision remaining complete. Division meant a separation into parts by natural expansion over a larger area, followed by a complete segmentation. Der uppermost |42 tribe on the Missouri – the Punkas at the mouth of the Niobrara river; the lowermost the Quappas at the mouth of the Arkansas on the Mississippi, near 1500 miles between them. The intermediate region, confined to the narrow belt of forest upon the Missouri, was held by the remaining 6 tribes. They were strictly River Tribes. [105, 106]
Tribes of Lake Superior 1) Ojibwas; 2) Otawas (= O-tä’-was) u. 3) Potawattamies subdivisions of an original tribe; die Ojibwas der original tribe, the stem, blieben am original seat at the great fisheries upon the outlet of the lakes lake ; they are styled „Elder Brother“ durch die beiden andern, die Ottawas Otawas „next elder brother“, die Pottawattamies Potawattamies – „Younger Brother“. Die letzteren separated first, die Ottawas Otawas last, as shown by the relative amount of dialectical variation, that of the Pottawattamies Potawattamies being greatest. Als entdeckt, 1614, die Ojibwas seated at the Rapids on the outlet of Lake Superior, from which point they had spread along the southern shore of the lake to the site of Ontonagon, along its northeastern shore and down the St. Mary River well toward Lake Huron; ihre position famos for a fish and game subsistence ⦗they did not cultivate maize and plants⦘; zurückstehend keiner position in Northamerica ausser dem Valley der des Columbia. ⦗Die Ojibwas manufactured earthen pipes, water jars, u. vessels in ancient times, as they now assert. Indian pottery zu verschiednen Zeiten dug up at the Sault St. Mary, the work of their forefathers.⦘ Mit such advantages certain to develop a large Indian population u. send out successive bands of emigrants to become independent tribes.
Die
Pottawamies
Potawattamies
occupied a region on the confines of
Upper Michigan u. Wisconsin, woraus 1641
the Dakotas were in act of expelling them. Zugleich
die
Ottawas
Otawas
, deren earlier residence supposed on
the Ottawa Otawa river of Canada, had drawn westward, damals
seated upon the Georgian Bay, the Manitouline islands u. at Mackinaw, von welchen Punkten they were spreading südlich
über Lower Michigan. – Separation in place and
distance had long before their discovery resulted in the
formation of dialects, u. in tribal independence. Die
3 tribes, deren territories contiguous, had
formed an alliance for mutual protection, „the Ottawa Otawa
Bei Morgan, S. 107:
Confederacy
Schließen Confederation“. (offenive offensive and defensive league)
Vor diesen secessions another affiliated tribe, the Miamis, had broken off vom Ojibwa stock – the common parent tribe – u. migrated to Central Illinois u. Western Indiana. Folgend im track dieser migration were the Illinois, another u. later offshoot vom same stem, who afterwards subdivided in Peorias, Kaskaskias, Weaws u. Piankeshaws. Ihre dialects mit dem der Miamis nearest affinity mit dem Ojibwa u. next mit the Cree. ⦗The Pottawamie Potawattamie u. Cree have diverged about equally; wahrscheinlich Ojibwas, Ottawas Otawas u. Cree one people in dialect nach dem detachment der Potawattamies⦘ Outflow aller dieser tribes from central seat at the great fisheries of Lake Superior – as a natural centre of subsistence. Die Algonkins v. New England, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia u. Carolina sehr wahrscheinlich derived von same stock. [106–108]
Each emigrating band in the nature of a military colony, seeking to acquire u.
hold a new area, preserving at first, and
as long as possible, a connection with the mother tribe;
durch these successive
movements they sought to expand their
joint possessions u. afterward, to resist the intrusion of alien people
within their limits … the Indian Tribes
speeking dialects of the same stock language
have been usually
found
in
territorial continuity, however extended their common area.
Dies gilt, in the main, von all tribes of mankind linguistically united
… Spreading from Bei Morgan, S.
108: some geographical
Schließen one
common centre … they have preserved their connection with the motherland as a means
of succor in times of danger, and as a place of refuge in calamity.
[108]
Damit an area initial point of migration werde durch gradual production of a surplus population required special advantages in the means of subsistence. Solche natural centres wenig zahlreich in Nordamerika – in fact, nur 3. An der Spitze the Valley of the Columbia; ausgezeichnetste region on the face of the earth in the variety and amount of subsistence it afforded, prior to the cultivation of Maize and plants. Excellent game country as mixture of forest u. prairie. In the prairies wuchs a species of bread-root, the Kamash u. zwar abundantly; in these respects it was, however, not superior to other areas; was es auszeichnet – inexhaustible supply of salmon im Columbia u. andern Küstenflüssen, they crowded these streams in millions, were taken in the season mit facility u. greatest abundance. After being split open u. dried in the sun, they were packed u. removed to the villages, formed their principal food during the greater part of the year. Ausserdem die shellfisheries der Küste, supplying large amount of food during the winter months. Ausserdem Clima mild u. equable throughout the year, about that of Virginia u. Tennessee; was the paradise of tribes ohne knowledge der cereals. Es kann sehr wahrscheinlich gemacht werden, dass das Valley of Columbia the seedland of the Ganowánian family, wovon successive streams of migrating bands, bis both divisions des Continent occupied u. dass beide divisions, bis zur Epoche der europ. Entdeckung replenished with inhabitants von dieser Quelle. Die grosse Ausdehnung der |43 Centralprairien, spreading continuously more than 1500 miles v. Nord nach Süd u. über 1000 miles von Ost nach West, interposed a barrier to free communication zwischen Pacific u. Atlantic sides des Continents in Nordamerika. Wahrscheinlich daher, dass an original family commencing its spread from the Valley of the Columbia, u. migrating under the influence of physical causes, would reach Patagonia eher als Florida. Die Entdeckung des Maize würde den course of events nicht materially change, or suspend the action of previous causes. Nicht bekannt wo das American Cereal indigenous; aber Central America, wo vegetation intensively active, wo Maize peculiarly fruitful, wo die oldest seats der Village Indians found … probable place of nativity of Maize. Von Centralamerica die cultivation would have spread to Mexico, dann Neu Mexico, u. valley des Mississippi, von da östlich to the shores des Atlantic; the volume of cultivation diminishing from the starting point to the extremities[.] It would spread independently von den Village Indians, from the desire of more barbarous tribes to gain the new subsistence; aber extended nie über Neu Mexico to the Valley of the Columbia, obgleich cultivation practised durch die Minnitarees u. Mandans des Upper Missouri, die Shyans des Red River des North, by the Hurons of Lake Simcoe in Canada, the Abenakies of the Kennebek Kennebec , wie generally by all the tribes zwischen Mississippi u. Atlantic. Migrating bands von dem Valley of Columbia would press upon the village Indians of New Mexico u. Mexico, tending to force displaced u. fragmentary tribes towards and through the Istmus Isthmus into South America, wohin diese would carry the first germs of progress developed by the Village Indians. Repeated at intervals of time it would tend to bestow upon South America a class of inhabitants far superior to the wild bands formerly supplied, and at the expense of the Northern section thus impoverished. So South America would attain the advanced position in development, even in an inferior country, which seems to have been the fact. The Peruvian legend of Manco Capac u. Mama Oello , children of the sun, brother and sister, husband and wife shows that a band of village Indians migrating from a distance, though not necessarily from North America direct, had gathered together and taught the rude tribes of the Andes the higher arts of life, including the cultivation of Maize and plants; legend dropped out the band, retained only the leader and his wife.
2)tes 2 tes) (nach Valley of Columbia) natural initial centre: the peninsula between lakes Superior, Huron u. Michigan, the seat of the Ojibwas u. nursery land of many Indian tribes.
3t
es
)
natural initial centre: the lake region of Minnesota, the nursery ground der present Bei Morgan, S. 109: Dakota tribes
Schließen Dakotian tribes
;
Grund anzunehmen, dass Minnesota was a part of
the Algonkin area vor Besetzung durch die Dakotas. [108,
109]
Sobald cultivation of maize u. plants erschien, it tended to localize the people u. support them in smaller areas, as well as to increase their numbers; übertrug aber nicht control des Continents to the most advanced tribes der Village Indians, die fast nur von Cultivation subsisted. Horticulture spread unter den principal tribes in the Lower Status of barbarism, improved greatly their condition, they held, mit den non horticultural tribes, the great areas of North America when discovered, u. v. ihren ranks the Continent replenished mit inhabitants. [109]
Incessant warfare der aborigines mit einander; als Regel the most persistent warfare unter tribes speaking different stocklanguages, wie z. B. zwischen Iroquois u. Algonkin tribes, u. der ersteren ditto mit den Dakota tribes. Dagegen Algonkin u. Dakota tribes lived at peace mit each other, gezeigt durch occupation of continuous areas. Die Iroquois pursued a war of extermination gegen their kindred tribes, the Eries, Neutral Nation, the Hurons u. die Susquehannocks. Tribes speaking dialects derselben stocklanguage können sich verständigen, compose their differences, u. lernen, in virtue of their common descent, sich als natural allies zu betrachten. [110, 111]
Bevölkgunszahl Bevölkerungszahl
in a given area limited
by amount of the subsistence it afforded; when fish u.
game the main reliance for food, immense
area required to maintain a small tribe. Als farinaceous food hinzukam, area occupied by a tribe still large in proportion to the number of the people. New York – mit 47,000
□ miles
[–] hatte nie mehr als 25,000 Indians, inclus. mit den
Iroquois die
Algonkins on the eastside des Hudson u. upon
the Long Island u. die
Eries u. Neutral Nation in der
westlichen
Bei Morgan, S. 111:
section
Schließen Seite des Staats. A
personal government, gegründet upon
gentes, unfähig hinreichende central power zu entwickeln to control the increasing
numbers des people, wenn
sie nicht in reasonable distance von |44 einander
blieben.
Unter den Village Indians von Neu Mexico, Mexico u. Centralamerica Wachsthum der Bevölkrungszahl upon a small area hielt nicht den Process der Disintegration auf. Wo verschiedne pueblos seated nah bei einander am selben Strom, the people usually of common descent u. under a tribal or confederate government. ⦗Each pueblo gewöhnlich an independent, selfgoverning self-governing community⦘. About 7 stocklanguages, allein gesprochen in New Mexico, jede mit several dialects. Zur Zeit v. Coronado ’s expedition – 1540–42 – the villages found numerous but small. Es waren ihrer 7 of Cibola, Tucayan u. Quivira u. Hemez u. 12 of Tiguex, u. andre groups indicating a linguistic connection of their members. Unbekannt ob each group confederated. Die 7 Moqui Pueblos (die Tucayan villages of Coronado’s expedition) sollen jetzt confederate sein, waren es wahrscheinlich zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung. [111]
Der process of subdivision operating unter den American aborigines für 1000de v. Jahren, hat in North America allein an 40 stocklanguages entwickelt, wovon jede gesprochen in Anzahl v. Dialects durch gleiche Zahl unabhängiger tribes.
Für an American Indian tribe nur a few hundreds u. höchstens a few 1000 people erheischt, um ihn in a respectable position in Ganowanian Ganowánian family zu stellen. [111, 112]
Zwischentitel von Marx. Die Formulierung hat Marx dem Text
von Morgan (S. 112)
entnommen.
Schließen Functions u. attributes of the Indian
tribes. (p. 112–121)
1) Possession of a territory and a name.
the territory – their actual settlement u. so much of the surrounding region als tribe ranged over in hunting u. fishing u. could defend gegen andre encroaching tribes; darüber hinaus a wide margin of neutral grounds, separating them vom nächsten Tribe, speaking a different language, and claimed by neither; less wide u. less clearly marked, when they spoke dialects of the same language.
Die names, die nach u. nach die tribes individualize, in vielen cases zufällig wie die Senecas nannten sich selbst „Great Hill People“ etc. Nach Beginn der europäischen Colonisation im nördlichen Amerika erhielten die Indian tribes Namen von andern tribes who had bestowed names upon them different from their own. Hence a number of tribes known in history under names not recognized by themselves. [112, 113]
2) The exclusive possession of a dialect.
Tribe and dialect substantially co-extensive. Die 12 Dakota bands jetzt properly tribes, aber forced in vorzeitige Trennung durch advance of Americans upon their original area which forced them upon the plains. Früher war ihre connexion so intimate geblieben dass nur one new dialect was forming, the Teeton, on the Missouri; the Isauntie on the Mississippi being the original speech. Vor einigen Jahren die Cherokees zählten 26,000, largest number of Indians ever found within U. St., speaking the same dialect; in the mountain districts of Georgia a slight divergence of speech had occured. Die Ojibwas, still in the main non-horticultural, about 15,000, speak the same dialect; die Dakota tribes, 25,000, 2 closely related dialects. Dies Ausnahmen. In U. St. u. British America zählt a tribe on average less than 2000. [113, 114]
3) The right of investing Sachems and Chiefs elected by the Gentes. [114]
4) The right to depose Sachems and Chiefs.
In the Status of Savagery and in the Lower and also in the Middle Status of barbarism, office was bestowed for life, or during good behavior. [115]
Die Sachems u. Chiefs, v. den
gentes gewählt, wurden nach Tribe Bildung, members des Tribal Council; hence
das Recht v. Investitur letzterem vorbehalten; ebenso hatte er
auch Absetzungsrecht; ging,
nach Bildung v. Confederation auf council of
confederacy über. The offices of Sachem
and Chief universally elective
north of Mexico; evidence
Bei
Morgan, S. 114: with sufficient evidence, as to other parts
of the continent, to leave no doubt of the universality of
the rule
Schließen in other parts of the Continent, evidence, dass sie es allgemein so
ursprünglich gewesen.
[114, 115]
5) The possession of a religious faith and worship.
»After the fashion of barbarians the American Indians were a religious people.« (p. 115) Medicine lodge – Dancing form of worship. [115, 116]
6) A supreme government through a council of chiefs.
Gens represented by its chiefs; tribe represented by the council of the chiefs of the gentes. Called together under
circumstances known to all, held in the midst of the people, open to
their orators, it was certain to |45 act under popular
influence. Council
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (tribal) had to guard and protect the
common interests of the tribe. Questions and exigencies arising
through their incessant warfare with other tribes. As a general
rule, the council open to any private individual desiring to address
it on a public question. The women
allowed to express their wishes and opinions through an orator
of their own election. Decision
given by the Council. Unanimity was a fundamental
law of its action among the Iroquois.
Military operations usually left to the action of the voluntary principle. Theoretically each tribe at war with every other tribe with which it had not formed a treaty of peace. Any person at liberty to organize a war-party and conduct an expedition wohin er wollte. Er announced his project by giving a war-dance and inviting volunteers. If he succeeded in forming a party, which would consist of such persons as joined him in the dance, they departed immediately, while enthusiasm was at its height. When a tribe was menaced with an attack, war parties were formed to meet it in much the same manner. Where forces so raised were united in one body, each under its own war-captain and their joint movements determined by a council of these captains. This relates to tribes in the Lower Status of Barbarism. The Aztecs u. Tlascalans went out by phratries, each subdivision under its own captain, u. distinguished by costumes u. banners.
Confederation of Iroquois u. that of the Aztecs were the most remarkable for aggressive purposes. Unter Tribes in the Lower Status of Barbarism, incl. the Iroquois, the most destructive work performed by inconsiderable war-parties, beständig forming and making expeditions into distant regions. Sanction of the Council for diese expeditions weder sought, nor necessary.
Council of the tribe had power to declare war u. make peace, send and receive embassies, make alliances; intercourse between independent tribes conducted by wise men and chiefs, delegated dazu. When a tribe expected such a delegation, a council was convened for its reception and for the transaction of its business. [116–118]
7) A headchief head-chief of the tribe in some instances.
Nämlich a Sachem, superior in rank to his associates. Der Council nur selten in session u. urgencies might arise demanding the provisional action of some one authorized to represent the tribe, subject to the ratification of his acts by the council. This only basis for the office ofheadchief head-chief . Iroquois had none u. their confederacy had no executive officer. Wo der headchief head-chief in Indian tribes existed there, in a form too feeble to correspond to the conception of an executive magistrate. The elective tenure of the office of chief, and the liability of the person to deposition, settle the character of the office. [118, 119]
Der Council of Indian chief chiefs was a government of one power, prevailing generally among the tribes in Lower Status of Barbarism. Dies erstes Stadium.
Zweites Stadium: a government coordinated
between a council of chiefs and a general military commander, one representing
the civil, the other the military functions. Dies form began to manifest itself in
the Lower Status of Barbarism after formation of
Confederacies, became definite in
Middle Status. Das
office of general – Bei Morgan,
S. 119: principal
Schließen chief military commander – was the germ of that of a chief executive
magistrate, king, emperor, president; a government of 2 powers.
Drittes Stadium: government of a people or nation by a council of chiefs, an assembly of the people, and a general military commander. Appears under tribes who had attained to the Upper Status of Barbarism, Homeric Greeks, or Italian tribes of the period of Romulus . Large increase of people united in a nation, their establishment in walled cities, creation of wealth in flocks, herds, lands, brought in the assembly of the people as an instrument of government. Council of chiefs became a preconsidering council; popular assembly adopted or rejected public measures, its action final; lastly a general. Dies blieb bis Eintritt v. political society, wenn unter Athenians z. B., council of chiefs became Senate, the assembly of the people the ecclesia or popular assembly.
Im Middle Status of Barbarism the gentes organized into tribes remained as before, aber confederacies more frequent. In some areas, as in the Valley of Mexico, keineswegs – no evidence dafür – dass political society established. It is impossible to found a political society or a state upon gentes. [119–121]
Pt. II Ch. V The Iroquois Confederacy.
Bei Morgan, S. 122: A tendency to
confederate for mutual defense would very naturally exist among
kindred and contiguous tribes. When the advantages of a union
had been appreciated by actual experience the organization, at
first a league, would gradually cement into a federal unity. The
state of perpetual warfare in which they lived would quicken
this natural tendency into action among such tribes as were
sufficiently advanced in intelligence and in the arts of life to
perceive its benefits. It would be simply a growth from a lower
into a higher organization by an extension of the principle
which united the gentes in a tribe.
Schließen
Verbindung for mutual
protection erst einfach fact, hervorgerufen
durch necessities (wie attack von aussen),
dann League, dann systematic confederacy. Bei Entdeckung
v. America existirten confederacies in verschiednen parts, u. a.
namentlich: Iroquois confederacy of 5
independent tribes, Creek Confederacy of 6, Otawa Confederacy of 3, Dakota League
of the |46
„Seven Council Fires“, die
Moqui Confederacy in New
Mexico of 7 Pueblos, the Aztec Confederacy of 3 tribes in the Valley
of Mexico. Am leichtesten Bildung v. confederacy
(generally difficult wegen den »unstable geographical
relations«
[)]
für die
Village Indians im Middle Status of Barbarism
wegen der nearness ihrer pueblos zu einander u.
der
smallness ihrer areas. Die berühmtesten
confederacies in Northamerica die der Aztecs u.
die der Iroquois; letztere genau bekannt; Bei Morgan, S. 123: The Aztec confederacy
has been handled in such a manner historically as to leave it
doubtful whether it was simply a league of three kindred tribes,
offensive and defensive, or a systematic confederacy like that
of the Iroquois. That which is true of the latter was probably
in a general sense true of the former, so that a knowledge of
one will tend to elucidate the other.
Schließen erstere hatte
wahrscheinlich denselben
Charakter of systematic confederacy, aber in
den historischen (span.) Berichten erscheint sie
mehr od. minder als blosse league of 3
kindred tribes, offensive and defensive.
The Confederacy had the gentes for its basis and centre u. stocklanguage, (wovon die dialects still mutually intelligible) and stock language for its circumference; none found beyond the bounds of the dialects of a common language; otherwise heterogeneous elements would have been forced into the organization. Ausnahmsweis wohl einmal die remains of a tribe, not cognate in speech, admitted into an existing confederacy, wie z. B. die Natchez, after their overthrow by the French, into the Creek Confederacy. There was no possible way of becoming connected on equal terms with a confederacy ausser durch membership in a gens and tribe, and a common speech. [122–124]
Monarchy incompatible mit gentilism. The Grecian tyrannies were despotisms founded upon usurpation – the germ out of which the later kingdoms arose; the socalled kingdoms of the Bei Morgan,
S. 124: heroic
Schließen homeric
age were military
democracies, and nothing more. [124]
Die Iroquois ursprünglich emigrants from beyond
the Mississippi, wahrscheinlich a branch des Dakota Stock; erst nach valley des St. Lawrence, settled near Montreal. Durch die
hostility der surrounding tribes gezwungen, sie nach
der central region of New York. Mit canoes coasting
das östliche Gestade des See
Ontario (their numbers small), war(?) ihre erste Niederlassung an
Mündung des Oswego river, wo sie nach ihren traditions lang
blieben; waren damals wenigstens 3 distinct
tribes, Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 1)
Mohawks, Nummerierung von
Marx.
Schließen 2)
Onandagas
Onondagas
u. Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 3)
Senecas. Ein tribe settled nachher at the head
of the Canandaigua
lace lake, became the Seneca; andrer occupied
the
Onaindaiga Onondaga valley, wurden die
Onandagas Onondagas
; dritter passed östlich, settled erst at Oneida, bei site of Utica, removed then to
Mohawc Mohawk Valley, became the Mohawks.
Die[,] die blieben, wurden
die Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 4)
Oneidas. Ein Theil der Senecas oder der
Onondagas settled entlang dem eastern shore des
Cayuga lake, wurden die
[5)]
Cayugas. Vor Besetzung durch
die Iroquois, scheint New York
Theil der Area der
Algonin(?)
Algonkin tribes gewesen zu sein; nach ihren traditions
entsetzten die Iroquois die alten Bewohner wie sie
gradually ihre Niederlassungen ausdehnten, östlich vom Hudson, u. westlich vom
Genesee.
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Also bis dato 5 tribes: 1) Seneca, 2) Cayuga, 3)
Ononondaga
Onondaga
, 4)
Oneidas
Oneida
, 5) Mohawk⦘
Nach ihrer tradition lange Zeit nach ihrer Niederlassung in New York,
während der sie common cause against their enemies
machten, aber ehe sie confederacy bildeten. Residirten in villages, gewöhnlich umgeben mit stockades, lebten von fish u. game, u. den
products of a limited horticulture. Ihre Anzahl nie über 20,000.
Precarious subsistence u. incessant warfare repressed numbers in all the
aboriginal tribes, inclus. the Village
Indians. The Iroquois enshrouded in great
forests, then overspreading New York. Zuerst sie entdeckt 1608; um 1675
culminating point ihrer dominion über weite Area, covering grösseren
Theil v. New York, Pennsylvania u. Ohio ⦗1651–5 expelled sie their kindred tribes, die
Eries, von Area zwischen Genesee river u. Lake
Erie, kurz nachher die
Neutral Nations vom Niagara
river, kamen so in Besitz des Rests von New York, mit Ausnahme
des Lower Hudson u. Long Island⦘ u. portions of
Canada, north of lake Ontario. Zur Zeit ihrer
Entdeckung waren sie die highest representatives
of the Red Race Bei Morgan, S. 126:
north of New Mexico
Schließen im Norden v.
Mexico in Intelligenz u. advancement,
obgleich inferior to the Gulf tribes in arts of life. Noch 4000 Iroquois
in New York, about 1000 in Canada u. ebensoviel im Westen.
[124–126]
Confederation formed about 1400–1450 (früher nach den generations of Sachems in the history of
David Cusick
,
a Tuscarora.) The Iroquois lebten – die 5 tribes – in contiguous
territories, sprachen einander verständliche dialects derselben Sprache
u. hatten certain common gentes in the several
tribes. Andre tribes in selben Umständen, aber die Iroquois,
durch Bildung der confederacy, zeigten ihre superiority.
Bei Morgan, S. 126: It is affirmed by the
Iroquois that
Schließen Nach ihrer Sage die
confederacy formed durch a council of wisemen wise-men and chiefs der 5 tribes, meeting für den
purpose on the north shore of the Onondaga lake, near
the site of Syracuse, perfected in ihrer session die
organization u. set in immediate operation. Bei Morgan, S. 127: The origin of the plan
is ascribed to a mythical, or, at least, traditionary person,
Hä-yo-went’-hä, the Hiawaeha of
Longfellow’s celebrated poem
Schließen Der origin des plan zugeschrieben
einer traditionary person
Hä-yo-went’-hä
, der
Hiawatha
Longfellow’s. Die
formation der Confederation still celebrated unter ihnen as a
masterpiece of Indian wisdom; nach den Iroquois
selbst bis jetzt fortexistirende Form ihrer
Organization mit kaum irgend einem change.
[126–128]
|
Die general features der Iroquois confederacy sind:
1) A union of 5 tribes, composed of common gentes, under one government on the basis of equality; jeder tribe remaining independent in all matters pertaining to local self-government.
2) A general Council of Sachems, limited in number, equal in rank u. authority, invested with supreme powers in all matters relating to the Confederacy.
3) 50 Sachemships were created and named in perpetuity in certain gentes of the several tribes; with power in these gentes to fill vacancies occurring, by election from among their respective members, u. mit power to depose from office for cause; the right to invest these Sachems with office reserved to the General Council.
4) The Sachems of the Confederacy also Sachems in their respective tribes, and with the Chiefs of these tribes formed the Council of each, which tribal council supreme over all matters pertaining to the tribe exclusively.
5) Unanimity in the Council made essential to every public act.
6) In the General Council the Sachems voted by Tribes, each tribe
had so a negative upon the others. Zusatz von Marx. Marx bezieht sich auf das
seit dem 16. Jahrhundert im polnischen Parlament (Sejm) geltende
„Liberum veto“, das Recht jedes Abgeordneten, durch seinen
Einspruch einen Beschluss zu verhindern.
Schließen
(Poland!)
7) Council of each tribe had power to convene the general council; the latter had no power to convene itself.
Marx
führte zunächst unter „8)“ versehentlich den Punkt an, der bei
Morgan (S. 128) der neunte war, notierte dann den achten und
passte die Nummerierung an.
Schließen 9)
The Confederacy had no chief Executive Magistrate, or
official head.
8) The General Council was open to the orators of the people for the discussion of public questions; but the Council alone decided.
10) Experiencing the necessity for a General military commander they created the office in a dual form, that one might neutralize the other. The 2 principal war-chiefs created were made equal in powers.
When the Tuscaroras später admitted,
Bei Morgan, S. 128: their sachems
were
Schließen they allowed by courtesy to sit as
equals in the General Council, but the original
number of Sachems wurde nicht increased.
[128, 129]
The sachemships were distributed unequally among the 5 tribes, but without giving to either a preponderance of power, and unequally among the gentes of the last three tribes.
Mohawks had 9 Sachems, Oneidas 9, Onondagas 14, Cayugas 10, Senecas 8.
Die Sachems waren arrangirt in Klassen to facilitate the attainment of unanimity in the Council.
| 1) Mohawks. | 1ste class. | 3 (Turtle tribe) | 2t class | 3. (Wolf tribe) | 3t class. | 3. (Bear tribe) |
| 2) Oneidas |
" " |
3 (Wolf tribe) |
" " |
3 (Turtle tribe) |
" " |
3. (Bear tribe) |
| 3) Onondagas. | 1st class. | 3 (1ster Bear tribe. 3ter Bear tribe. Dieser u. 2ter were hereditary councillors of the To-do-dä’-ho, who held the most illustrious Sachemship. | ||||
| 2te class. | 3. (1ster ( Snipe tribe) (2t Turtle tribe) | |||||
| 3te class. | 1. (Wolf tribe) This sachem was hereditary keeper of the wampum. | |||||
| 4te class. | 4. (1ster Deer tribe; 2t Deer tribe; 3t Turtle tribe. 4ter Bear tribe. | |||||
| 5t class. | 3. (1ster Deer tribe. 2ter Turtle tribe. 3t Turtle tribe. | |||||
| 4) Cayugas. | 1ste class. | 5. (1ster Deer tribe; 2t Heron tribe. 3t Bear tribe. 4t Bear tribe. 5t Turtle tribe. | ||||
| 2t class. | 3. (2t Turtle tribe. 3t Heron tribe. | |||||
| 3 class. | 2 (beide Snipe tribe.) | |||||
| 5) Senecas. | 1st class. | 2. (Turtle tribe und Snipe tribe) | ||||
| 2 class. | 2 (Turtle tribe u. Hawk tribe) | |||||
| 3 class | (2) (Bear tribe u. Snipe tribe) | |||||
| 4 class. | 2. (Snipe tribe u. Wolf tribe) | |||||
In fact besteht der General Council nur aus 48.
Hä-yo-went’-hä
u.
Da-gä-no-we’-da
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Morgan,
S. 127.
Schließen die 2 legendären Gründer consented to take the office unter
den Mohawk Sachems u. to leave their
names in the list unter Bedingung that after
their demise the 2 should remain thereafter vacant. At all
councils for the investiture of Sachems their names are still called.
Bemerkung von Marx. Anspielung auf den
Aufruf der französischen Anarchistin Louise Michel in der Zeitschrift „La Révolution
sociale“
(Nr. 15,
19. Dezember 1880), für die Pariser
Kommunalwahlen im Januar 1881 Märtyrer der Commune als
Kandidaten aufzustellen. Siehe: Louise
Michel: Mémoires. T. 1. Paris 1886. S. 267; Les
candidatures mortes. In: La Presse. Paris. An. 45. Nr. 351,
21. Dezember 1880. S. 1.
Schließen (Candidatures mortes)
|
Jeder Sachem hat einen aid elected by the gens of his principal from among its members, was installed mit same forms u. ceremonies; had to stand behind his superior on all occasions of ceremony, act as his messenger, in general subject to his directions; er hatte (der aid) office of chief, machte seine Wahl nach Tod des Sachem an dessen Stelle wahrscheinlich; diese aids hiessen: „Braces in the Long House“. (dies »Long House« symbolized the Confederacy)
The names bestowed upon the original Sachems wurden die Namen ihrer resp. successors in perpetuity. z. B. bei Tod v. Gä-ne-o-di’-yo , einem der 8 Seneca Sachems, sein successor gewählt durch die Turtle gens, worin Sachemship erblich u. when »raised up« by the General Council, his own name would be »taken off« u. jener ihm gegeben, was part der ceremony. Ihr jetziger Council noch fully organized, except dem Mohawk tribe, removing to Canada about 1775. Vacancies occurring their places are filled u. a general council is convened to install the new Sachems u. their aids. [129–132]
For tribal purposes the 5 tribes independent of each other, their territories separated by fixed boundary lines, their tribal interests distinct. Als organization der tribe weder weakened noch impaired durch den Confederate compact; each in vigorous life.
Bei Morgan, S. 132: the Iroquois commended
to our forefathers
Schließen Die Iroquois recommended to the
forefathers der Americans (Engl.)
1755 a union of the colonies
similar to their own. They saw in the common interests u.
common speech der several colonies elements for a confederation.
[132, 133]
The Onondagas were made „Keepers of the Wampum“ u. „Keepers of the Council Brand“, the Mohawks „Receivers of Tribute“ from subjugated tribes, the Senecas „Keepers of the Door“ des Long House. Diese u. ähnliche Provisions were made for the common advantage. [133]
Die confederacy rested upon the tribes ostensibly, but primarily upon common gentes. All the members of the same gens, whether Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, or Senecas were brothers and sisters to each other in virtue of their descent von the same ancestor. When they met, the first inquiry was the name of each other’s gens, and next the immediate pedigree of their respective sachems; dann able under their system of consanguinity to find ihre wechselseitige relationship.
3 gentes, – Wolf, Bear, Turtle – common to the 5 tribes; diese u. 3
others were common to 3 tribes; the Wolf gens, durch division
of an original tribe into 5, nun in 5 divisions, wovon one in each
tribe; selbes mit Bear u. Turtle gentes. Deer,
Snipe u. Hawk gentes were common to Senecas, Cayugas u. Onondagas.
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Das
Erblich machen
Erblichmachen
der Wahl der Sachems in certain gentes, does
it not spring davon, dass certain gentes
most common allen tribes?⦘ Der Mohawk des Wolf gens recognized an Oneida, Onandaga, Cayuga
od. Seneca von selbem gens, though its members spoke different dialects
of the same language, as a brother etc. In the
estimation of an Iroquois every member of his gens in whatever tribe was
as certainly a kinsman, as an other own brother; dies noch in its original force;
explains the tenacity, womit die old confederacy
zusammenhielt. Had the 5 tribes fallen in collision, it would have
turned Wolf against Wolf, Bear against Bear etc,
brother against brother. Solang die confederacy dauerte, nie
Anarchie nor rupture der Organization. Such persistency v. bond of kin.
The „Long House“ (Ho-de’-no-sote« ) wurde Symbol der Confederacy; sie nannten sich selbst the „People of the Long House“ (Ho-de’-no-sau-nee), der einzige Name, den sie sich gaben.
Coalescence
Bei
Morgan, S. 135: last
Schließen höhere Stufe des Processes. z. B.
die 4 Athenian tribes coalesced in
Attica into a nation by the intermingling of the
tribes in the same area u. the gradual
disappearance der geographical lines between them. Die
tribal names u. organizations remained in full vitality, aber without the basis of independent territory. When political society was instituted
on the basis of the deme or township, u. all the
residents of the deme became a body politic,
irrespective of their gens u. tribe, the
coalescence became complete. [133–135]
The Valley of the Onondaga as the seat of the central tribe, and the place where the Council Brand was supposed to be perpetually burning, the usual aber keineswegs exclusive place for holding the councils of the confederacy etc.
Ursprünglich the Hauptobject des Council to raise up sachems to fill vacancies (von death od. deposition), but transacted all other business mit Bezug auf common welfare. Nach u. nach the Council fell into 3 distinct kinds (nach den functions, die er abwechselnd übt); Civil (declares war, makes peace, sends u. receives |49 embassies, enters [into] treaties mit foreign tribes, regulates the affairs of subjugated tribes etc); Mourning Council (raises up Sachems, invests them mit Office); Religious Council (held for the observance of a general religious festival). Nach u. nach Mourning Council for both purposes; jetzt der einzige, da die civil powers of the Confederacy terminated with the supremacy over them of the State.
An Overture made by a foreign tribe to either of the 5 tribes;
der tribal council entschied ob die affair worth
while to require a council of the confederacy;
if so, a herald sent to the nearest tribes Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (v.
den 5) in position, on east
u. west, with a belt of
wampum, containing a message to the effect that a civil council (Ho-de-os’-seh) [would meet] at specified place, time u. object; der tribe, der das
message empfing, musste es senden dem next in position, bis die
notification complete. Council assembled nie unless summoned under the
prescribed forms. Wenn der Council was to meet for peaceful purposes, then each sachem
was to bring with him a bundle of fagots of white
cedar, typical of peace; if for warlike
purposes, fagots of red cedar, emblematical of
war.
Gesetzt die
Onondagas seien der tribe, der
den
General Council had summoned. Am appointed day
the Sachems of the several Bei Morgan,
S. 137, Fn. 1: nations
Schließen tribes
, with their
followers, who usually arrived a day or two before u. remained encamped
at a distance, were received in a formal manner by the Onondaga sachems
at the rising of the sun. They marched in separate processions from their camps to the
council grove, each bearing his skin robe and bundle of fagots,
wo die
Onondaga Sachems awaited them with a concourse
of people. The Sachems then formed themselves in a
circle, an Onondaga Sachem, acting by appointment as master of
the ceremonies, occupying the side towards the rising sun. At a signal
they marched round the circle moving by the North. The rim of the circle
toward the North called „the
cold side“, that on the west „the side
toward the setting sun“, that on the
south „the side of the high sun“, that on
the east „the side of the rising sun“. After marching 3 times
around on the circle single file, the head and foot of the column being
joined, the leader stopped on the rising sun side, and deposed before him his bundle of fagots. In this
followed by the others. ⦗So formed an inner circle of faggots.⦘ After
this each sachem spread his skin robe in the
same order and sat down upon it, cross[-]legged, behind
his bundle of fagots, with his assistant Sachem standing behind
him. After a moment’s pause, the master of the ceremonies arose, drew
from his pouch 2 pieces of dry wood and a piece of
punk
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Zündschwamm) with
which he proceeded to strike fire by friction.
When fire obtained, he stepped within the circle u. set fire to his own
bundle, and then to each of the others. When diese well ignited, and at
a signal from the master of the ceremonies, the sachems arose and marched 3 times around the Burning Circle, going
as before by the North. Each turned v. time to time as he walked so as
to expose all sides of his person … then reseated themselves each upon
his own robe. Master of the ceremonies again rising to his feet, filled
and lighted the pipe of peace from his own fire;
drew 3 whiffs, the first toward the Zenith
(bedeutet thanks to the Great Spirit for his
preservation during the last year u. for being permitted to be present
at this council); the second toward the ground
(means thanks to his Mother, the Earth, for the various productions which had
ministered to his sustenance[)]; third toward the Sun
(means thanks for his never-failing light, ever shining upon all.) Then
he passed the pipe to the first upon his right
toward the North, who repeated the same ceremonies u. so on around the
burning circle. The ceremony of smoking the
calumet bedeutete auch mutual pledg pledging of their faith, friendship, honour. Mit dieser ceremony
opening of the council completed u. dieser darauf declared ready for business.
[135–137]
Auf den opposite sides des Councilfire, sassen, auf der einen: Mohawk, Onondaga u. Seneca Sachems; ihre tribes, wenn in council, were brother tribes to each other u. father tribes to the two other; they constituted, by extension of the principle, a phratry of tribes u. sachems.
On the opposite side of the fire the Oneida u. Cayuga u. später die Tuscarora Sachems; a second tribal phratry; brother tribes to each other, and son tribes of those opposite.
Die Oneidas, being a subdivision of the Mohawks, u. die Cayugas a subdivision of the Onondagas or Senecas, they were in reality younger tribes, hence their relations of juniors u. seniors u. application of the phratric principle.
When the tribes named in Council, the Mohawks named first, their tribal epithet: „The Shield“; next the Onondagas, under epithet of „Name-Bearer“, because they had been appointed to select and name the 50 original sachems. Nach der tradition die Onondagas deputed a wise-man to visit the territories of the tribes and select and name the new Sachems je nach circumstances: which explains the unequal distribution of office among the several gentes; next in order the Senecas, the „Door Keeper“; were made perpetual keepers of the Western door of the Long House; dann die Oneidas, the „Great Tree“ u. die Cayugas the „Great Pipe“; the Tuscaroras named last ohne distinguishing epithet. [138, 139] |
50Der Foreign tribe represented at the Council durch a delegation of wise-men u. chiefs who bore their proposition and presented it in person. Nach ihrer introduction, macht einer der Sachem short address, thanking the Great Spirit etc, dann informing the delegates dass council prepared to hear them. One of the delegates submits the propostion in form, sustains it by arguments as ; nach conclusion der address, the delegation withdraws vom Council to wait at a distance. Nun debate unter den Sachems; when decision come to, a speaker appointed to communicate the answer of the council zu deren Empfang the delegation were recalled. Als speaker des Council meist chosen einer von tribe, der had convened the council; macht förmlichen speech reviewing the whole question, theilt dann rejection (mit reasons) mit od. acceptance (völlige od. in part). Im letzteren Fall belts of wampum exchanged as evidence of the terms of the agreement.
„This belt preserves my words“, common remark of an Iroquois chief in council, then delivering the belt as evidence of what he had said. Several such belts given in the course of a negotiation to the opposite party. In the reply of the latter a belt would be returned for each proposition accepted. [139]
Unanimity of the Sachems required upon all public questions u. essential to the validity of every public act; it was a fundamental law der confederacy; kannten nichts von majorities u. minorities in the action of councils; zur Erreichung der votes die oben angeführten classes. Kein Sachem allowed to express an opinion in council in the nature of a vote bevor er nicht had first agreed with the sachem or sachems seiner class upon the opinion to be expressed, and had been appointed to act as a speaker for the class. So die 8 Seneca Sachems in 4 classes konnten nur 4 opinions haben, u. die 10 Cayuga Sachems, in selber number of classes, konnten auch nur 4 opinions haben. Dann across a cross-consultation zwischen den 4 Sachems appointed to speak for the 4 classes; when they had agreed, they designated one of their number to express their resulting opinion, which was the answer of their tribe. Wenn so die Sachems jedes der tribes separately had become of one mind, their several opinions compared u. if they agreed the decision of the council was made. The 5 persons appointed to express the decision of the 5 tribes erklärt vielleicht die functions u. appointment der 6 electors in der Aztec confederacy. … War any sachem obdurate u. unreasonable, influences brought to bear upon him, which he could not well resist. Seltner Fall auch. [140, 141]
Beim Beginn der Amerik. Revolution konnten die Iroquois, wegen want of unanimity im confederate council, nicht übereinstimmen über Kriegserklärung gegen die neue American confederacy. Theil der Oneida Sachems refused. As neutrality was impossible with the Mohawks u. die Senecas were determined to fight, it was resolved that each tribe might engage in the war upon its own responsibility, or remain neutral. The war against the Eries, the Neutral Nation and Susquehannocks, u. die several wars gegen French, were resolved upon in General Council. »Our colonial records largely filled mit negociations mit der Iroquois Confederacy.« [140]
The induction of new Sachems into office great
interest to the people u. to the Sachems selbst. Für die
ceremony of raising sachems the general council primarily instituted; in
this capacity called Mourning Council, weil had
to lament the deceased u. to install his successor. Bei death of a Sachem, der tribe der ihn had lost had power to summon a
general council, name time u. place for meeting; a herald sent out with a belt of wampum, meist the official
belt of the deceased sachem which conveyed the message: „the name (der des defunct) calls for a council“, announced also the day u. place of
Bei Morgan, S. 141: convocation
Schließen convention. Mourning Council mit den
festivities that followed
Hauptattraction für die Iroquois, flocking to
attendance from the most distant localities with zeal u. enthusiasm. Bei
der lamentation (womit proceedings opened), a
procession formed, and the lament was chanted in
verse, with responses, by the united
tribes, as they marched vom place of reception to the place of
council. Dies 1st day’s proceeding; 2nd day: installation ceremony, lasts
meist bis 4th day.
u. a., for die instruction des newly raised sachem, the ancient wampum belts, into which, nach their expression, the structure and principles of the confederacy „had been talked“, were produced, u. read, i.e. interpreted. A wise-man, not necessarily one of the Sachems, took these belts one after the other u. walking to and fro between the 2 divisions of sachems, read from them the facts which they recorded. [141, 142] |
51Nach der Indian conception, these belts can tell,
by means of an interpreter, the exact rule, provision
or transaction talked into them at the time, and of which they were
the exclusive record. A strand
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Germ. strahn, one of the twists of which a rope is composed, Strähn = hank, skain skein
(Gebind[)]⦘
of wampum bestehend aus strings von purple u. white shell beads, or a belt woven with figures formed by beads of different
colour, operated on the principle of associating a particular
fact with a particular string; thus giving a serial arrangement to the
facts as well as fidelity to the memory. These strands u. belts of wampum were the only visible records der
Iroquois; aber they required trained
interpreters who could draw from their strings and figures the
records locked up in their remembrance. One of the Onondaga Sachems was made „Keeper of the
Wampum“, und 2 aids were raised up with
him who were required to be versed in its interpretation as
well as the sachem. The interpretation dieser several belts u. strings
brought out, in the address of the wise-man, a connected account of the
occurrences at the formation of the confederacy. The
tradition was repeated in full, and fortified in its essential
parts by reference to the records contained in diesen belts. Thus the
council to raise up sachems became a teaching
council which maintained in perpetual freshness in the minds of
the Iroquois the structure and principles der confederacy, as
well as the history of its formation. These
proceedings occupied the council until noon each day; the afternoon
being devoted to games u. amusements. At twilight each day a dinner in common served to the entire body in
attendance; consisted of soup and boiled meat cooked near the council-house, and served directly from the kettle in wooden bowls, trays and ladles. Grace was said before the feast commenced; it
was a prolonged exclamation by a single person on a high shrill note,
falling down in cadences into stillness, followed by a response in chorus by the people. The evenings
devoted to dance. After these ceremonies u. festivities – for several
days – their sachems inducted into office. [142,
143]
Ob das right des Council to »invest« Sachems nur functional? Jedenfalls no case of
rejection mentioned. Bei Morgan,
S. 144: In form an oligarchy, taking this term in its best
sense, it [the scheme adopted by the Iroquois to maintain a
ruling body of sachems] was yet a
Schließen Obgleich in form an
oligarchy, this ruling body of
sachems
a representative democracy of the archaic type.
Right of gentes to elect u. depose sachems u. chiefs, right of the
people to be heard in council durch orators of their election,
and the voluntary system in the military service. In
dieser lower u. middle
ethnical period democratic principles were the vital element of
gentile society.
[144]
Ho-yar-na-go’-war, the Iroquois name for a sachem, means: „a counselor of the people“; analog bei den members of the Grecian council of chiefs; so
| bei Aeschylus, The Seven against Thebes, 1005: |
Urtheil und Ausspruch
kundzuthun, verpflichten mich Des hohen Raths
Vorsteher hier in Kadmos Stadt. (Übers. Johann
Heinrich Voß.) Marx besaß eine Ausgabe der Tragödien von Aeschylus (von Johann Heinrich Voss. Wohlfeile Ausg. Heidelberg 1839) und einen Band der von Karl Tauchnitz verlegten Stereotypausgabe (Aeschylus: Tragoediae. Editio stereotypa. Lipsiae 1810) (siehe das von Roland Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.12, 20)). Der Verbleib der Exemplare ist nicht bekannt. Marx zitiert diese Passage nach Morgan im vorliegenden Exzerpt noch einmal, aber mit Einfügungen aus der Ausgabe von Christian Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit, scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus] Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797). Siehe die Sachanmerkungen zu „kommt Herald …“ und „Die Stelle bei Aeschylus …“. Bei einem anderen Zitat nach Aeschylus im vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich Marx explizit auf Schütz’ „Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2, S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Die Stelle scheint verdorben …“ Schließen »δοκοῦντα καὶ δόξαντ’ ἀπαγγέλλειν με χρὴ δήμου προβούλοις τῆσδε Καδμείας πόλεως«. |
Chief of the second grade heisst: „Ha-sa-no-wä’-na“, „an elevated name“, indicates
appreciation der Barbaren of the ordinary motives for personal ambition. Fast ohne Ausnahme
die
celebrated orators, wise-men and war-chiefs der Iroquois – chiefs of the 2nd grade. Office of chief bestowed for merit, fell
necessarily auf die ablest men (diese also excluded von General Council, aus dem so das
ambitious element entfernt). In American
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (European) annals fast nur berührt
solche chiefs; none of the long lines of sachems ausser
Logan
(einer
der Cayuga sachems),
Handsome Lake
(Seneca sachem, Gründer der New Religion der Iroquois)
u. at a recent day
Ely
S. Parker
(Seneca sachem). [144,
145]
In der
confederacy of tribes taucht zuerst auf the office of General (Hos-gä-ä-geh’-da-go-wä = „Great
War Soldier“). Enstanden nun cases, when the
several tribes in their confederate capacity would be engaged in
war. So want felt for a general commander to
direct the movements of the united bands. Die
introduction of this office as a permanent feature
Bei Morgan, S. 146: a great event in the
history of human progress
Schließen
verhängnisvoll
event in human history. Beginn der differentiation of the military von der civil
power, which, when completed, changed
essentially the external manifestation of the government. Aber
gentilism arrested usurpation; government of one
power became nun one of 2; the functions of the gvt became in [course
of] time co-ordinated
between the two. This new office – the germ of a chief executive magistrate; out of the
general came the king
etc.
The office sprang v. den military
necessities of society. – |
The Great War Soldier der Iroquois (lower status of barbarism), der Teuctli der Aztecs (middle
status of barbarism), der
βασιλευς
βασιλεύς
der Griechen u. rex der
Römer (Upper Status of barbarism) – three successive ethnic
epochs – selbes office, das eines Generals in a
military democracy. Bei Iroquois, Aztecs, Romans
das office elective u. confirmative
durch a constituency; wahrscheinlich auch bei den
Griechen während der
traditionary period; Bei Morgan,
S. 146/147: It is claimed that the office of basileus among the
Grecian tribes, in the Homeric period was hereditary from father
to son. This is at least doubtful. It is such a wide and total
departure from the original tenure of the office as to require
positive evidence to establish the fact. An election, or
confirmation by a constituency, would still be necessary under
gentile institution
Schließen auf nichts
gegründet die Behauptung, dass es erblich bei den homerischen tribes v. father to
son; widerspricht dem groundwork of gentile
institutions. Wenn in zahlreichen Fällen das office passed von father to
son, dies might have suggested the inference –
unbegründete – of hereditary succession, now
adopted as historically true. Bei Morgan, S. 147: It is far more
probable that
Schließen – Hereditary succession
, when first established, came from force
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe S. 51 und Morgan, S. 146.
Schließen (usurpation),
nicht by the free consent of the people.
[146, 147]
Nach Stiftung der Iroquois confederacy two permanent war-chiefships created u. named, both assigned to the Seneca tribe. One of them – Ta-wan’-ne-ars, signifying needle[-]breaker ) – made hereditary in the Wolf gens u. the other – So-no’-so-wä = »great oyster shell« – in the Turtle gens. Senecas erhielten beide offices, weil the greater danger of attack at the west end of their territories; were elected in same manner as the sachems, »raised up« by a general council, u. both equal in rank u. power. As general commanders they had charge of the military affairs of the confederacy u. the command of its joint forces when united in general expedition. Governor Blacksnake , recently deceased, held the office first named, showing that the succession has been regularly maintained. 2 gewählt to prevent the domination of a single man even in their military affairs; so die 2 Roman consuls, nach Abschaffung des rex. [147]
The Iroquois conquered other tribes and held them in subjection, z. B. die Delawares, aber die letztern blieben unter dem government of their own chiefs, and added nothing to the strength of the confederacy. It was impossible in this state of society to unite tribes under one government who spoke different languages, and to hold conquered tribes under tribute with any benefit but the tribute.
The Iroquois brain approached in volume the Aryan average; eloquent in oratory, vindictive in war, indomitable in perseverance, they have gained a place in history. They had urged the Eries and the Neutral Nation to become members of their confederacy, and for their refusal expelled them from their borders. In the competition between English u. French for supremacy in North America – as the 2 were nearly equal in power and resources during the first century of colonization – the French Scheitern in no small degree to be ascribed to the Iroquois. [149, 150]
Pt. II. Ch. VI Gentes in other tribes of the Ganowánian
Family.
Bei Entdeckung von America in several regions, the aborigines found in 2 dissimilar conditions: 1) The Village Indians, abhängig fast ganz upon horticulture für Subsistence; such the tribes in this status in New Mexico, Mexico, Central America u. auf dem Plateau der Andes; 2) die non-horticultural Indians, depending upon fish, bread-roots u. games game ; such those of the Valley of Columbia, of the Hudson Bay Territory, parts [of] Canada etc[.] Zwischen diesen tribes, u. connecting the extremes by insensible gradations, 3) the partially Village u. partially Horticultural Indians: such: Iroquois, the New England u. Virginia Indians, the Creeks, Choctas, Cherokees, Minnitarees, Dakotas, Shawnees. Weapons, arts, usages, inventions, dances, house architecture, form of government, plan of life, all bear impress of a common mind; über wide rag range zeigen sie the successive stages of development of the same original conceptions.
Es ward nun Zusatz von Marx. Bei
Morgan, S. 152: Our first mistake […]
Schließen (v. European u. American
writers) erst overrated the comparative advance der Village
Indians, underrated das der
nonhorticultural
non-horticultural
, hence betrachtet als 2 different
races. Aber Anzahl der
non-horticultural tribes were in Upper State of Savagery; the intermediate tribes in the Lower Status of
barbarism, die
village Indians in Middle
Status of Barbarism. Die evidence of their unity of origin now so accumulated that settled; Eskimos belong
to a different family.|
In den »Systems of consanguinity etc« Morgan presented selbiges von 70 American Indian tribes; selbes system nachgewiesen bei ihnen mit evidence of its derivation von common source; er nannte sie allesammt die Ganowánian Family („Family of the Bow and Arrow“.)
Giebt nun mit Bezug auf die Gentes der different tribes dieser Ganowánian Family: (nach Nomenclatur in „Systems of Consanguinity“ ) [151, 152]
| 1) Iroquois. | Gentes: | 1) Wolf. | 2) Bear. | 3) Beaver. | 4) Turtle. | 5) Deer. | 6) Snipe. | 7) Heron. | 8) Hawk. |
| 2) Wyandotes; | remains of the ancient Hurons, separated v. Iroquois at least 400 years. | ||||||||
| Gentes. | 1) Wolf, | 2) Bear, | 3) Beaver, | 4) Turtle, | 5) Deer, | 6) Snake, | 7) Porcupine, | 8) Hawk. | |
Hawk no now extinct; [the Wyandotes have] noch 5 gentes in common mit Iroquois, names nun changed.
Descent in female line; marriage in gens prohibited; office of sachem (civil chief) hereditary in gens, elective among its members; office of Sachem passes von brother to brother or v. uncle to nephew; that of warchief war-chief bestowed for merit, haben 7 sachems u. 7 warchiefs war-chiefs ; property hereditary in gens, children inherit their mother’s (nothing from father) effects, wether whether married or unmarried; each gens has power to depose and elect its chiefs.
The Eries, Neutral Nation, Nottoways, Tutelos u. Susquehannocks, now extinct, or absorbed in other tribes, belong to same lineage. [153]
II) Dakotian Tribes.
Zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung in zahlreiche groups zerfallen, ebenso ihre Sprache in viele Dialekte; aber der Hauptsache nach bewohnten sie continuous areas; occupied the head waters des Mississippi u. beide banks des Missouri für mehr als 1000 miles in extent; Iroquois u. their cognate tribes wahrscheinlich offshot offshoot of this stem.
1) Dakotas or Sioux; jetzt about 12 independent
tribes; gentile organization in decadence, aber their next
congeners, the Missouri tribes possess it; have societies named after animals analogous to
gentes, aber letztre jetzt verschwunden.
Carver, Travels in
North America[,] Philad. ed.
1796
, p. 164, war bei ihnen 1767; he visited the Eastern Dacotas Dakotas on the Mississippi. Giebt exacte tribe u. gentes Beschreibung derselben, stimmt auch
ganz mit sachem u. warchief war-chief etc.
Morgan
besuchte Eastern Dacotas Dakotas 1861, Western 1862, Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen also beide fast a
century nach Carver
, fand nichts mehr v. gentes;
a change of life den Dakotas aufgezwungen im Interval when they were forced upon the plains u. fell into nomadic bands. [154,
155]
| a) Punkas. Gentes: | 1) Grizzly Bear; | 2) Many People. | 3) Elk. | 4) Skunk. |
| 5) Buffalo. | 6) Snake; | 7) Medicine; | 8) Ice. |
Hier descent in male line, the children belonging to the gens of the father; office of Sachem hereditary in gens, choice elective, but sons of a deceased Sachem eligible; change vom archaic [form] wahrscheinlich recent, da descent noch in female line bei 2 der 8 Missouri tribes, Otoes u. Missouris u. unter den Mandans (Upper Missouri tribes). Property hereditary in the gens, worin intermarriage prohibited.
| b) Omahas. gentes | 1) Deer | 2) Black | 3) Bird | 4) [Turtle ] |
| 5) Buffalo | 6) Bear | 7) Medicine | 8) [Kaw] | |
| 9) Head | 10) Red. | 11) Thunder | 12) [Many Seasons] | |
|
Descent, inheritance, marriage same wie bei Punkas. |
||||
| c) Iowas. gentes: | 1) Wolf | 2) Bear. | 3) Cow Buffalo | 4) Elk |
Beaver gens existed unter Iowas u. Otoes, extinct. Anything else as before. |
| 5) Eagle. | 6) Pigeon. | 7) Snake. | 8) Owl |
| d) Otoes u. Missouris. Diese tribes have coalesced, into one, mit following 8 gentes. | |||||
| 1) Wolf. | 2) Bear | 3) Cow Buffalo | 4) Elk | Descent in female line. Office of Sachem u. property
hereditary in gens, wo intermarriage prohibited. |
|
| 5) Eagle. | 6) Pigeon | 7) Snake. | 8) Owl. | ||
| e) Kaws (Kaw’-za zǎ) | |||||
| Gentes | 1) Dear Deer | 2) Bear | 3) Buffalo | 4) Eagle (white) | Descent, inheritance, marriage regulation wie bei Punkas. |
| 5) Eagle (black) | 6) Duck | 7) Elk | 8) Raccoon | ||
| 9) Prairie Wolf | 10) Turtle | 11) Earth | 12) Deer Tail | ||
| 13) Tent | 14) Thunder | ||||
Die wildest der American aborigines; intelligent; 1869 the Kaws, much reduced, about 700, giebt 50 per gens. Osages u. Quappas (tribes) hat Morgan nicht besucht. – Home country aller dieser tribes along the Missouri and its tributaries, von Mündung des Big Sioux to the Mississippi u. down the west bank des letzteren bis Arkansas river. Alle speak closely related dialects of the Dakotian stock language. [155–157] |
54| f) 3) Winnebagoes. | Gentes. | 1) Wolf | 2) Bear | 3) Buffalo. | 4) Eagle |
| 5) Elk. | 6) Dear Deer. | 7) Snake | 8) Thunder. |
When first discovered tribe resided near the lake of same name in Wisconsin; offshoot of the Dakotian stem, folgten im track der Iroquois nach valley of St. Lawrence, progress arrested durch die Algonkin tribes zwischen lake Huron u. Lake Superior. Ihre nächste affiliation mit den Missouri tribes.
Descent, inheritance, marriage, wie bei
Punkas. Sonderbar dass so many tribes of this stock changed female [to] male line of descent, da, wenn Bei Morgan,
S. 157: first known, the idea of property.
Schließen entdeckt, property
bei
ihnen nur slightly über germinating stage.
Wahrscheinlich all dies recent under
American u. missionary influence.
Carver fand bei den
Winnebagoes traces of descent in the female
line in 1787. (Sieh
»Travels[«,]
l.c.[,]
p. 166) Er sagt: „Some nations, when the dignity is
hereditary, limit the succession to the female
line. On the death of a chief his
sister’s son succeeds [him]
in preference to his own son; and if he
happens to have no sister the nearest female
relation assumes the dignity. This
accounts for a woman being at the head of the Winnebago Bei Morgan, S. 158 (wie bei Carver): nation
Schließen family
, which,
before I was acquainted with their laws, appeared strange to me.“
1869 the Winnebagoes numbered 1400, per
gens average of 150 persons. [157, 158]
| 1) Mandans. | Gentes. | 1) Wolf | 2) Bear | 3) Prairie Chicken | 4) Good knife. |
| 5) Eagle. | 6) Flathead. | 7) High Village. |
In intelligence u. arts of life the Mandans ahead of all their kindred tribes, dafür probably indebted to the Minnitarees.
Descent in female line, office and property hereditary in the gens, worin intermarriage prohibited. Zeigt, dass originally female descent im Dacotian Dakotian stock.
2) Minnitarees. This tribe u. the Upsarokas or Crows subdivisions of an original people[;] doubtful members of this branch of the Ganowánian family, placed in them from number of words common mit denen der Missouri u. Dakota tribes placed with them. They carried horticulture, the timber-framed house u. a peculiar religious system into this area which they taught the Mandans; können sein descendants der Mountbilders Mound-Builders .
Minnitarees u. Mandans live now in the same village; among the finest specimens of red man now in North America.
| 3) Upsorakas Upsarokas or Crows. | Gentes: | 1) Prairie Dog. | 2) Bad Leggins. | 3) Skunk. | 4) Treacherous Lodges. |
| 5) Lost Lodges. | 6) Bad Honors. | 7) Butchers. | 8) Moving Lodges. | ||
| 9) Bear’s Paw Mountain. | 10) Blackfood Blackfoot Lodges. | 11) Fish Catchers. | 12) Antelope. | ||
| 13) Raven. | |||||
| Descent, inheritance, marriage etc wie bei Minnitarees. | |||||
If a person to whom any article of property had been presented died with it in his possession, and the donor was dead, it reverted to the gens of the latter. Property made or acquired by a wife descended after her death to her children, that of a husband to his gentile kindred. If a person made a present to a friend and died the latter must perform some recognized act of mourning, such as cutting off the joint of a finger at the funeral or surrender the property to the gens of the donor. This act of mourning very common unter den Crows, auch as a religious offering when they hold a „Medicine lodge,“ a great religious ceremonial.
The Crows haben einen Ehegebrauch, den Morgan bei mindestens 40 andern Indian tribes gefunden: when a man marries the eldest daughter in a family he is entitled to all her sisters when they attain maturity. (Survival of custom of punalua)
Polygamy allowed generally by usage unter allen American aborigines, never prevalent in irgend bedeutendem Mass wegen inability of persons to support more than one family. [158–160]
III) Gulf Tribes.
| Creeks; Hitchetes; Youchees Yoochees; Alabamas; Coosatees u. Natches. Mit Ausnahme der letzteren, admitted in ihre confederacy after their overthrow durch French, spoke all dialects der same language. |
Descent unter den Creeks in female line, sachemship u. property of deceased persons hereditary in gens, worin intermarriage prohibited; die andren tribes hatten auch gentile organization; jetzt die Creeks partially civilized, political system, in a few years traces of their gentile organization will have desappeared.|
55
Fehler bei Morgan, S. 161. Soll sein:
ca. 680 persons to gens
Schließen
1869 Creeks
numbered about 15,000,
average von 550 persons to gens.
| Gentes der Creeks. (22) | 1) Wolf. | 2) Bear. | 3) Skunk. |
| 4) Alligator. | 5) Deer. | 6) Bird. | |
| 7) Tiger. | 8) Wind. | 9) Toad. | |
| 10) Mole | 11) Fox | 12) Raccoon | |
| 13) Fish | 14) Corn | 15) Potatoe | |
| 16) Hickory nut. | 17) Salt. | 18) Wild Cat. | |
| 19), 20) 21) 22) signification lost. | |||
| Ist Phratry | Divided People | gentes: | 1) Reed. | 2) Law Okla. | 3) Lulak. | 4) Linoklusha. |
| IInd " " | Beloved People. | 1) Beloved people. | 2) Small people. | 3) Large People. | 4) Cray Fish. |
Gentes of same phratry could not intermarry, but jede mit gentes der other; zeigt, dass wie bei Iroquois, the Choctas commenced mit 2 gentes, jedes jede davon nachher subdivided into 4. Descent in female line, Property and Sachemship hereditary in gens.
1869 – some 12,000, gives average per gens = 1500. 1820 residirten sie noch in their ancient territory, east of Mississippi, immigrated dann in Indian territory. – Nach Chocta usages property after the death of a man distributed unter his brothers and sisters and the children of his sisters, nicht under his children; could give his property to his children in his lifetime, then they could hold it against his gens. Viele Indian tribes haben jezt considerable property in domestic animals, houses u. lands, owned by individuals; unter ihnen common practice to give it to their children during their live time life-time . Im Mass wie property wuchs, disheritance disinheritance of children began to arouse opposition to gentile inheritance u. in some of the tribes , u. a. bei den Choctas old usage abolished a few years since, right of inheritance exclusively vested in the children of defunct owner. Dies came, however, durch substitution of a political system in the place of gentile system, an elective council u. magistracy substituted to the old gvt by chiefs. Under previous usages wife inherited nothing from her husband and vice versa, nor he from her; but the wife’s effects divided among her children u. in default of them her sisters.
| Ist Panter Panther Phratry | Gentes. | 1) Wild Cat. | 2) Bird. | 3) Fish. | 4) Deer. | ||||
| IInd Spanish Phratry | 1) Raccoon. | 2) Spanish. | 3) Royal. | 4) Hush-ko-ni | 5) Squirrel. | 6) Alligator. | 7) Wolf. | 8) Blackbird. |
Descent in female line, intermarriage in gens prohibited, sachemship and property hereditary in gens.
1869 they numbered 5000, average per gens about 400.
| Gentes: | 1) Wolf | 2) Red Paint | 3) Long Prairie | 4) Deaf (a Bird) | Descent in female line; intermarriage in gens forbidden. |
| 5) Holly. | 6) Deer. | 7) Blue | 8) Long Hair |
1869: 14,000, average per gens =750 1750. Jezt Cherokees u. Ojibwas exceed
all the remaining Indians in U. St. in Anzahl of persons speaking the same dialect. Nicht
wahrscheinlich, dass jemals in any part of North
America 100,000 spoke same dialect; dies nur bei Aztecs, Tezcucans u. Tlascalans (tribes) u. selbst dies schwer zu beweisen Bei Morgan, S. 164: at the epoch of
the Spanish Conquest, upon trustworthy
evidence
Schließen upon Spanish evidence. The unusual numbers of
Creeks u. Cherokees due to possession of domestic animals
u.
welldeveloped well-developed field agriculture; now partially civilized, having substituted an elective constitutional gvt to the ancient gentes, unter dessen influence diese
in raschem Verfall.
| [160–164] |
IV. Pawnee tribes.
Die Pawnees sollen nach Aussage des missionary Rev. Samuel Allis in 6 gentes organisirt sein: Bear, Beaver, Eagle, Buffalo, Deer, Owl.
If so, auch die Arickarees (deren village near dem der Minnitarees u. die die next congeners der Pawnees), die Huecos u. 2 od. 3 andre small tribes residing on the Canadian river: haben alle stets west von Missouri gelebt u. sprechen an independent stocklanguage. [164, 165] |
V. Algonkin Tribes.
Bei Entdeckung dieses great stock der American
aborigines nahmen sie ein Area v. Rocky
Mountains bis Hudson’s Bey Bay südlich vom Siskatchewun, u. dann östlich zum Atlantic, einschliesslich beider Ufer des Lake Superior except at its
head u. beide Küsten des
St. Lawrence, Bei Morgan, S. 165: below
Schließen südlich von
Lake Champlain. Südlich extended their area entlang der atlantischen Küste bis
Nord Carolina u. down
the East Bank des Mississippi in Wisconsin, Illinois bis
Kentucky. Innerhalb der östlichen
Section dieser immense region waren die Iroquois
u. their affiliated tribes an intrusive
people, einzige Conkurrenten der Algonkins innerhalb der
boundaries dieser Section.
Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen a)
Gitchigamian Tribes (From the Ojibwa, gĭ-tchi’ (great) u. gä’-me (lake), the aboriginal name of Lake Superior u. other
great lakes[)]
.
1) Ojibwas. Sprechen selben Dialekt,
organized in gentes, Bei Morgan, S. 165: of which the names
of twenty-three have been obtained without being certain
that they include the whole number
Schließen wovon Morgan 23 gefischt. In ihrem
dialect the symbol or devise device of gens heisst totem (ebenso oft pronounced dodaim); z. B. a Wolf das totem der Wolf Gens. Bei
Morgan, S. 165: From this Mr. Schoolcraft used the words
“totemic system” to express the gentile organization
(„History of Indian Tribes“):
Zusatz von Marx nach Morgan, S. 179. Marx vermerkte diesen
Titel auch in seinen
bibliographischen Notizen am Anfang des vorliegenden
Hefts.
Schließen Hence hat
Schoolcraft
(„History of Indian
Tribes“) die gentile organization „totemic
organization“ getauft.
|
23 gentes Zusatz von Marx. Schließen (bekannt) |
1) Wolf, | 2) Bear, | 3) Beaver | 4) Turtle (mud) | 5) Turtle (Snapping) | 6) Turtle (little) | |||
| 7) Reindeer | 8) Snipe. | 9) Crane | 10) Pigeon Hawk | 11) Bald Eagle. | 12) Loon | 13) Duck. | 14) Duck. | 15) Snake | |
| 16) Muskrat. | 17) Marten. | 18) Heron | 19) Bull Head. | 20) Carp | 21) Cat Fish | 22) Sturgeon u. | 23) Pike. |
Descent in male line, children belonging to their father’s gens. Ursprünglich female. Denn 1) die
Delawares, anerkannt durch alle
Algonkin tribes als einer der ältesten, von allen „Grandfathers“ genannt, haben noch
descent in female line, wie ditto etsliche andre Algonkin
tribes; 2) Evidence, dass noch 1840 descent
in the female line with respect to the Sachem. 3) American u. missionary
influence; den Missionaries, schien Erbfolge die den Sohn enterbte, ungerecht.
– Bei
Morgan, S. 166, Fn. 2: An Ojibwa sachem, Ke-we’-kons, who
died about 1840, at the age of ninety years, when asked by
my Informant why he did not retire from office and give
place to his son, replied, that his son could not succeed
him; that the right of succession belonged to his nephew,
E-kwä’-ka-mik, who must have the office. This nephew was a
son of one of his sisters. From this statement it follows
that descent, anciently, and within a recent period, was in
the female line. It does not follow from the form of the
statement that the nephew would take by hereditary right,
but that he was in the line of succession, and his election
was substantially assured.
Schließen Wo wir das Wort »hereditary«
anwenden, z. B. für nephew (seiner Schwester Sohn) eines
Sachem, folgt nicht, dass letzterer »heriditary hereditary right« hatte im modernen Sinn, sondern
dass er in line of succession (in
der gens) u. his election
substantially secured.
Property u. office hereditary in gens (worin intermarriage verboten); jetzt bekommen Kinder das meiste to the exclusion ihrer gentile kindred. Property u. effects der mother pass to the children, in their default to her sisters, own u. collateral. Ein Sohn kann jetzt seinem Vater folgen in office; wo several sons choice determined by election; the gentiles kann können nicht nur elect, sondern auch depose.
Jetzt Ojibwas some 16,000; gibt average für gens about 700.
| 1) Wolf. | 2) Bear | 3) Beaver | 4) Elk. | 5) Loon | 6) Eagle | 7) Sturgeon. | 8) Carp. | 9) Bald Eagle. |
Zusatz von
Marx. Schließen Loon = Tauchente. |
| 10) Thunder. | 11) Rabbit. | 12) Crow | 13) Fox. | 14) Turkey. | 15) Black Hawk. |
3) Ojibwas, Otawas, u. Potawatamies Potawattamies subdivisions of an original tribe; when first known – confederated.
4) Crees; when discovered held northwest shore of Lake Superior, spread v. da zu Hudson’s Bey Bay u. dann westlich to the Red River to of the North; occupy später the region of the Siskatchevun Siskatchewun , ihre gentile organization lost; nearest related to the Ojibwas, gleichen ihnen closely in manners, customs, personal appearance. [165–168]
Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen b)
Mississippi Tribes. Western Algonkins,
occupied eastern banks of Mississippi in
Wiskonsin Wisconsin u. Illinois u. südlich bis
Kentucky.
| 1) Miamis. | 10 gentes. | 1) Wolf. | 2) Loon. | 3) Eagle. | 4) Buzzard. | 5) Panther. | 6) Turkey. | 7) Raccoon | 8) Snow |
| 9) Sun. | 10) Water |
Ihre immediate congeners – Weas, Piankeshaws, Peorias, Kaskascias Kaskaskias early known unter collective name of Illinois, jetzt wenige, haben ihre alte Lebensart verlassen für settled agricultural life.
Die
Miamis declining in numbers, changed
condition, gentile organization quickly
disappearing. When decline commenced, descent in male line, Bei Morgan, S. 168: intermarriage in the gens was
forbidden, and the office of sachem together with property
were hereditary in the gens
Schließen sonst wie vorher.|
2) Shawnees (highly advanced); haben noch ihre gentes, obgleich sie substituted der
gentile – civil organization. Ihre gentes
erhalten sie für genealogical u. social purposes, sind: Von
Marx nachträglich nach Morgan, S. 179, hinzugefügt. Siehe
die Sachanmerkung zu
„(cf. über die Grandmother … oben p. 57)“, wo Marx
auf diese Heftseite verweist.
Schließen ⦗Shawnees formerly
worshipped a female deity – Go-gome-tha-mä’ (our Grandmother.[)⦘]
| 1) Wolf | 2) Loon | 3) Bear | 4) Buzzard | 5) Panther | 6) Owl, | 7) Turkey, | 8) Deer | 9) Raccoon. | 10) Turtle. | 11) Snake. | 12) Horse | 13) Rabbit. |
Descent etc wie bei Miamis. 1867 1869 ihrer nur 700, about 50 per gens; früher 3–4000, was above the average of American Indian tribes.
Shawnees hatten a custom – wie auch
die
Miamis, ditto Sauks u.
Foxes – of naming children in gens v. Vather Vater od. Mutter od. any other gens under certain
restrictions. Bei Morgan, S. 169: It has been shown
that among the Iroquois […] – Marx verweist auf S. 35 des vorliegenden
Hefts.
Schließen Unter den
Iroquois, sieh oben, hatte jede
gens its own special names für persons which no other gens had a
right to use; in every tribe daher
the name
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (special, personal)
indicated the gens. So unter den
Sauks u. Foxes „Long Horn“ is a name
belonging to the Deer Gens; Black Wolf to the Wolf gens; in the Eagle gens the following are Bei Morgan,
S. 169: specimen names
Schließen
special
names
: Ká-po-nä („Eagle drawing his nest“); Ja-ka-kwä-pe („Eagle sitting with his head up“); Pe-ǎ-tä-na-kä-hok („Eagle flying over a
limb[“]).
Unter den
Shawnees these names carried mit sich the
rights of the gens to which they belonged, so that the name determined the gens of the person.
Der Sachem musste in allen Fällen zu seiner gens gehören;
wahrscheinlich der
change von female to male line commenced
thus: in erster Instanz to enable a son (der
zur gens der Mutter gehörte) to succeed to his
father, u. zweitens, to enable children
to inherit property from their father. Empfing ein Sohn den Namen seines Vaters, so konnte er
Bei
Morgan, S. 169: place him in his father’s gens and in the
line of succession
Schließen ihm in office
nachfolgen
, subject to election. Aber
der father had no control over the question; it was
left by the gens to certain persons, mostly matrons to be consulted when children were to be named,
with power to determine the name when to be given. Durch dies arrangement
between the Shawnee gentes these persons had this power, could so carry the person into the gens to which
the name belonged.
Kommentar
von Marx. Diese
Bemerkung
übernimmt Engels im „Ursprung“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 33).
Schließen
⦗Eingeborne casuistry of man to change things by
changing names! u. Schlupfwinkel zu finden, um
innerhalb der Tradition die Tradition zu durchbrechen, wo actual interest powerful motive dazu
gab!⦘
Traces der archaic rule of descent existiren
unter den Shawnees.
3) Sauks u. Foxes: diese tribes consolidated into one; alles andre wie Miamis; 1869 nur 700, about 50 per gens. Noch 14 gentes.
| 1) Wolf | 2) Bear | 3) Deer. | 4) Elk | 5) Hawk. | 6) Eagle. | 7) Fish. | 8) Buffalo. | 9) Thunder. | 10) Bone. | 11) Fox. | 12) Sea | 13) Sturgeon. | 14) Big Tree |
4) Menominees u. Kikapoos; diese tribes independent of each other, organized in gentes; property hereditary in the gens, but restricted to the agnatic kin in the female line. [168–171]
Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen c)
Rocky Mountain tribes. 1) Blood Blackfeet u. 2) Piegan
Blackfeet. Jeder dieser 2 tribes in gentes getheilt, erster
in 5, 2ter in 8. Bei Morgan, S. 171:
Several of the names […] are more appropriate to bands than
to gentes;
Schließen Namentlich unter den letzteren Namen (von gens), die mehr nach Bands als gentes riechen,
wie
Web Fat, Inside Fat, Conjurers, Never Laugh,
Starving, Half Dead Meat; aber nicknames
for gentes superseded in some cases the original names. Descent in male line, intermarriage in gens
prohibited.
[171]
Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen d) Atlantic
Tribes.
1) Delawares, one of the oldest of the Algonquin Algonkin Tribes; when discovered, their home country region around and North of Delaware
Bay
[;]
haben 3 Gentes: 1) Wolf; 2) Turtle. 3) Turkey, aber jede dieser gens gentes a phratry, da Wolf getheilt in 12
subgentes,
each having some of the attributes of a gens; Turtle in 10 subgentes (2 fernere
extinct
),
Turkey in 12 subgentes. The names
der subgentes are personal, u. meist, wenn nicht alle, female;
Bei
Morgan, S. 172: The names are personal, and mostly, if not
in every case, those of females. As this feature was unusual
I worked it out as minutely as possible at the Delaware
reservation in Kansas, in 1860, with the aid of William
Adams, an educated Delaware. It proved impossible to find
the origin of these subdivisions, but they seemed to be the
several eponymous ancestors from whom the members of the
gentes respectively derived their descent
Schließen sind betrachtet by the Delawares selbst (jezt at the
Delaware Reservation in Kansas)
betrachtet als their several eponymous
ancestors
. Bemerkung von Marx.
Schließen Dies zeigt zweierlei: 1) wie die
ursprünglichen Thiernamen der gentes
Platzmachen können Personennamen;
⦗die Namen der ursprünglichen Gentes bleiben hier Wolf, Turtle, Turkey; aber
die Segmentation der gens in subgentes nach den
specific (personal) Namen der Stammmütter der Theile
(Unterabtheilungen der Gensfamilien); so werden
die ursprünglichen Thiernamen der gentes Namen von Phratrien u. die der subgentes von Personen (Mütter),
ohne dass dieser change (wie bei male descent der
Antiken) anything mit heroworship (als Urahnen) zu thun
hätte⦘ Zweitens:
Bei
Morgan, S. 172: It shows also the natural growth of the
phratries from the gentes. – Siehe S. 173: the evidence of
the segmentation of original gentes
Schließen zeigt sich hier natural
growth von Phratry
durch segmentation einer gens in several
subgentes.
Descent bei den Delawares in female
line
Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen
Worten.
Schließen u. alles andre archaisch. (So die 3 original gentes could not intermarry innerhalb selber
gens; in recent years the prohibition limited to the subgentes; so in Wolf Bei Morgan, S. 172:
gens
Schließen tribe
z. B. die of same
name cannot intermarry, wohl aber die of different names.) Auch die practice of naming children into the gens |58
of their father aufgekommen bei den
Delawares, has introduced the same confusion of
descents wie unter Shawnees u. Miamis. Kommentar
von Marx. Diese
Bemerkung
übernimmt Engels im „Ursprung“ wie folgt: „Dadurch entstand
heillose Verwinung, der nur abzuhelfen war, und theilweise
auch abgeholfen wurde, durch Uebergang zum Vaterrecht. ‚Dies
scheint überhaupt der natürlichste Uebergang.‘ (Marx.)“
(MEGA I/29. S. 33.)
Schließen ⦗
Dies scheint
der natürliche Uebergang von female to male line: der confusion konnte nur durch
den change Ende gemacht werden.⦘
American civilization u. intercourse gave
shock to the institutions der
Indians, ihr ethnic life so gradually
breaking down.
Weil descent in female line, bei den
Delawares wie Iroquois, office of Sachem v. Bruder to Bruder od. von
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (mütterlichem) Onkel zu
Nephew Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Schwesterssohn)
[.]
[171–173]
2) Munsees; offshot offshoot der Delawares, haben dieselben gentes: Wolf, Turtle, Turkey; female descent etc[.]
3) Mohegans; form part of the New England Indians, south of river Kennebeck, die all closely related in language, could understand each other’s dialects. Mohegans haben, wie Delawares u. Munsees – the Wolf, Turtle u. Turkey, each of which composed of a number of gentes, also break up v. original gens into several which remain united in a phratry. Die phratries bei den Mohegans cover the gentes of each u. die phratries must be stated, to explain the classification of the gentes. Descent in female line. ⦗auch so unter Pequots u. Narragansetts⦘
| I) Wolf Phratry | 1) Wolf | 2) Bear | 3) Dog | 4 Opossum |
| II) Turtle " " | 1) Little Turtle | 2) Mud Turtle | 3) Great Turtle | 4) Yellow Eeel Eel. |
| III) Turkey " " | 1) Turkey | 2) Crane | [3) Chicken] |
4) Abanakis Abenakis (bedeutet „rising sun [people]“). Dies tribe more closely connected mit den Micmacs als den New England Indians south of the Kennebeck. 14 gentes, worin verschiedene the same as among the Ojibwas. Descent now in male line, prohibition of intermarriage in gens now much weakened, office of Sachem hereditary in gens. [173–175]
VI) Athapasco-Apache Tribes.
Ob die Athapascans des Hudson’s Bey Bay Territory u. die Apaches of New Mexico, die subdivisions eines original stock sind, organized in gentes, nicht definitely ascertained. – Hare and Red Knife Athapascans (in Hudson’s Bey Bay Territ.) – Slave Lake Athapascans in ditto.
Die Kutchin (Louchoux) der Yukon river Region
Zusatz von Marx.
Siehe
Morgan, S. 176, wo ein Brief von George Gibbs zitiert ist:
the Northern Indians, the inhabitants of the Northwest
Coast, extending from the Upper end of Vancouver’s Island
into the Russian Possessions
Schließen ⦗Northwest Territorium,
British Northamerica, südlich von den ex-russischen
Küstenniederlassungen⦘
sind Athapascans u. bei ihnen (nach Brief of
late
George
Gibbs
an Morgan): Unter den
Kutchin „3 grades or classes of society
(soll heissen totem, die aber in rank verschieden sein mögen[)]
Kommentar von Marx. –
Zu seiner Verwendung von „caste“ bzw. „Kaste“ siehe Marx an
Annenkov,
28. Dezember 1846 (MEGA III/2. S. 73); Das Kapital.
Erster Band (MEGA II/6. S. 335, 360 und
Fn. 82); L. Krader: The ethnological notebooks of Karl Marx.
Assen 1972. S. 403/404
(Anm. 160).
Schließen
⦗u. in der
Art, namentlich wo zum gens princip Eroberung
hinzukömmt, können nach u. nach die gentes zur Kastenbildung Anlass geben?
wo dann das Verbot der
intermarriage zwischen verschiednen
gentes ganz
umkehrt
die archaische rule der
intermarriage innerhalb the same
gens⦘
a man does not marry into his own class, but
takes a wife from some other;
and that a chief from the highest may marry with
a woman of the lowest without loss of caste.
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Den Begriff der caste trägt der
Briefschreiber hinein u.
interpretirt sich so, dass ein Mann nicht
in seiner eignen gens heirathen kann, wohl aber in
gens einer andren brother- od. cousin phratry; zeigt aber,
dass sobald difference of rank zwischen
den
blutsverwandten
gentes
entsteht, dieses in conflict
mit dem
gentilen Princip geräth u.
die
gens in ihr Gegentheil, caste versteinern kann.⦘
The children belong to the grade of the
mother.
Kommentar
von Marx.
Schließen ⦗welches also der Rangunterschied
zwischen gentes
, ?
Brüder u. Schwester Schwestern aller gentes finden sich in gentes jedes
Rangs. Das Verwandtschaftsband lässt keine
fixirte Aristokratie aufkommen, fraternity bleibt u.
Gleichheitsgefühl[.]⦘
The members of the same grade in the different
tribes do not war with each other.“
Kolushes der Nordwestküste, Bei Morgan, S. 175: who affiliate
linguistically though not closely
Schließen linguistisch closely related mit
den
Athapascans, haben gensorganization; Gentes haben
Thiernamen, descent in female line; right of succession in
female line von uncle to nephew, except the principal Chief, who is generally the most
powerful of the family. [175, 176]
|
VII) Indian tribes of the Northwest Coast.
In einigen dieser tribes – ausser den Kolushes – prevails gentile organization. See: Dall: „Alaska and its resources“ , u. namentlich Bancroft: Pacific States, I, 109. [176, 177]
VIII) Salish, Sahaptin u. Kootenay Tribes.
Dies die principal stocks der tribes des Valley of the Columbia; ohne gentile
organization. Dies war der initial point der
migrations der Ganowánian family, spreading over both divisions des
Continent; their Bei Morgan,
S. 177: their ancestors
possessed
Schließen possessors
besassen daher gentile
organization, fell into decay and finally disappeared.
[177]
IX) Shoshonee Tribes.
Die Comanches of Texas, zusammen mit
Utah Ute tribes, Bonnacks Bonnaks
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Panacks?), Shoshonees u. some other tribes gehören
dazu.
1859 (berichtet by Mathew Walker, a Wyandote halfblood, lived among the Comanches) hatten die Comanches 6 gentes:
| Comanche tribe. | Gentes. | 1) Wolf. | 2) Bear. | 3) Elk | 4) Deer. | 5) Gopher. Zusatz von
Marx. Schließen (amerik. Erdeichhörnchen) |
6) Antelope |
Da die Comanches gentes, so presumption, dass auch die other tribes dieses stock.
Bei Morgan, S. 177: This completes our
review of the social system of the Indian tribes of North
America, north of New Mexico.
Schließen Hiermit schliesst Morgan ab mit den Indians North of New Mexico. Ihre grössere
Anzahl zur Zeit der europ. Entdeckung in Lower
Status of Barbarism, der remainder in Upper Status of Savagery. Organization into
gentes u. descent in female line erscheinen ursprünglich universal.
Ihr system purely social; unit die gens, phratry, tribe,
confederacy the remaining members der organic series.
Selbes bei Aryan u. Semitic tribes, when emerging from barbarism; also system universal in ancient society;
inferentially had a common origin – the punaluan group, giving origin to the gentes;
all – the Aryan, Semitic, Uralian, Turanian
u.
Ganowanian Ganowánian families of mankind point to a common punualuan punaluan stock – with organization of
gentes engrafted upon it – of which all were derived, and
finally differentiated into families. [177,
178]
X) Village Indians.
1) Moqui Pueblo Indians; still
possessed in possession of their ancient communal houses, 7 in number,
near the Little Colorado in Arizona, once a part
of New Mexico; living under their ancient institutions,
represent type of Indian life von Zuñi
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (pueblo) (Neu Mexico) bis Cuzco Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (North
Peru)
[.]
Zuñi, Acoma, Taos u. several other New Mexico pueblos haben selbe Struktur,
worin gefunden von
Coronado
(1540–1542). Bisher nichts Nennenswertes
studirt über ihre innere Organization.
Die Moquis organized in gentes: (9), as follows:
| 1) Deer. 2) Sand. 3) Rain.│4) Bear. 5) Hare. 6) Prairie Wolf.│7) Rattlesnake. 8) Tobacco Plant. 9) Reed Grass│ |
Dr. Ten
Broek Broeck
, Assistant Surgeon, U.S.A.,
lieferte dem Mr. Schoolcraft die
Moqui Legend
Bei Morgan, S. 179: of their origin
which he obtained at one of their villages
Schließen über origin of their villages.
[„]Ihre Bei
Morgan, S. 179: Great Mother
Schließen
Grandmother
from her home, in the West 9 races of men, first the
Deer
[race] u. so weiter die übrigen gentes.
Bei Morgan, S. 179, Fn. 1: The
Shawnees formerly worshiped a Female Deity, called
Go-gome-tha-mä’, “Our Grand-Mother”.
Marx verweist auf S. 57 des vorliegenden Hefts.
Schließen (cf. über die
Grandmother
die der
Shawnees, oben p. 57)
Nachdem sie selbe gepflanzt on the spot wo nun die villages, verwandelte sie selbe (nämlich Dear Deer, Sand, Rain, Bear etc) in men u.
diese built up the different
pueblos
;
u. die distinction of races, Deer race,
Sand race etc is still kept up. They believe in Metempsychosis u. say,
nach Tod werden sie rückverwandelt
werden in bears,
deers
etc.; government hereditary, aber nicht necessarily to the son of the
incumbent; for if the they prefer any other blood relative, he is chosen.“ Bei Morgan, S. 179: Having passed, in
this case, from the Lower into the Middle Status of
barbarism, and found the organization into gentes in full
development, its adaptation to their changed condition is
demonstrated. Its existence among the Village Indians in
general is rendered probable
Schließen Here also gentile
organization found in lower
state of barbarism
, aber von diesem Punkt an, sowohl im remainder des North als im ganzen Süden keine definite information,
except in regard to the Lagunas. Aber still traces left in the
Early Spanish writers u. direct knowledge of it in a few later
writers.
There are current traditions in many gentes,
wie bei den
Moquis, von transformation ihrer ersten progenitors aus dem animal, or
inanimate object, which became the
symbol of the gens Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen
(totem)
, into men and
women (so bei der Crane gens unter
den Ojibwas). Ferner Anzahl von
tribes, die abstain |60
from eating the animal, whose name they
bear, doch dies far from universal.
[178–180]
2) Lagunas. (New Mexico) Aus Address von Rev. Samuel Gorman an die „Historical Society of New Mexico“ 1860:
„Each town is classed into tribes or families
Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 180,
vor dem Zitat: The Laguna Pueblo Indians are organiyed in
gentes […] as appears from an address
Schließen (read gentes), and each of these groups named after some
animal, bird, herb, timber, planet, or one of the
4 elements. Im pueblo of Laguna,
mit about 1000 inhabitants, 17 dieser tribes; some are called deer, some rattlesnake, some corn, some wolf, some water
etc[.]
Children of same tribe as their mother. And,
according to ancient custom, 2 persons of the
same tribe are forbidden to marry; recently diese
Gewohnheit nicht mehr so rigorös beobachtet wie anciently.
Their land is held in common, but after a person cultivates a lot, he has a
personal claim to it, which he can sell to
any one of the same community; or else when he dies it
belongs to his widow or daughter; or, if he were
a single man, it remains it
in his father’s family.“ That wife and daughter inherit from the father is doubtful.
[180]
3) Aztecs, Tezcucans u. Tlacopans, ditto the remaining Nahuatlac tribes in Mexico – folgendes chapter. [181]
4) Mayas of Yucatan.
Herrera:
„General
History of America“
spricht oft von „kindred“ mit regard to the tribes in Mexico, Central America u. South America, dass gens daraus hervorguckt. Bei Morgan, S. 181: The early
observers noticed
Schließen Er u.
die andern early Spanish observers noticed that large numbers of persons were bound together by
the bond of kin u. mention daher the
group als „kindred“, weiter
forschten sie nicht.
Herrera
sagt u. a. von den
Mayas Marx gibt hier irrtümlicherweise
den Verweis, der bei Morgan zu dem vorher zitierten Satz
gehört.
Schließen (Lond.
ed. 1726. Stevens transl. III,
299)
: „they were wont to observe their pedigrees very much, and therefore
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!)
thought themselves all related and were helpful
to one another … They did not marry mothers, or sisters-in-law, nor any
that bore the same name as their father, which was looked
upon as unlawful.“ The pedigree of an Indian under their system of consanguinity could have no
significance apart from a gens. Sagt
Tylor
in his:
„Early History of Mankind“
: „The
analogy of the North American Indian
custom is therefore with that of the
Australian in making clanship on the
female side a bar to marriage, but if we go further down
into Central America, the reverse custom, as
in China, makes its appearance.
Diego de Landa
says of the
people of Yucatan that no one took a wife of his name, on the
father’s side, for this was a very vile thing among them; but they
might marry cousins German german on the mother’s side.“ [181, 182]
XI. The South American Indian Tribes.
Traces of the gens found in all parts of South America, as well as the actual presence of the Ganowánian system of consanguinity, aber the subject nicht fully invested investigated.
Sprechend von den
numeous numerous tribes der Andes sagt
Herrera (General
History of America): „this variety of tongues proceeded from the nations being
divided in races, tribes or clans“. Bei Morgan,
S. 182: Here in the clans the existence of gentes is
recognized.
Schließen (der
clan = gens) Jene tribes of the Andes, von denen
er spricht, brought by the Incas under a species of confederacy. – Bei Morgan, S. 182: Mr. Tylor,
discussing the rules with respect to marriage and descent,
remarks that "further south, below the Isthmus, both the
clanship and the prohibition re-appear on the female side.
[..."]
Schließen Nachdem
E.
B. Tylor
gesprochen v. Yukatan wo
die
Descendenz in männlicher Linie u.
entsprechendem Ehverbot, sagt er: „ Weiter südlich, unterhalb der Landenge erscheint
die „clanship u. prohibition“
wieder (reappear) auf weiblicher Seite, so in Brit. Guiana bei
den
Arrawaks, bei den
Guaranis u. Abiponen in Paraguay
Zusatz
von Marx. Marx zitiert hier aus der deutschen
Ausgabe des Buchs von Tylor, die er besaß.
Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist
überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1339). Siehe seine
bibliographischen Notizen am Anfang des vorliegenden
Hefts. Die zitierte Stelle hat er
unterstrichen.
Schließen (Deutsche
Uebersetzung
( 363, 64.) –
Brett („Indian
tribes of Guiana“) remarks v. den
Indian Tribes in Guiana: these tribes „divided into
families
Zusatz von
Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 183, nach dem Zitat: In the family of this writer may at once be
recognized the gens in its archaic form.
Schließen (read gentes), each
of which has a distinct name, as the Siwidi,
Karuafudi, Onisidi etc … these all descend in the female line, and no
individual of either sex is allowed to
marry another of the same family name. Thus a woman of the
Siwidi family bears the same name as her mother, but neither her
father nor her husband can be of that family. Her children and the
children of her daughters are prohibited from an alliance with any
individual bearing the same name; though they may marry into the
family of their father, if they choose etc.“
Mit Ausnahme der Andeans, die South American tribes, when discovered, either in lower status of barbarism or in Status of Savagery. Many of the Peruvian tribes concentrated unter the government established bei the Inca village Indians were in Lower State of Barbarism, if zu conclude von der imperfect |61 description des Garcillasso de la Vega .
Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen
Worten.
Schließen
Wurzel der gens im
status of savagery; letzte Entwicklungsphase bei Greeks
u. Romans (Upper Status of Barbarism).
Wo die
gentes bei einem tribe of mankind gefunden
in their last form, their remote ancestors
must have possessed them in the Archaic
form. Das Wichtige wäre die
Middle Phase (in Middle
Status of Barbarism) genau zu kennen; existirte im 16t Jhdt bei den
Village Indians, Bei Morgan, S. 184: The golden
opportunity was presented to the Spanish conquerers and
colonists, and lost, from apparent inability to understand a
condition of society from which civilized man had so far
departed in his onward progress. Without a knowledge of the
unit of their social system, which impressed its character
upon the whole organism of society, the Spanish histories
fail entirely in the portrayal of their governmental
institutions
Schließen aber Spanish colonists lost the golden opportunity –
to understand a condition of
society, deren unit
(die gens) sie unfähig to pick up.
[182–184]
Pt. II Ch. VI VII The Aztec Confederacy.
Einziger stronghold der Aztecs war das
Pueblo de Mexico, mit its capture their governmental fabric destroyed u.
substituted die
Rule der Spaniards. Diese sahen im Aztec
government Analogon europ. Monarchie, fälschten so their whole
historical narrations; Bei Morgan, S. 186,
Fn. 1: The histories of Spanish America may be trusted in
whatever relates to the acts of the Spaniards
Schließen sind nur »historisch«
mit Bezug auf acts der
Spanier;
acts u. personal
characteristics der Aztecs; mit Bezug auf deren Waffen, implements u. ustensils, fabrics, food and
raiment u. d.gl. Taugen nichts mit Bezug auf Indian society u. gvt. »they learned nothing and knew nothing of either«.
Aztecs u. their confederate tribes in middle Status of Barbarism: ohne iron u. iron tools; ohne money; traded by barter of commodities; sicher, dass sie prepared one meal each day, erst assen Männer für sich, dann Weiber u. Kinder für sich, hatten weder tables noch chairs.
Bei Morgan, S. 187:
They still held their lands in common.
Schließen
Commune tenure of
lands
;
Life in large households composed of a number of
related families u. reasons for believing that they practiced communism in living in the household.
Andrerseits: they worked the native metals,
cultivated by irrigation, manufactured coarse fabrics of cotton,
constructed joint-tenement houses of adobe-bricks, made earthenware of excellent quality.
Es existirte kein „Kingdom of Mexico“, wie es in den älteren descriptions heisst, noch „Empire of Mexico“, wie in den späteren getauft. Was die Spanier fanden, simply »Confederacy of 3 tribes«, dessen counterpart existirte in all parts of the continent. Das government administered by a Council of Chiefs mit cooperation eines General Commander of the military bands. (principal war-chief)
Die 3 tribes were: 1) Aztecs or Mexicans; 2) Tezcucans; 3) Tlacopans. [186–188]
Die
Aztecs gehörten zu 7 tribes, migrated vom North, settled in u.
near the valley of Mexico, were among the historical tribes
dort at time of Spanish Conquest. Alle diese tribes nannten sich collectively
»Nahuatlacs« in their traditions, sprachen dialects der Nahatluac Nahuatlac common (stock) language. Siehe J. Acosta:
The Naturall and Morall Historie of the East and West
Indies … London 1604.
Schließen
Acosta
(1585 auf visit in Mexico)
erzählt die
current tradition ihrer successiven
Niederlassungen.
1) Sochimilcas „Nation of the Seeds of Flowers“, settled beim Lake Xochimilco, auf südlichem slope des valley of Mexico.
2) Chalcas „People of Mouths“, kamen viel später, settled neben den 1) on Lake Chalco.
3) Tepanecans. „People of the Bridge“, settled at Azcopozalco, west of Lake Tezcuco, on the western slope of the valley.
4) Culhuas. „A crooked People“, settled on east side of Lake Tezcuco – afterwards known as Tezcucans.
5) Tlatluicans. „Men of the Sierra“, finding the valley appropriated around the Lake, passed over the Sierra, südlich u. settled on the other side.
6) Tlascalans. „Men of Bread“; lebten Zeitlang mit den Tepanicans Tepanecans , settled dann beyond the valley, eastward at Tlascala.
7) Aztecs, came last, occupied the site of the present city of Mexico.
Acosta bemerkt, dass sie Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(die Aztecs!)
came from
far countries lying toward the North, wo sie
nun ein kingdom gestiftet, das sie Neu Mexico nennen. Selbe Tradition bei Clavigero u.
Herrera.
Die Tlacopans nicht mentioned, wahrscheinlich subdivision der Tepanecans, remaining in the original area of that tribe, während der remainder to a territory immediately South of the Tlascalans, wo gefunden under name of Tepeacas.
Die tradition enthält 2 facts: 1) 7 tribes of common origin, speaking related dialects, 2) that they came from the North. They were originally one people, durch segmentation naturally fallen into several tribes.
Die
Aztecs fanden die best situations des
Thals occupirt u. nach verschiedentlichem Ortswechsel settled upon a small expanse of dry land in
Mitte of marsh bordered with fields of pedegral pedregal
u. mit natural ponds. Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Teich, Weiher)
Hier gründeten sie das
Pueblo of Mexico (Tenochitlan Tenochtitlan
[)] 1325 (nach
Clavigero
), 196 J. vor Span. Conquest; waren
schwach in number u. poor in condition. Aber entlang ihrem site flossen
in Lake Tezcuco rivulets v. den Western
Hills u. die outlets der Lakes
Xochimilco u. Chalco. Vermittelst causeways
Übersetzung
von Marx.
Schließen (Chausseen, Fahrdämmen) und |62
Deichen umgaben sie ihr Pueblo mit artificial Übersetzung
von Marx.
Schließen Teich
(pond) von large extent,
das
Wasser being furnished by the named sources. Da
das
Niveau des Lake Tezcuco höher als jezt
war, gab er ihnen, nach vollendetem Werk, D. die
sicherste position aller pueblos im Thal. Ihr
mechanical engineering
wodurch sie dies Resultat erreichten, one of the
greatest achievements der Aztecs.
Zur Zeit der span. Erobrung, 5 der 7 tribes – Aztecs, Tezcucans, Tlacopans, Sochimilcans Sochimilcas u. Chalcans [–] residirten im valley; . Dies of limited area, about equal to the State of Rhode Island; es war a mountain or upland basin ohne outlet, oval in Form, längest von Nord to Süd, 120 miles in circuit, embracing about 1600 □ miles excluding the surface covered by water; das valley selbst surrounded by a series of hills, one range rising above [another] mit depressions between, encompassing the valley with a mountain barrier. Die tribes residirten in some 30 Pueblos, wovon Mexico the largest. Abundant evidence, dass der Rest des modernen Mexico’s besetzt durch zahlreiche tribes, die vom Nahuatlac verschiedne Sprachen redeten, u. deren Majorität unabhängig. Die remaining Nahuatlac tribes, die ausserhalb des Thals v. Mexico lebten, waren die Tlascalans, die Cholulans (supposed subdivision der former), die Huexotzincos, die Meztitlans (supposed subdivision der Tezcucans) die alle unabhängig, endlich die Tepeacas u. Tlatluicans, die abhängig. Bedeutende Anzahl andrer tribes, bildend about 17 territorial groups mit ebensoviel stock languages, hatten inne den Rest v. Mexico; fast dies genaue Wiederholung – in their state of disintegration u. independence der tribes der U. States u. British Americas, zur Zeit ihrer Entdeckung, ein Jahrhundert od. mehr später. [189–191]
1426 die Aztec Confederacy formed; vorher wenig historisch wichtige events unter den valley tribes; uneinig, belligerent, ohne Einfluss jenseits ihrer unmittelbaren Lokalitäten. Um jene Zeit bei Aztecs preponderance of numbers u. strength. Unter ihrem war chief Itzcoatl overthrown die frühere Supremacy der Tezcucans u. Tlacopans u. als Folge der früheren wars gegeneinander errichtet league oder aber confederacy. Es war Defensiv- u. Offensive Alliance zwischen den 3 tribes, mit stipulation für Vertheilung unter ihnen der spoils in festgesetzten Proportionen u. der tributes of subjugated tribes. Jezt schwierig zu bestimmen, ob die Verbindung League (at pleasure verlängerbar u. auflösbar) od. confederacy, i.e. consolidated organization wie der Bund der Iroquois. Jeder tribe blieb independent in seinem local selfgovernment self-government ; die 3 ein Volk nach Aussen mit Bezug auf Angriff u. Vertheidigung. Jeder tribe hatte seinen eignen council of chiefs u. its own head war-chief, aber der Aztec war-chief war commander-in-chief der confederate bands; to be inferred davon, dass Tezcucans u. Tlacopans had a voice in election u. confirmation des Aztec warchief war-chief ; zeigt dass Aztec influence predominated bei Gründung der Confederacy. [192]
1426–1520 – 94 Jahre – die Confederacy had frequent wars mit adjacent tribes u. besonders mit den feeble Village Indians, südlich vom Thal v. Mexico to the Pacific u. östlich bis Guatemala. Sie begannen mit den nächsten, overcame them; the villages in dieser area were numerous, aber small, oft nur a single large structure of adobe-brick or of stone, in some cases – several such structures grouped together. Diese forages forays wiederholt mit avowed object of gathering spoil, imposing tribute, capturing prisoners for sacrifice, bis die principal tribes in dieser area subdued (mit some exceptions) u. tributary gemacht, incl. die scattered villages der Totonacs nahe bei present Vera Cruz.
Die
Aztecs, wie die
northern Indians, neither exchanged or released prisoners; the
stake their doom bei den Northern
Indians unless saved by adoption. Unter
den erstern – Bei Morgan, S. 193: under the teachings of
the priesthood
Schließen unter Pfaffeneinfluss
– offered as sacrifice to the principal god worshipped. Unter den American aborigines erscheint organized priesthood erst im Middle Status of
Barbarism, connection mit der invention of idols
u. human sacrifices as a means of acquiring
authority over mankind. Wahrscheinlich selbe Geschichte in the principal tribes of
mankind.
Mit Bezug auf Gefangne 3 successive
usages, in den
3 sub-periods of Barbarism;
in
1st Period burned
at the stake, in 2ter
den gods geopfert, in 3ter wurden sie zu
Sklaven gemacht; Bei Morgan, S. 193,
Fn. 1: All alike they proceeded upon the principle that the life
of the prisoner was forfeited to his captor. This principle
became so deeply seated in the human mind that civilization and
Christianity combined were required for its
displacement.
Schließen bei allen 3 das zäh
bis tief in s.g. Civilization sich erhaltende Princip
dass prisoner forfeited to his
captor.
Die
Aztec confederacy versuchte nicht in selbe die subdued tribes zu
absorbiren; unter gentile institutions machte das barrier of language impossible; they were left to the government of their chiefs u. ihren alten
customs. Manchmal a collector of tribute resided
amongst them. Member of government konnte man |63 nur
durch gens werden, aber
Aztecs nicht far advanced enough – wie Romans z. B. – to remove the gentes of the
subdued tribes in ihren eignen Sitz u. incorporating them. Bei Morgan, S. 194:
Neither could colonists for the same reason, if sent among them,
have so far assimilated the conquered tribes as to prepare them
for incorporation in the Aztec social system.
Schließen Aus demselben Grund – u. wegen des
Sprachhindernisses – konnten Colonists
of Aztec confederacy nicht assimilate the conquered
tribes.
Aztec confederacy gewann daher nicht Kraft
durch ihren terrorism od. by holding
these tribes under burdens, inspired mit enmity u. stets ready
for revolt. Eben die
remaining Nahuatlac tribes nicht in der
Confederacy; die
Xochimilcans
Xochimilcas
u. Chalcans waren nominell unabhängig, keine members der confederacy, aber tributary. [193, 194]
Die confederacy was confronted durch hostile u. independent tribes, so die Mechoacans im Westen, die Otomies im Northwest (scattered bands dieser near the valley had been placed under tribute), die Chichimecs or wild tribes im North der Otomies, die Meztitlans im Nordosten, die Tlascalans im Osten, die Cholulans u. Huexotzincons Huexotzincos im Südosten, u. über diese hinaus, die tribes der Tobasco Tabasco , der Chiapas u. der Zapotecos (Zapotecs). In diesen verschiednen Richtungen erstreckte sich die dominion der Aztec Confederacy nicht 100 miles beyond the valley of Mexico u. a portion der surrounding area unzweifelhaft neutral ground trennend die confederacy von perpetual enemies. Aus diesen limited materials fabricated the kingdom of Mexico der spanischen Chroniken, später magnified in das Aztec Empire of of current history. [194, 195]
Die
Bevölkerung des valley u. Pueblo of Mexico excessiv angeschlagen auf 250,000 Persons: gäbe für □ mile about 160 persons, Bei Morgan, S. 195:
nearly twice
Schließen fast 3mal
die
present average population des State of New York u. about equal to the average population of Rhode Island.
Sie hatten weder flocks noch herds, noch field
agriculture. Von jener Population für Pueblo
v. Mexico vielleicht to be assigned 30,000.
Bei
Morgan, S. 195: Any estimate must be conjectural.
Schließen
Phantasiezahlen
:
Zuazo
(visiting Mexico in 1521
[)] giebt ihm 60,000 Einwohner, ebenso der anonymous conqueror, who accompanied
Cortes (H. Ternaux-Compans, X, 92);
Gomora
u. Martyr
verwandeln die
60,000 Einwohner in 60,000 Häuser u. dies angenommen durch
Clavigero, Herrera
und last,
Prescott („Conquest of
Mexico“).
Solis
macht aus den
60,000 Einwohnern des Zuazo – 60,000 families, würde geben population of 300,000,
während London damals nur
145,000 Einw. hatte (Black’s
London). Torquemada, cited by
Clavigero
, macht aus 60,000 houses – 120,000
Ausrufezeichen von
Marx.
Schließen
!
The
houses im Pueblo of
Mexico were zweifelsohne in general large communal, or
joint-tenement houses, wie die in Neu-Mexico zur selben Periode, gross
genug zu accomodiren von 10
bis 50 u. 100 families in each.
[195–196]
Die
Aztec confederacy
Bei
Morgan, S. 196: and probably not equal in plan and symmetry with
that
Schließen – in plan and symmetry – unter der der Iroquois.
Das
Pueblo of Mexico war largest
in America; romantisch gelegen mitten in einem künstlichen See,
large joint-tenement houses plastered over
mit gypsum, wodurch sie brilliant
weiss, Bei Morgan,
S. 196: it presented to the Spaniards, in the distance, a
striking and enchanting spectacle. It was a revelation of an
ancient society […] to awaken curiosity and inspire
enthusiasm
Schließen schlug es v. weitem span.
Imagination; hence die extravagance of
opinion.
Bei den Aztecs found: ornamental gardens, magazines of weapons u. military costumes, improved apparel, manufactured fabrics of cotton of superior workmanship, improved implements u. ustensils u. increased variety of food; picture writing, mainly to indicate the tribute in kind every subjugated village had to pay (these tributes enforced mit system u. rigour of execution were manufactured fabrics u. horticultural products); a calendar for measuring time, open markets for barter of commodities, ferner Administrative offices to meet the demands of a growing municipal life; priesthood, with a temple worship u. a ritual including human sacrifices. Office of head war-chief had risen into increased importance etc. [196, 197]
1) Gentes u. Phratries.
Bei Morgan, S. 197: the early Spanish
writers did not discover the Aztec gentes
Schließen
Spanish writers
(contemporär der Erobrung) sahen
die
Aztec Gentes nicht; aber
for more than 200 years sahen Bei Morgan, S. 197: our own
people
Schließen die
Anglo-Americans
sie nicht bei den
Iroquois; sie bemerkten früh Existenz of
clans mit besondren Thiernamen, aber nicht als social unit, worauf tribe u. confederacy
aufgebaut. Bei
Morgan, S. 197/198: Reference has been made to the frequent
use of the term “kindred” by Herrera, showing that groups of
persons were noticed who were bound together by affinities
of blood. This, from the size of the group, seems to require
a gens. The term “lineage” is sometimes used to indicate a
still larger group, and implying a
phratry.
Schließen
Herrera
(etc) spricht of „kindred“ als of group
(gens) u. „lineage“ (dies phratry
bei einigen writers, bei anderen gens)
[.]
Das
pueblo of Mexico geographisch getheilt in
4 quarters, jedes occupied by a »lineage« (phratry) u. jedes quarter »subdivided«; each subdivision occupied by a community of persons bound together by some common tie
(gens).
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗In Mexico nur
1 tribe; der der Aztecs⦘
Selbes erzählt v. Tlascalans ( Herrera , Clavigero ): their pueblo divided in 4 quarters, each occupied by a »lineage«; each had its own Teuctli (head war chief), distinctive military costume, its own standard u. blazon … The warchiefs war-chiefs were ex officio members of the Council. ( Clavigero ) Ebenso Cholula getheilt in 6 quarters.
Da die Aztecs in their social subdivisions had arranged unter sich selbst the parts of the pueblo they were severally to occupy, from this their mode of settlement resulted geographical districts.|
64
Nach Acosta
giebt
Herrera
short sketch of the building of Mexico, erst „a chapel of
lime and stone for the idol“. Idol befiehlt dann dem Priester,
dass sein
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (des idol’s)
Haus in Mitte
bleiben soll; die chief men sollen
divide themselves, with their kindred und followers, into 4
four wards or quarters, and each party to build as they liked best; dies
die 4 quarters of Mexico, nun
called St. John, St. Mary the round,
St. Paul u. St. Sebastian. Nachdem
diese divisions made, befahl das
idol wieder unter sich zu distribuiren die gods he
should name, and each ward to appoint peculiar
places where the gods should be worshipped … So every quarter had several smaller wards in
it according to the number of their gods this idol called them to
adore … Nach dieser partition, die, die sich injured dachten, mit
kindred and followers, went away to seek some other place, nämlich
Tlatelulco, das in der Nähe.
Bei Morgan, S. 199: It is a reasonable
interpretation of this language that they divided by kin,
first into four general divisions, and these into smaller
subdivisions, which is the usual formula for stating
results
Schließen Diese Erzählung procedirt, wie Mode,
nach
fertigen fertigem Resultat: erst kin in 4 divisions getheilt u. diese in smaller subdivisions
.
The actual process ist genau das
Gegentheil: erst
each body of kindred
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (gens) located into an area by
themselves, u. die
several bodies Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (phratries)
in such a way as to
bring those most nearly related in
geographical connection mit einander.
Also wenn lowest division a gens each quarter occupied by a phratry, composed of related gentes. (Grecian u. Roman tribes settled in dieser Art in town towns or cities) Each gens of the same phratry (die 4 quarters v. Mexico) in the main locally by itself. Da husband u. wife of different gentes u. die children of gens des Vaters od. der Mutter, je nachdem gens in male or female line, the preponderating number in each locality would be of the same gens. [197–199]
Their military organization based upon these
social divisions. In den
Mexican Chronicles
by the native
author
Tezozomok
Tezozomoc
(Morgan
erhielt dies von
A.
F. Bandelier, of Highland, Illinois, engaged
upon
translation
dieses
Buchs), referring to a proposed invasion of Michoacan, sprach
Axaycatl
Bei Morgan, S. 200: to
the Mexican captains Tlacatecatl und
Tlacochcalcatl
Schließen zu den 2 Mexican captains
etc u. all den andern u. fragte
„ob alle Mexicans were prepared, after the usages u. customs of each ward; if
so, they should begin to march u. that all were to reunite at Matlatzinco Toluca“; dies indicates military organization nach gentes u.
phratries. [199, 200]
Auch die land tenure zeigt hin auf gentes. Clavigero sagt: „the lands called Altepetlalli ⦗altepetl = pueblo⦘, that is those of the communities of cities and villages, were divided into as many parts as there were districts in a city, and every district possessed its own part entirely distinct from, and independent of every other. These lands could not be alienated by any means whatever.“
Jede dieser communities war a gens, whose localization war nothwendige Consequenz ihres socialen systems. Die community machte den District ( Clavigero puts the district for the community) and which owned the lands in common.
Das element of kin, which united the community, ausgelassen v. Clavigero, ist ergänzt durch Herrera . Er sagt:
„There were other lords, called major parents ⦗Sachems⦘ whose landed property all
belonged to one lineage ⦗gens⦘,
which lived in one district and there were
many of them when the lands were distributed at the time New Spain
was peopled; and each lineage received its
own, and have possessed them until now; and these lands did not belong to any one in
particular, but to all in common,
and he who possessed them could not sell
them, although he enjoyed them for life and
left them to his sons and heirs; and if a house
Bei Morgan, S. 201: (alguna casa,
another feudal feature)
Schließen (alguna casa,
feudal expression des Spaniers) died out, they were
left to the nearest parent to whom they were given and to no other,
who administered the same district or lineage.“
Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan,
S. 201: In this remarkable statement our author was puzzled
to harmonize the facts with the prevailing theory of Aztec
institutions. He presents to us an Aztec lord who held the
fee of the land as a feudal proprietor […] But in obedience
to truth he states the essential fact that the lands
belonged to a body of consanguinei of whom he is styled the
major parent, i.e., he was the sachem, it may be supposed,
of the gens, the latter owning these lands in common. The
suggestion that he held the lands in trust means nothing.
They found Indian chiefs connected with gentes, each gens
owning a body of lands in common, and when the chief died,
his place was filled by his son, according to Herrera. […]
and the misconception resulted from a want of knowledge of
the nature and tenure of the office of chief. In some cases
they found the son did not succeed his father, but the
office went to some other person; hence the further
statement, “if a house (alguna casa, another feudal feature)
died out, they [the lands] were left to the nearest major
parent;” i.e., another person was elected sachem […] What
little has been given to us by the Spanish writers
concerning Indian chiefs, and the land tenure of the tribes
is corrupted by the use of language adapted to feudal
institutions that had no existence among
them.
Schließen Die
feudalen Vorstellungen des
Spaniers u. die
indianischen Verhältnisse, die er
sah, laufen hier durch einander – aber trennbar. Der Aztec
»Lord« was der Sachem, civil chief of a body of consanguinei of whom he is
called »the major parent«.
Die lands gehörten jenem body (gens) in common; when the chief died, his place (according to
Herrera) ging über
auf seinen Sohn; was überging, war in diesem Fall
das
office of Sachem, nicht das
land, das niemand in trust
»possessed«; hatte er keinen Sohn „the lands were
left to the nearest major parent“, d.h. another person was elected Sachem.
»Lineage« kann hier nichts anders sein wie gens u. office hereditary in the gens, wie bei den andern Indians, elective unter den members der gens; wenn descent in male line, choice would fall on one of the sons of the defunct Sachem, own or collateral, or upon a brother, own or collateral etc[.]
The »lineage« of Herrera u. the »communities«
of Clavigero offenbar selbe
organizations – gentes. Der Sachem
|65 had no title over lands u. konnte sie transmit to
nobody. Bei Morgan,
S. 202: he was thought to be the proprietor
Schließen Spanier betrachteten die
Sache so,
weil he held an office perpetually maintained u. weil there was a
body of lands perpetually belonging to
a gens over which he was a sachem; dieser (ausser seinen functions of
chief der gens) hatte so wenig authority über die
persons (die ihm die Spanier zuschreiben) wie über
die lands.
Was sie über inheritance sagen, ebenso confus u. contradictory; nur wichtig hier, soweit sie show bodies of consanguinei u. the inheritance of the children from their fathers, im welchem Fall descent in male line. [200–203]
2) Existence u. Functions des Council of Chiefs.
Für Existenz eines Aztec Council – evidence; fast nichts über seine Function u. Anzahl seiner Glieder.
Brasseur de Bourbourg sagt „nearly all the towns or tribes divided into 4 clans or quarters, whose chiefs constitute the great council“; später sagt er, der Aztec Council habe aus 4 bestanden: .( Bourbourg, Popol Vuh )
Diego Duran – (schrieb seine „History of the Indies of New Spain and Islands of the Main Lands“ 1579–1581 , also vor Acosta u. Tezozomoc ) – sagt: „In Mexico, nach Wahl eines Königs wählten sie 4 lords of the brothers or near relations of this king whom they gave the titles of princes, and from whom they had to choose the king … These 4 lords or titles after being elected princes, they made them the royal council, like the presidents and judges of the supreme council, without whose opinion nothing could be done.“
Accosta Acosta nennt die same 4 offices ⦗Tlacachcalcatl, Tlacatecal, Ezuauacatl, u. Fillancalque⦘, nennt die tenants dieser officers offices „electors“ u. [remarks that] „all these 4 dignities were of the great council, without whose advice the king might not do anything of importance.“
Herrera places diese offices in 4 grades, sagt dann: „These 4 sorts of noblemen were of the supreme council, without whose advice the king was to do nothing of moment, and no king could be chosen but what was [of] one of these 4 orders.“ »King« für principal war chief u. »princes« für Indian chiefs. Als die Huexotzincos delegates nach Mexico sandten zum Vorschlag einer Allianz gegen die Tlascalans, sagte ihnen – nach Tezozomoc – Montezuma : „Brothers and sons, you are welcome, rest yourselves awhile, for although I am king indeed I alone cannot satisfy you, but only together with all the chiefs of the sacred Mexican senate.“ Hier material point wie in den obigen accounts: Existence of a supreme council, with authority over the action of the principal warchief war-chief . Die limitation des Council to 4 unwahrscheinlich; so würde der Council represent nicht den Aztec tribe, sondern the small body of kinsmen aus welchen der military commander was to be chosen. Aber im indianischen System (und everywhere else unter gentile institution) jeder chief represents a constituency u. die chiefs together represent the tribe. Manchmal gemacht a selection from them to form a general council; dann aber stets durch an organic provision fixing the number, and providing for their perpetual maintenance.
Der Tezcucan Council of 14 members ( Ixtlilxochitl , Hist. Chichimeca, Kingsborough, Mexican Antiq. IX, p. 243); der Council at Tlascala was a numerous body; wir finden ebenso a Cholulan u. a Michoacan council, aber Clavigero sagt mit Bezug auf Aztecs: „In the history of the conquest we shall find Montezuma in frequent deliberation with his council on the pretensions of the Spaniards. We do not know the number of each Council, nor do historians furnish us with the lights to illustrate such a subject.“
Sofern der
Aztec Council limited to
4 members, all of the same lineage, it is presented in unwahrscheinlicher Form.
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Mögen Spanier dem Tribal Council, aus den
Chief Chiefs der gentes bestehend, nicht fälschlich
untergeschoben haben die
gens aus der principal war chief u.
vielleicht 4 andre offices zu wählen? Ganz wie
z. B. der wampum keeper aus bestimmter gens bei
Iroquois zu wählen? Amt konnte hereditary an gens gekommen sein.⦘
Jeder tribe in Mexico u. Central America had its Council of chiefs.
Die
Aztec Confederacy scheint keinen General Council gehabt zu haben, composed of the principal chiefs of the
3 tribes, im Unterschied v. dem separate council
jedes tribes. Bei Morgan, S. 206: A complete
elucidation of this subject is required before it can be
known whether the Aztec organization was simply a
league
Schließen In diesem Fall wäre Aztec Confederacy nur League gewesen, offensive u. defensive, u. as such under the primary control of the Aztec
tribe. Dies noch to elucidate.
[203–206]
3) Tenure u. Functions des Office of Principal Warchief War-chief.
Der Name des office des Montezuma– Teuctli, war-chief; als member des
Council of chiefs er manchmal genannt Tlatoani (= speaker). This office of a general military commander the highest known
to the Aztecs, war sonst same als der Haupt war-chief der Iroquois
Confederacy. Das office machte seinen Träger ex
officio member of the council of chiefs. The
title of Teuctli added als a sort of surname
wie: Chichimeca-Teuctli, Pil-Teuctli etc.
|66 Bei
Clavigero
heissts: „The teuctli took precedency of all others in the Senate, both in the order of sitting and
voting, and were permitted to have a servant
behind them
Bei Morgan, S. 206, Fn. 1, nach dem
Zitat aus Clavigero: This is a re-appearance
of the sub-sachem of the Iroquois behind his
principal.
Schließen (der
subsachem
sub-sachem
der Iroquois)
with a seat, which was esteemed a privilege of the highest
honour.“
Die Spanish writers brauchen nie das Wort »teuctli«, verwandeln es in king für Montezuma u. dessen successors. Ixtlilxochitl , of mixed Tezcucan u. Spanish descent[,] nennt die head warchiefs war-chiefs of Mexico, Tezcuco u. Tlacopan nur »warchief« »war-chief« teuctli u. [mit] andrem Wort to indicate the tribe. (teuctli = warchief war-chief = general) Obiger Ixtlilxochitl sagt, sprechend von der division of power zwischen den 3 chiefs, when the confederacy was formed etc:
„The king of Tezcuco was saluted Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 206/207, vor dem
Zitat.
Schließen ⦗durch die assembled
chiefs der 3 tribes⦘ by the title of Aculhua Teuctli, also by that of Chichimecatl Teuctli which his ancestors had worn and
which was the mark of the empire Bei Morgan, S. 207, nach dem Zitat: As
the title was that of war-chief, then held by many other
persons, the compliment consisted in connecting with it a
tribal designation.
Schließen ⦗das
Beiwort: tribal designation⦘; Itzcoatzin (Itzcoatl),
his uncle, received the title of Culhua
Teuctli, because he reigned over the Toltecs-Culhuas
Bei Morgan,
S. 207, nach dem Zitat.
Schließen ⦗war warchief war-chief of the Aztecs, when the confederacy was
formed⦘; and
Totoquihuatzin
den
of Tecpanuatl Teuctli, which had been the title of
Azcaputzalco. Since that time their successors have received the
same
title.“
Die Spanier stimmen überein, dass das office Montezuma held
was elective with the choice confined to a
particular family, u. Bei Morgan, S. 208:
They were unable, however, to explain why it did not in some
cases pass
Schließen was sie wundert,
nicht
von Vater auf Sohn, sondern v. Bruder zu Bruder, oder von Onkel auf Neffen. Unter der
immediate notice der conquerors fanden 2 Bei Morgan,
S. 208: successions
Schließen Wahlen statt; dem
Montezuma
folgte sein Bruder (unbekannt, ob own od.
collateral)
Cuitlahua
; nach Tod dieses elected sein Neffe Guatemozin
(own or collateral nephew?)
Schon bei früheren Wahlen Bruder dem Bruder
gefolgt od. Neffe dem Onkel. (
Clavigero
) Bei Morgan,
S. 208: An elective office implies a constituency; but who
were the constituents in this case?
Schließen Aber wer
wählte?
Duran
(sieh oben) bringt 4 chiefs as electors,
denen zugefügt 1 elector von Tezcuco u. 1 von Tlacopan, zus. 6, invested with power to choose from a
particular family the principal war-chief. Bei Morgan, S. 208: This is not the
theory of
Schließen Dies entspricht nicht dem System of an elective Indian
office.
Sahagun ( „Historia General etc“ , ch. XVIII) sagt: „When the king or lord died, all the senators called Tecutlatoques, and the old men of the tribe called Achcacauhti, and also the captains and old warriors called Yautequioaques, and other prominent captains in warlike matters, and also the priests called Tlenamacaques, or Papasaques – all these assembled in the royal houses. Then they deliberated upon and determined who had to be the lord, and chose one of the most noble of the lineage of the past lords, who should be a valiant man, experienced in warlike matters, daring and brave. … When they agreed upon one they at once named him as lord, but this election was not made by ballots or votes, but all together conferring at last agreed upon the man … the lord once elected they also elected 4 others which were like senators, and had to be always with the lord, and be informed of all the business of the kingdom.“
Hatten die Aztecs gentes, the office
hereditary in a particular gens, but elective among its members;
would pass Bei Morgan,
S. 210: precisely as it did among the Aztecs
Schließen (wie der
Sahagun
von den Aztecs
oben erzählt) by
election within the gens, von brother to brother od. von uncle to nephew, aber nie von Vater to son
(nämlich bei descent in female line, wie bei
den Iroquois)[.]
Bei Morgan, S. 210: it is difficult to resist the
conclusion, from these facts alone,
Schließen Diese succession
bei der Wahl der Aztecs v. warchiefs war-chiefs
beweist dass sie
gentes hatten u. with respect to this office wenigstens noch descent in female
line.
Morgan conjecturirt: office held by Montezuma hereditary in a gens (the eagle was the blazon or totem on the house occupied by Montezuma), deren members ihn aus ihrer Zahl wählten; diese nomination then submitted separately to the 4 lineages (phratries) of the Aztecs for acceptance or rejection; auch den Tezcusans u. Tlacopans, direct interested in Wahl des general commander. Nachdem sie severally considered u. confirmed the nomination each division appointed a person to signify their concurrence; hence the 6 miscalled »electors«; die 4 high chiefs der Aztecs, mentioned as electors, wahrscheinlich the 4 war-chiefs of the 4 »lineages« od. phratries der Aztecs, like the 4 war-chiefs of the 4 lineages of the Tlascalans; ihre function nicht to elect, sondern to ascertain durch Conferenz mit einander, ob die choice made by the gens had been concurred in, and if so to announce the result. [206–210]
Absetzungsrecht folgt v. Wahlrecht, where the term was for life. Als Montezuma, durch
intimidation, sich von seiner Residenz nach Quartier des
Cortez geleiten lässt, wo er
placed under confinement, the Aztecs zunächst
paralyzed. – In den
West
Indias hatten
Bei Morgan, S. 211, Fn. 1: the
Spaniard
Schließen die Herrn Spanier entdeckt, dass wenn der cazique eines tribe caught u. als Gefangner gehalten, die
Indians Bei
Morgan, S. 211, Fn. 1: demoralized
Schließen paralyzed
refused to fight. Im Besitz dieser Kenntniss, |67 sobald
sie auf’s Festland kamen, suchten sie den
principal chief to entrap, by force or fraud, u.
hielten ihn gefangen bis ihr Zweck erreicht war. So Cortez mit Montezuma; so
Pizaarro Pizarro
when he seized
Atahuallpa
.
Unter den Indians selbst prisoner put to
death; if a principal chief, the
office reverted to the tribe u. was at
once filled. The Action des people Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (durch Spaniards)
paralyzed by novel circumstances; prisoner hier
alive u. in possession of his
office. Cortez put the Aztecs in this
position. Erst warteten sie einige Wochen, hoffend
die Spaniards would retire; dann aber setzten sie Montezuma ab for want of
resolution, wählten seinen Bruder an seine Stelle, assaulted gleich darauf die
Spanish quarters mit great fury u. vertrieben sie schliesslich aus ihrem
Pueblo. Cortez sent Marina zu Montezuma ihn zu fragen ob
er glaube, sie hätten government in hands von new commander gegeben?
(Alles dies
Herrera
) Der replied: „they would
not presume to choose a king in Mexico whilst he was living“, geht
dann auf’s Dach des Hauses, addressirt his countrymen u. (nach Clavigero) erhielt Antwort von an Aztec warrior: „Hold your peace, you
effeminate scoundrel, born to weave and spin; these dogs keep you a
prisoner, you are a coward“; sie schossen dann mit arrows auf ihn u.
stoned ihn, er starb kurz nachher von der Demüthigung; der
warchief
war-chief
, in diesem assault der Aztecs commandirend, war sein
Bruder
Cuitlahua
. [210–212]
Kein Grund anzunehmen, vielmehr alles dagegen, dass
Montezuma
had any power on over the civil affairs der Aztecs. Aber
functions of a priest u., wie
Herrera
sagt, auch of a judge, attached to his
office of principal war chief …
Bei Morgan, S. 212/213: the presence
of a council with power to depose from office […] The
elective principle with respect to war-chief, and which we
must suppose existed with respect to sachem and chief, and
the presence of a council of chief […] The Aztec
organization presented itself plainly to the Spaniards as a
league or confederacy of tribes. Nothing but the grossest
perversion of obvious facts could have enabled the Spanish
writers to fabricate the Aztec monarchy out of a democratic
organization.
Schließen
Council hatte
also Recht, wie to elect, so to depose. – Die Spanier selbst erst
anerkennen, dass die
Aztec confederacy – a league or confederacy of tribes.
Wie konnten sie daraus Aztec
monarchy fabriciren?
[212, 213]
Pt. II. Ch. VIII. The Grecian Gens.
About 850. B.C. begins civilization unter Asiatic Greeks mit Homeric poems; unter den European Greeks about century later mit Hesiodic poems. Period vorher v. several 1000nd years, während deren Hellenen advancing durch lower Status of Barbarism; ihre ältesten traditions finden sie schon established in Grecian peninsula, auf eastern border of Mediterranean u. den intermediate u. adjacent islands. Aeltere branch desselben Stock, wovon Pelasgians die chief representatives, hatten vorher grösseren Theil derselben Area occupirt, in time either hellenized od. forced durch Helenen Hellenen into emigration.
Pelasgian Pelasgians u. Hellenes organized in gentes,
phratries
Morgan (S. 216) verweist auf die englische Übersetzung der
letzteren zwei Bände: C[arl] O[tfried] Müller: The history and
antiquities of the Doric race. Transl. from the German by
Henry Tufnell a--nd George Cornewall Lewis. Vol. 1.2.
Oxford, London 1830. Vol. 2.
S. 82.
Schließen (nicht common to the Dorian tribes.
Müller’s
„Dorier“
)
u.
tribes; in einigen Fällen die
organic series nicht complete, aber überall gens
die unit of organization; Council of chiefs; agora od. assembly of the people; u.
βασιλευς
βασιλεύς
or military commander. Modifications
Bei Morgan, S. 216: by the irresistible
demands of an improving society
Schließen mit Entwicklung forced upon gens, nämlich: 1) change von
female to male descent; 2) intermarriage in
gens permitted in case of female orphans u. heiresses; 3) children had gained an
exclusive inheritance of their fathers father’s
[property]. Hellenes were in fragmentary tribes
Bei Morgan, S. 216: as the barbarous
tribes in general
Schließen analog to Indians etc.
[215, 216]
Griechische society comes first under notice
about
1sst
1st
Olympiade (776 B.C.); von da bis
legislation of Cleisthenes
(509 B.C.) Bei Morgan, S. 217: a fundamental change in the plan of
government […] The people were seeking to transfer themselves
out of gentile society; […] into political society based upon
territory and upon property, which had become essential to a
career of civilization. In fine, they were striving to establish
a state […] Ancient society rested upon an organization of
persons […] but the Grecian tribes […] began to feel the
necessity of a political system.
Schließen vorgehend Uebergang von gentile in political
(civil) Organization.
Kommentar von Marx. Marx bezieht sich auf die Auffassung des
Aristoteles, dass der Mensch ein ζῷον πολιτικόν, d.h. ein auf
(die Polis-)Gemeinschaft angelegtes Wesen sei (Politica, 1253a, 1–18).
Schließen ⦗Er hätte sagen sollen dass political hier Sinn des Aristoteles
hat = städtisch u. politisches animal = Stadtbürger.⦘ Die
Township, mit dem fixed property it
contained u. the people who inhabited [it]
for the time being, was to become the unit of organization; gentilis transformed into Bei Morgan, S. 217: a
citizen
Schließen
civis
. The relations of the individual
to his gens, which were personal, had to be
transferred to the township and become territorial; der demarch
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Vorsteher der deme) der township
taking in some sense the place of the chief of the
gens.
Property was the new element
that had been gradually remoulding Grecian institutions to
prepare Bei Morgan,
S. 218: the way for political society
Schließen for this change
; nachdem
several centuries elapsed in Bei Morgan,
S. 218: the first attempts were made to found the new political
system […] After experience had demonstrated that the gentes
were incapable of forming the basis of a state,
Schließen Versuchen ihn auf
Basis der gens
auszuführen.
Distinct schemes verschiedner Art of legislation
tried in the various Grecian communities who copied more or less each
other’s experiments, all tending to the same result.
Unter Athenians legislation of Theseus (Tradition); 624 B.C. Draco ; 594 B.C. Solon ; 509 B.C. Cleisthenes . [216–218]
Bei Beginn der historischen Periode die Jonians of Attica divided in 4 tribes: Geleontes, Hopletes, Aegicores u. Argades. [218, 219]
Aus:
G[eorg] F[riedrich]
Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855.
Bd. 1. S. 134–136.
Schließen
Zusatz von Marx.
Siehe Rost:
Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und
Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von
Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2.
Braunschweig
1852.
Bd. 2. S. 623 (φῡλή), 618 (φράτρα, φράτρη, φρᾱτρία;
φρᾱτορία) und 619 (φράτωρ); Bd. 1. S. 215 (γένος). Marx besaß
Rosts
„Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
Schließen ⦗Stamm φυλή; dann φρατρία od. φρατορία; φράτωρ Glied einer phratry; Γένος
Geschlecht
⦗auch: Nation u.
Stamm⦘. »Die
Geschlechterphylen gewöhnlich in
Unterabtheilungen – Phratrien, diese wieder in
Geschlechter; Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den
Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter
Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann.
Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 1. S. 214 (γενεά).
Marx
besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
Schließen ⦗Ausser Γένος (τό) (Γενω) kommt aber bei
Homer
Γενεά, jonisch
γενεή u. zwar für Stamm, Geburt,
Familie, Nachkommenschaft
[vor].⦘
die
Geschlechter wieder abgetheilt in
οἴκοι οἶκοι (Häuser od. Familien); die
Unterabtheilungen dagegen der topischen Phylen sind Gaue (δημοι δῆμοι) od. Ortschaften (κῶμαι) …
ursprünglich, auch wo Geschlechterphylen
waren, |68
wohnten die Genossen eines Stammes zusammen
im selben Theil des Landes, ebenso die
Genossen einer Phratrie u. eines Geschlechts, so dass auch hier mit der
Eintheilung des Volks zugleich eine
Eintheilung des Landes in grössere od. kleinere Districte
verbunden war. – Bei den
topischen Phylen kamen lediglich die
Wohnsitze in Betracht. Später dies doch nicht so streng
gehalten, dass Verlegung des Wohnsitzes aus
einem Phylendistrict in andern nothwendig auch Versetzung in
andre Phyle herbeigezogen hätte.« Marx besaß
beide Bände von Schoemanns „Griechische Alterthümer“. Sie
gehörten zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen
hatte. Siehe Marx’ von Februar bis Dezember 1864 benutztes
Notizbuch, in dem die vollständige Liste überliefert ist (MEGA
IV/18. S. 11–17); Marx an Engels, 18. November 1864
(MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.73). Der Verbleib ist nicht bekannt.
Auf S. 133 erwähnt Schoemann die vier ionischen Stämme
Geleontes, Hopletes, Argadeis, Aigikoreis (siehe auch
S. 320).
Schließen (134, 135. Schoemann. I.
[)]
Einer Phyle, u. in derselben einer Phratrie od. [einem]
δέμος δῆμος (Gau) anzugehören war überall wesentliches Merkmal u. Bedingung des
Bürgerthums … wovon die nicht in jenen
Abtheilungen begriffenen Landeseinwohner ausgeschlossen. Nähres
über letztere ib. p. 135 sq.⦘
Die 4 Attischen tribes – Geleontes, Aegicores, Hopletes, Argades – selben Dialekt sprechend, occupying a common territory, had coalesced into a nation, waren vorher aber wahrscheinlich blosse confederacy. ⦗ Hermann (Political Antiquities of Greece) mentions the confederacies of Athens, Aegina, Prasia, Nauplia etc.[⦘] Each Attic tribe composed of 3 phratries, each phratry of 30 gentes, hence 4 (tribes) × 3 phr. od. 12 × 30 gentes = 360 gentes; phratries u. tribes constant, aber Anzahl der gentes variirt.
Dorians generally found in 3 tribes – Hylleis, Pamphili Pamphyli u. Dymanes at Sparta, Argos, Sicioyn Sicyon, Corinth, Troezen etc wo sie verschiedne nations bildeten u. jenseits des Peloponnes in Megaris Megara etc. 1 or more non-Dorian tribes in some cases united mit ihnen wie in Corinth, Sycion Sicyon, Argos.
In all cases der
Grecian tribe presupposes gentes, selben Dialekt redend; Phratrie kann fehlen. In Sparta die
ὠβή
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den
Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter
Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann.
Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig
1852.
Bd. 2. S. 666 (ὠβάζω, f[uturum] ξω;
ὠβάτης).
Marx besaß Rosts
„Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
Schließen (ὠβάξω
lakonisch in ὠβάς
eintheilen, ὠβάτης Glied einer ὠβή). ; in der ancient Rhetra des
Lykurg die tribes u. obês
directed to be maintained unaltered. [219]
Social system der Athenians: 1) Γένος gens, founded upon kin; dann φρατρία, auch φράτρα, from segmentation of an original gens, brotherhood of gentes; dann φῦλον, später φυλή, tribe composed of several phratries; dann people or nation composed of several tribes. Confederacy of tribes kommt früh vor (die tribes occupying independent territories), led to no important results. Likely dass die 4 tribes, erst confederated, dann coalesced, after having collected in one territory under pressure from other tribes.
Grote
, in his
„History of Greece“
stellt Sache so
dar: „Phratries u. gentes seem aggregations of small primitive
unities into larger … independent of, and do not presuppose the tribe … basis of the whole the house, hearth or family
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (οἴκος οἶκος), a number of which,
greater or less, composed the Gens
(Γένος)
– clan, sept, or enlarged, and
partly Bei Morgan, S. 221 (wie bei Grote):
factitious
Schließen fictitious, brotherhood, bound together by:
| 1) Common religious ceremonies, and exclusive privilege of priesthood, in honour of the same god supposed to be the primitive ancestor, characterized by a special surname; | |
| 2) Common burial place. | { Und doch, wer würde sich wohl die
Bestattung von fremder Leute Kindern in seinem
Erbbegräbnisse gefallen lassen? (Übers. Anton
Westermann.) Schließen »καίτοι τίς ἔστιν ὅστις ἃν εἰς τὰ πατρῷα μνήματα τοὺς μηδὲν ἐν γένει τιθέντας ἐάσαι.« Demosth. Eubulides. |
| 3) mutual rights of succession to property. | |
| 4) reciprocal obligations of help, defence, and redress of injuries. | |
| 5) mutual right and obligation to intermarry in certain determinate cases, especially where there was an orphan daughter or heiress. | |
| 6) “ Possession in some cases at least of common property; an archon and treasurer of their own. | |
Phratric union, binding together several gentes, less intimate … doch auch mutual rights u. obligations of an analogous character; especially a communion of particular sacred rites, and mutual privileges of prosecution in the event of a phratror phrator being slain … All the phratries of the same tribe enjoyed a certain periodical communion of sacred rites under the presidency of a magistrate called the Phylo-Basileus or tribe-king selected from the Eupatrids.“
Bei
Morgan, S. 222: The similarities between the Grecian and the
Iroquois gens will at once be recognized.
Engels zitiert die Formulierung von Marx im „Ursprung“
(MEGA
I/29. S. 54).
Schließen Durch die
Grecian gens guckt der
Wilde (Iroquois z. B.) aber auch
unverkennbar durch.
[220–222]
Sonst eigenthümlich to the Grecian gens:
7) limitation of descent to male line; 8) prohibition of intermarriage in the gens ausser in case of heiresses; 9) Right of adopting strangers in the gens; 10) right of electing u. deposing its chiefs.
ad 7)
Bei Morgan, S. 123: It is precisely like
the family among ourselves
Schließen In unsrer eignen modernen Familie, those descended from males bear the family name, constitute a gens,
obgleich in a state of dispersion u. ohne bond of union ausser den nearest
in degree. Die
females lose mit Heirath their family name,
werden mit their children transferred to other
Bei
Morgan, S. 223: family
Schließen gens. Bei Morgan,
S. 224 (wie bei Hermann): Every infant was registered in the
phratria and clan (γένος) of its
father.
Schließen
Hermann
sagt: „Jedes Kind wurde einregistrirt in die Phratrie
wie Geschlecht (Γένος) seines
Vaters.“
|
ad 8)
Bei Morgan, S. 224:
This obligation may be deduced from the consequences of
marriage. […] The prohibition of intermarriage in the gens was
fundamental in the archaic period […] with the exception of
heiresses and female orphans for whose case special provision
was made. […] The special provision jn respect to heiresses
tends to confirm this supposition.
Schließen ⦗Interduction Interdiction of intermarriage in gens geht
hervor schon aus der
Ausnahme, for heiresses, wo dies
erlaubt.⦘
Wachsmuth : „Die Jungfrau, die ihres Vater’s Haus verlässt, ist nicht länger Theilnehmer am väterlichen Opferherd, sondern enters the religious communion ihres Mannes, u. this gave sanctity to the marriage tie.“ Hermann sagt: „Jedes neu verheirathete Frauenzimmer, herself a citizen, was on this account enrolled in the phratry of her husband.“ Sacra gentilicia common in griech. u. röm. Gens. Scheint nicht, dass bei Griechen – wie bei Römern – the wife forfeited her agnatic rights by marriage; sie doubtless counted herself of the gens of her father.
Zusammenfassung
und Zusatz in Klammern von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 224: The
prohibition of intermarriage in the gens was fundamental […]
Although a tendency to free marriage, beyond certain degrees of
consanguinity, would follow the complete establishment of the
monogamian family, the rule requiring persons to marry out of
their own gens would be apt to remain
Schließen
Rule, die intermarriage in gens verbietet, dauert
fort, selbst nach Gründung der monogamian Ehe ⦗die
solche limits auf nearest degrees to
limit sucht⦘, solang gens
basis des social system bleibt.
Becker
sagt in
Charicles
: „relationship
was, with trifling limitations, no hinderance to
marriage, which could take place within all degrees of ἀγχιστεία, or συγγένεια,
though naturally not in the γένος
itself.“
ad 9) Adoption später practicirt, mindestens in families, doch mit public formalities u. limited to special cases.
ad 10) Das
right to elect and depose its chiefs gehörte
unbedingt den
Grecian gentes in early period; each gens had
its ἀρχός, the common name for a chief. Zusammenfassung von
Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 225.
Schließen Dass
das office erblich auf son in
homeric period nicht anzunehmen, considering the free
spirit der Athenian gentes down to Solon u. Cleisthenes
. Presumption
stets gegen hereditary right, wo nicht
decisive evidence, da der
stärkste Widerspruch gegen die archaic
rule.
[223–226]
Bei Morgan, S. 226: Recurring now to the
quotation from Mr. Grote, […] An exception must be taken to his
position
Schließen Was abgeschmackt bei
Grote
, dass die Basis des social system
der Greeks Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen der οἶκος
„the house, hearth, or family“. Bei Morgan, S. 226: The form of the family
in the mind of the distinguished historian was
evidently
Schließen Er verlegt offenbar die
Roman family under the ironclad rule of a pater
familias in’s homerische Zeitalter der
griech. Familie. Gens in origin älter als monogamian u.
syndasmyan syndyasmian families, essentially contemporaneous mit punaluan family; aber gens nicht founded upon either. Jede family, archaic or not, ist halb in,
halb ausser gens, weil husband u. wife belong to different gentes. Zusatz von Marx. Bei
Morgan, S. 227: the family springs up independently of the gens
with entire freedom to advance from a lower into a higher form,
while the gens is constant as well as the unit of the social
system
Schließen ⦗aber gens entspringt
nothwendig aus einer Promiscuous group;
sobald innerhalb dieser schon intermarriage zwischen Brüdern u. Schwestern entfernt
(stopped) zu werden beginnt, kann gens gepfropft werden auf
die group, nicht vorher; Voraussetzung der gens, dass
Brüder und Schwestern (own u. collateral) bereits von andern consaguinei geschieden
sind. Die gens einmal da, bleibt sie unit des social system,
während die
Familie grosse changes durchläuft.[⦘]
Gens geht ganz ein in phratry, diese in tribe, diese in nation,
aber family geht nie ganz ein in gens, Bei Morgan, S. 227: because husband and
wife must belong to different gentes
Schließen sobald
letztere einmal existirt; sie geht immer nur halb ein in gens des Mannes u. halb in gens der Frau.
Nicht nur
Grote
sondern
Niebuhr
,
Thirlwall
,
Maine
,
Mommsen
etc
– Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan,
S. 227: and many other able and acute investigators
Schließen alle von klassischer Schülergelehrsamkeit
–
nehmen selben Stand mit Bezug auf monogamische
Familie of patriarchal type als integer around which society
integrated in the Grecian u. Roman systems. Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen
Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 227: Nothing whatever was based upon the
family in any of its forms, because it was incapable of entering
a gens as a whole. The gens was […] the natural basis of a
social system. A family of the monogamian type might have become
individualized and powerful in a gens, and in society at large;
but the gens nevertheless did not and could not recognize or
depend upon the family as an integer of itself. The same remarks
are equally true with respect to the modern family and political
society.
Schließen
Family konnte ebensowenig –
selbst die monogamische – natural
basis of gentile society bilden, wie heutzutage in
bürgerlicher Gesellschaft
the family is not the unit of the political
system. Der Staat recognizes the counties woraus er zusammengesetzt, diese its townships, but the township takes no note of the family; so die
nation recognized its tribes, the tribes its phratries, the phratries its gentes, but the gens took no
note of the family.
Bei
Morgan, S. 228: There are a number of valuable observations by
Mr. Grote, upon the Grecian gentes, which I desire to
incorporate […]; although these observations seem to imply that
they are no older than the then existing mythology, or hierarchy
of the gods from the members of which some of the gentes claimed
to have derived their eponymous ancestor. In the light of the
facts presented, the gentes are seen to have existed long before
this mythology was developed […] –
Engels
zitiert den, wie er meint, von Marx „eingefügten“ Satz im
„Ursprung“
(MEGA
I/29. S. 57).
Schließen Herrn Grote
ferner zu bemerken, dass obgleich die Griechen ihre gentes aus der
Mythologie herleiten, jene älter sind als die von ihnen
selbst geschaffne Mythology mit ihren
Göttern u. Halbgöttern.
[226–228]
In the organization of gentile society, the gens is primary, forming both the basis u. unit des systems; die family auch primary u. älter als die gens; the consanguine u. punaluan families having pre-existed in time; but it is not a member of the organic series. [230, 231]
Groote Grote
sagt: „Primitive
religious and social union der attischen Bevölkerung –
im Unterschied v. der
political union, die wahrscheinlich
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) späterer introduction, represented at first durch die
trittyes u. naukraries, u. später die 10 Kleisthenean tribes, subdivided into
trittyes u. demes. In the former personal
relation is the essential u. predominant characteristic, – local relation being subordinate; in the latter,
property and residence become the chief considerations u. das
personal element counts only as measured along with these accompaniments. … the
festival of Theoenia (Attic) u. Apaturia (common to all the Ionian race) annually brought together the members of these
phratries u. gentes for worship, festivity u. maintenance of special
sympathies … |
The gentes both at Athens
u. in other parts of Greece bore a patronymic name, the stamp of their believed common paternity …
Asklepiadae in many parts of Greece; Aleuadae
in
Thessaly; Midylidae, Psalychidae, Belpsiadae,
Euxenidae, at Aegina; Branchidae at Miletus,
Nebridae at Kôs, Iamidae u. Klytiadae at Olympia, Akestoridae at Argos, Kinyradae at Cyprus, Penthilidae at
Mitylene, Talthybiadae at Sparta –, Kodridae, Eumolpidae, Phytalidae, Lykomêdae, Butadae,
Euneidae, Hesychidae, Brytiadae etc in
Attica. To each corresponded a
mythical ancestor, passing for the first father as well as the eponymous hero of the gens –
Kodrus, Eumolpus, Butes, Phytalus,
Hesychus etc … In Athen, mindestens nach der Revolution des
Kleisthenes, der gentile name nicht employed; a man described
first by his own single name, dann by name of his
father u. next by that of the deme to which
he belonged, wie
Aeschines son of Atromêtus
, a Kothôkid …
gens a close corporation, both as to property
and to persons. Bis
Solon’s Zeit keine power of testamentary
disposition. Wenn er ohne Kinder starb, succeedes succeeded
his gennêtes in sein Eigenthum, u. dies selbst nach Solon, if he died
intestate. … If a man murdered, first his
nearest relations, dann his gennêtes u.
phrators beide allowed u. required to prosecute the crime at law; while his
fellow demots, or inhabitants of the same deme, did not possess
the like right of Bei Morgan, S. 230 (wie bei Grote):
prosecuting
Schließen persecuting. All that we hear of
the most Ancient Athenian laws based upon the gentile and phratric
divisions which are treated throughout as extensions of the family
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!?) … this division is
completely independent of any property qualification – rich men as
well as poor being comprehended in the same gens … Different gentes unequal in dignity, arising
chiefly from the religious ceremonies of which
each possessed the hereditary and exclusive
administration, and which, being in some cases considered of
pre-eminent sanctity, were therefore nationalized. Thus the
Eumolpidae and Kerykes
, who supplied the hierophant and superintendent of the mysteries of the Eleusinian Demeter – and the Butadae, who furnished the priestess of Athene Polias, as well as the priest of
Poseidon
Erechtheus
in the Acropolis
– seem to have been reverenced above all the other gentes.“
[228–230]
Gens existed in the Aryan family when the Latin, Greek u. Sanskrit speaking tribes one people (gens, Γένος u. ganas); derived it from their barbarous ancestors u. more remotely from their savage progenitors. If the Aryan family became as early separated as the Middle Period of Barbarism, u. dies wahrscheinlich, the gens must have been transmitted to them in its Archaic form … Cf. gens of the Iroquois, in the lower Status of Barbarism mit gens der Grecian in Upper Status, schlagend dieselbe Organization, dort in its archaic form, hier in its ultimate form. The differences between them forced upon the gens by the exigencies of human progress.
Mit diesen mutations in gens parallel mutations in the rule of inheritance … When Solon allowed the owner of property to dispose of it by will, in case he had no children, he made the first inroad upon the property rights of the gens. [231, 232]
Herr Grote
, nachdem er remarked that „ Grote bezieht sich vermutlich auf Iulius
Pollux: Onomasticon, VIII, 111.
Schließen
Pollux
informs
us distinctly that the members of the same gens at
Athens were not commonly related“ Zusatz von Marx. Engels zitiert diese Wendung im „Ursprung“
(MEGA
I/29. S. 58). Bei Morgan, S. 232 (wie bei Grote): the
gens, at the unknown epoch of its formation
Schließen erklärt den
Ursprung der Gens als
Schulgelehrter Philister so:
„Gentilism is a tie by itself; distinct from the family ties, but presupposing their
existence and extending them by an artificial
analogy, partly founded in religious belief, and partly on positive
compact, so as to comprehend strangers in blood. All the members of one gens, or even of one
phratry, believed themselves to be sprung … from the same divine or heroic ancestor …
Doubtless Grote verweist auf B[arthold] G[eorg]
Niebuhr: Römische Geschichte. Th. 1. 2., völlig
umgearb., Aufl. Berlin 1827. S. 317–337.
Schließen
Niebuhr
is right in supposing the
acient ancient Roman gentes were not real families, procreated from Bei
Morgan, S. 232 (wie bei Grote): any
Schließen one common
historical ancestor. Still it is not less true … that the idea of the gens involved the belief in a common first father, divine or heroic – a genealogy … fabulous,
but consecrated and accredites accredited among the members of the gens itself; it served as one
important bond of union between them … The natural
families of course |71
changed from generation to generation, some
extending … others diminished, or died out; but
the gens received no alterations, except through
the procreation, extinction and subdivision of these component families.
Accordingly the relations of the families Bei
Morgan, S. 233 (wie bei Grote): with the gens
Schließen mit
den gentes in
perpetual course of fluctuation, and the gentile ancestrial ancestorial genealogy, adapted as it doubtless was to the early
condition of the gens, became in Bei Morgan,
S. 233 (wie bei Grote): in process
Schließen progress of time
partially obsolete and unsuitable. We hear of this
genealogy but rarely … only brought before
the public in certain cases preeminent and venerable. But the humbler gentes had their common rites
Bemerkung von Marx. Von Engels zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 58).
Schließen (Sonderbar dies, Mr. Grote?), and common superhuman ancestor and genealogy, as well as
the more celebrated: Kommentar von Marx. Von Engels auf Deutsch
zitiert im „Ursprung“: „(wie gar sonderbar dies, Herr Grote, bei
geringeren Gentes!)“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 58.)
Schließen (how very strange this on
the part of humbler gentes! Is it not, Mr. Grote?) the scheme and ideal
Kommentar von
Marx. Von Engels auf Deutsch zitiert im „Ursprung“: „(werther
Herr, nicht ideal, sondern carnal,
germanice fleischlich!)“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 58.)
Schließen (dear Sir, not ideal,
but carnal, germanice
fleischlich)
basis was the same in all.“
The system of consanguinity
pertaining to gens in its archaic form – u. die
Bei Morgan, S. 233:
and which the Greeks probably once possessed
Bei Engels im „Ursprung“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 58): und die Griechen hatten diese einst
besessen wie andre Sterbliche
Schließen Griechen hatten diese once besessen like other
mortals – preserved a knowledge of the relationships
of all the members of the gentes a gens to each other. Bemerkung von
Marx. Von Engels zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 58).
Schließen ⦗Lernten
dies für sie entscheidend Wichtige durch Praxis v.
Kindesbeinen⦘
This fell into desuetude with the monogamic
family. The
genteel gentile name created a pedigree
beside which that of a family was insignificant.
It was the function of this name to preserve the
fact of the common descent of those who bore it; but the lineage of the gens so ancient that its members
could not prove the actual relationship between
them, ausser in beschränkter Zahl von cases through recent common
ancestors. Der
name itself evidence of a common descent and
conclusive, except as it was liable to
interruption through the adoption of strangers in
blood
into in the previous history der gens. Bei Morgan, S. 234: The practical denial
of all relationship between its members made by Pollux and
Niebuhr, which would change the gens into a purely fictitious
association, has no ground to rest upon.
Von Engels mit Abweichung zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 58). Bei Engels: à la Grote und
Niebuhr
Schließen Dahingegen das
practical denial aller relationship zwischen
its members à la
Pollux
u.
Niebuhr
, changing the gens into a purely fictitious
creation würdig
idealer i.e.
stubenhockerischer Schriftgelehrter.
Kommentar von Marx.
Von Engels zitiert im „Ursprung“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 58/59).
Schließen ⦗Weil die
Verkettung der Geschlechter, namentlich
mit Anbruch der Monogamie, in die Ferne
gerückt u. die
past reality im mythological Phantasiebild reflectirt erscheint, hence
schlossen u. schliessen Philister-Biedermäner Biedermänner, dass die
Phantasiegenalogie Phantasiegenealogie
wirkliche gentes schuf!⦘ Grosse Proportion v
Gliedern der Gens konnten ihre Abstammung weit zurück nachweisen u. bei
dem remainder the gentile name they
bore sufficient evidence of common descent for practical
purposes. The Grecian gens meist small body;
30 families to a gens, abgesehn v. den wives der Familienhäupter, would
give average of 120 persons by gens.
In gens the religious activity der Greeks originated, expanded over the phratries,
culminated in periodical festivals common to all. (De
Coulanges)
[232–234]
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Das lumpige religiöse
Element wird Hauptsache bei gens, im Mass wie real cooperation u. common property alle werden; der
Weihrauchduft, der übrig bleibt.⦘
Pt. II) Ch. IX The Grecian Phratry, Tribe and
Nation.
Die
griech. phratry
[:] its natural foundation in bond of
kin, gentes die subdivisions einer Bei Morgan, S. 235: original
Schließen common gens
gebildet. Says
Grote
: „All the
contemporary members of the phratry of
Hekatäus
had a common god for their ancestor at the 16th degree“; Bei Morgan,
S. 235/236: the several gentes comprised in the phratry of
Hekataeus, were supposed to be derived by segmentation from an
original gens. […] The gentes thus united were brother gentes,
and the association itself was a brotherhood as the term
imports.
Schließen the gentes were brother gentes
literally ⦗originally⦘ u. hence their organization –
phratry.
Bei
Morgan, S. 235/236: Dikaearchus supposed that the practice of
certain gentes in supplying each other with wives, led to the
phratric organization for the performance of common religious
rites. This is a plausible explanation
(!) Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Die Existenz der letzteren erklärt
sich schon
Dikaearchus
rationalistisch so: the practice of certain gentes in supplying
each other with wives, led to the phratric organization
for (!) the performance of common
religious rites. A fragment dieses Dikaearchus preserved
durch
Stephanus
of Byzantium
. Er braucht πάτρα für gens, wie Pindar oft u.
Homer
manchmal. Stephanus berichtet so:
„Patry is one of 3 forms of social union among
Greeks, according to
Dikaearchus
, which we call
respectively patry, phratry and tribe. The patry comes
into being when relationship, originally solitary, passes over into the second
stage ⦗relation of parents with children and children with
parents⦘, and derives its eponym from the oldest
and chief member of the patry, as Aicidas
,
Pelopidas.
But it came to be called phatria or |72
phratria when certain ones gave their daughters to be
married into another patry. For the woman who was given in
marriage participated no longer in the paternal
sacred rites, but was enrolled in the patry of her husband; so
that for the union, Bei Morgan, S. 236:
formerly subsisting
Schließen formerly
existing by affection
between sisters and brothers, there was established another union based on community of religious
rites, which they denominated a
phratry; and so that again, while the patry
took its rise in the way we have previously mentioned, from the blood relation between parents and children, and
children and parents, the phratry took its
rise from relationship between brothers. But tribe and tribesmen were so called from the coalescence into communities and nations so
called, for each of the coalescing bodies Bei Morgan,
S. 236: was called a
Schließen was a tribe.“ (Wachsmuth:
„Hist.
Antiquitäten der Griechen“)
Marriage out of the gens here anerkannt als custom, u. wife enrolled in the gens (patry) rather than the phratry of her husband.
Dikäarchus
,
ein Schüler des
Aristoteles
,
lebte zur Zeit wo gens existed chiefly as a pedigree of individuals, its powers having been
transferred to new political Bei Morgan,
S. 237: bodies
Schließen powers. Intermarriages, mit common
religious rites, konnten nicht gründen, wohl aber cement the phratric union. Griechen
wussten v. ihrer eignen Geschichte nichts ausser bis in Status of Upper Barbarism hinein.
Sieh in array of military forces phratries u.
tribes bei
Homer
. Zusatz von Marx. Marx
verweist auf Morgan, S. 98, Fn. 1 und auf S. 40 des
vorliegenden Hefts.
Schließen (Sieh
oben!) Aus dem
advice des
Nestor
an
Agamemnon
geht hervor, dass the organization of
armies by phratries u. tribes had then ceased to be common.
⦗Gens v. vorn herein too small a basis for organization of an army.⦘
Zusatz
von Marx.
»nec fortuita […]
propinquitates.«: nicht eine zufällig zusammengewürfelte Masse
bildet den Reitertrupp oder den Keil, sondern die
Siedlungsgemeinschaften und Sippen. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)
Marx zitiert die Stelle, auf die Morgan nur als „Tacitus,
Germania, cap. vii“ (S. 238, Fn. 1) verweist, nach der Ausgabe
in seinem Besitz (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1296): C. Cornelii
Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2.
Lipsiae 1772. S. 417. Dort hat er die Stelle mit
Blaustift unter- und angestrichen. Erwähnt war diese Ausgabe in
Marx’ Verzeichnis römischer Autoren in einem seiner Bonner Hefte
von 1842 (MEGA IV/1. S. 341), in einem Verzeichnis seiner
Bücher in seinem Notizbuch aus den Jahren 1844 bis 1847 (MEGA
IV/3. S. 6.29) und in dem von Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellten Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5.
S. 301.29).
Schließen ⦗
Tacitus, De
moribus Germaniae
, sagt v. den
Germanen im Krieg, caput 7: »nec fortuita conglobatio turmam aut cuneum
facit, sed familiae et
propinquitates.«
⦘
Obligation of blood revenge – turned später in duty of prosecuting the murderer before the legal tribunals – rested primarily upon the gens of the slain, aber shared auch by phratry, u. became a phratric obligation. The extension der obligation v. gens zu phratry implies a common lineage of all the gentes in a phratry. – Unter den Athenern überlebte phratric organization the overthrow of the gentes as the basis of a system; retained, in der new polit. society, some control over the registration of citizens, the enrollment of marriages u. the prosecution of the murderer of a phrator before the courts.
Greek gentes u. phratries liessen als legacy to the new society they were destined to found: their institutions, arts, inventions u. mythological (polytheistic) system.
Wie an Spitze der gens ἀρχός, so an Spitze der Phratry Phratriarch (φρᾱτριάρχος), presided at its meetings u. officiated in the solemnization of religious rites. Sagt Coulanges : „The phratry had its assemblies and its tribunals, and could pass decrees. In it, as well as in the family, there was a god, a priesthood, a legal tribunal and a government.“ The religious rites of the phratries were an expansion of those of the gentes of which it was composed. [235–240]
A number of phratries composed the tribe; the persons in each phratry, of same common lineage, spoke the same dialect. The concentration of such Grecian tribes as had coalesced into a people, in a small area, tended to repress dialectical variations, which a subsequent written language tended still further to arrest.
When die several phratries of a tribe united in the
commemoration of their religious observances, so in ihrer quality qua tribe; as such under the presidency of a phylo-basileus, the principal chief of the
tribe; he possessed priestly functions,
always inherent in the office of basileus, u.
übte a criminal Bei Morgan,
S. 241: jurisdiction
Schließen justice
aus in cases of
murder; Bei
Morgan, S. 241: But the absence of civil functions […] is
sufficient to render the term king, so constantly employed in
history as the equivalent of basileus, a misnomer
Schließen dagegen absence of civil functions; also king schlechter misnomer für »basileus«
.
Unter den Athenern der
tribe-basileus, dann selber term for the general military commander of the 4 tribes. Gentile
institutions essentially democratical,
monarchy incompatible with gentilism. Every gens, phratry,
tribe a completely organized self-governing
body; wo several tribes coalesced into a
nation the resulting government
constituted in harmony with the principles animating its constituents constituent parts. [240–242]
Tribes, coalesced into a nation, wie die tribes der Athenians u.
Spartans, simply a more complex duplicate of a
tribe. Bei Morgan, S. 242: There was no name for
the organism which was simply a society (societas)
Schließen There was no name (social one) for the new organism
⦗wo tribes took the same place in the nation as phratries in the tribe,
gentes in the phratry⦘;
Aristoteles
,
Thucydides
Bei Morgan, S. 242, Fn. 1: and other
writers
Schließen u. andre »moderne« nennen die
governments der heroic period – Bei Morgan, S. 242,
Fn. 1:
βᾶσίλειᾶ
Schließen
βασίλειᾱ
βασιλεία
;
statt dessen sprang up name for the people or
|73
nation. So bei
Homer Athenians, Locrians,
Aetolians etc, aber auch v. city od.
country they came from. So, vor Lykurg
u.
Solon
,
4 stages of social organization: gens, phratry, tribe
u. nation. So gentile Grecian society a series of aggregates of persons, with whom the government
dealt through their personal relations to a gens, phratry or tribe. [242,
243]
Im heroic age bei Athenian nation 3 co-ordinate departments or powers: 1) the council of chiefs (βουλή); 2) ἀγορά, assembly of the people; 3) βασιλεύς, general military commander.
1) Council of chiefs
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen had permanence as a feature of their social system; its powers ultimate
and supreme; wahrscheinlich Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen auch
hier composed of the chiefs of
gentes; selection must have been made,
da ihre Anzahl meist kleiner als die der gentes;
Council auch legislative
body representing the principal gentes; seine importance mag abgenommen haben mit wachsender
Wichtigkeit des office of βασιλεύς u. the new
offices created in their military u. municipal affairs with their
increase in numbers u. wealth; but it could not be
overthrown without a radical change of institutions. Hence
every office of the government muss dem
Council accountable geblieben sein
for
its official acts.
Auch
dies war ein griechischer Brauch: alle Könige, die die
väterliche Herrschaft übernahmen, sowie alle, die das Volk
selbst als Führer eingesetzt hatte, hatten einen Rat bestehend
aus den Besten, wie Homer und die ältesten Dichter bezeugen. Die
Herrschaft der Könige alter Zeiten war nicht selbstgefällig und
beruhte nicht allein auf der Meinung eines Einzelnen. (Übers.
Nicolas Wiater.)
Schließen
Dionysius, 2, XII sagt: »Ἑλληνικὸν δὲ ἄρα καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἔθος ἦν. τοῖς γοῦν βασιλεῦσιν,
ὅσοι τε πατρίους ἀρχὰς παραλάβοιεν καὶ ὅσους
ἡ πληθὺς αὐτὴ καταστήσαιτο ἡγεμόνας, βουλευτήριον ἦν ἐκ τῶν
κρατίστων, ὡς Ὅμηρός τε καὶ οἱ παλαιότατοι τῶν ποητῶν ποιητῶν μαρτυροῦσι·
καὶ οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς καθ’ ἡμᾶς χρόνοις
αὐθάδεις καὶ μονογώμονες ἦσαν αἱ τῶν ἀρχαίων βασιλέων
δυναστεῖαι.«
In
Aeschylus
»Ἑπτὰ ἐπὶ
Θήβας«
(»Seven against Thebes«), Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
wo beide fallen,
Eteokles
in
command von Thebai u. sein Bruder
Polynices
als einer der 7 chiefs, die die Stadt belagern, Zusatz von Marx.
Bei
Morgan, S. 244: a herald says: […]
Marx bezieht sich auf Aeschylus: Septem adversus Thebas,
1007–1010 nach der Ausgabe von Christian
Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac
deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate lectionis et
commentario perpetuo illustravit, scholia graeca, apparatum
historicum et lexicon Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus
Godofr[edus] Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum
1782–1797), obwohl er zwei andere Ausgaben der
Tragödien von Aeschylus besaß (von Johann
Heinrich Voss. Wohlfeile Ausg. Heidelberg 1839) und
einen Band der von Karl Tauchniz verlegten Stereotypausgabe
(Aeschylus: Tragoediae. Editio stereotypa. Lipsiae
1810). (Siehe das von Roland
Daniels 1850 zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner
1849 in Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA
IV/5. S. 301.12, 20) sowie oben, die Sachanmerkung zu „δοκοῦντα
καὶ …“.) Bei einem anderen Zitat nach Aeschylus im
vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich Marx explizit auf Schütz’
„Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2, S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Die Stelle
scheint verdorben …“ .
mit das Gutachten u. Schluss des Raths δοκοῦντα (was Rath
facienda esse censuit) u. δόξαντα (quae decrevit), δήμου τῆς
Καδμείας πόλεως προβούλοις, der Stadtrath von Theben: Bei
Schütz, Bd. 1, S. 399: δόξαντα sunt
ea quae facienda esse censuit senatus, quae decrevit; (das
Gutachten und den Schluss) δήμου τ. κ. π. προβούλοι, Thebanorum senatus.
was Rath facienda esse censuit: was nach Meinung des Rats
zu tun sei
quae decrevit: was er beschlossen
hat
Schließen kommt Herald des Raths u. theilt dem Chorus
⦗sonst answered
Antigone u. Ismene⦘ mit das Gutachten u. Schluss des
Raths δοκοῦντα (was Rath facienda esse
censuit) u. δόξαντα (quae decrevit), δήμου τῆς
Καδμείας πόλεως
προβούλοι,
der Stadtrath von Theben,
zusammengesetzt
aus den Chiefs seiner vornehmsten gentes.
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen Die Stelle bei Aeschylus:
|
Morgan zitiert die englische Übersetzung im Text
und das Original auf S. 244, Fn. 1 mit anderer
Zeilenzählung (1005), der Marx beim Zitieren der
Passage zuvor gefolgt war (siehe die Sachanmerkung zu
„δοκοῦντα καὶ …“). Marx zitiert hier dagegen
offensichtlich nach der Ausgabe von Schütz, der die
Zeilenzählung
1007–10 benutzt (siehe Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac
deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate
lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit,
scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon
Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus]
Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797.
Vol. 1, Text. S. 272; und oben, die Sachanmerkung zu
„kommt Herald …“). Bei einem anderen Zitat
nach Aeschylus im vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich
Marx explizit auf Schütz’ „Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2,
S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu
„Die Stelle scheint verdorben
…“. Schließen v. 1007–10: |
Urtheil und Ausspruch
kundzuthun, verpflichten mich Des hohen Raths
Vorsteher hier in Kadmos Stadt. (Eteokles, weil er
werth geachtet hat das Land, Ein Grab
empfahn
soll er im theuren Erdenschooß […]) (Übers. Johann
Heinrich Voß.) Schließen »Δοκοῦντα καὶ δόξαντ’ ἀπαγγέλλειν με χρὴ Δήμου προβούλοις τῆσδε Καδμείας πόλεως· Ἐτεοκλέα μὲν τόνδ’ ἐπ’ εὐνοίᾳ χθονὸς Θάπτειν ἔδοξε γῆς φίλαις κατασκαφαῖς« Zusatz von Marx. Schließen etc. |
2) ἀγορά established in der Bei Morgan,
S. 245: legendary
Schließen heroic period – an assembly of the people.
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Homerus:
Ilias, I, v. 490–491.
(den Mann ehrend): Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe
Rost:
Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und
Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von
Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2.
Braunschweig
1852.
Bd. 1. S. 605: (κῡδιάνειρα). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches
Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
»Er ging weder … in die Schlacht«:
Übersetzung von Marx.
Vermutlich hatte Marx auch den Text von Schoemann:
Griechische Alterthümer (Bd. 1. Berlin 1855) zur
Hand. Bei Schoemann, S. 26: sehen wir in der Ilias, wie
Achilleus […] eine Versammlung des Heeres beruft […] – S. 27:
das Volk nur als Masse in Betracht kommt, […] „weder im Kriege
zu rechnen noch im Rathe“, wie Odysseus sich ausdrückt. –
Schoemann bezieht sich auf Il. II, 202, allerdings zitiert Marx
gerade die folgenden Zeilen aus S. 27 auf der nächsten
Manuskriptseite. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Mit Bezug auf die Agora
…“.
Schließen ⦗In Agora gehn u. in Krieg; bei
Homer
heisst’s vom grollenden
Achilles:
I, 490, 91 Il.:
»Οὔτε
ποτ’
εἰς
ἀγορὴν
πωλέσκετο
κυδιάνειραν, (den Mann ehrend)
οὔτε
ποτ’
ἐς
πόλεμον«.
πόλεμὸν
πόλεμον«.
»Er ging weder in die ruhmvolle
(den Mann ehrende) Agora,
Noch in die
Schlacht«.⦘
Die
agora – spätere
Einrichtung
als der Council of chiefs
Zusatz
von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 245: it is not as ancient as the
council. The latter came in as the institution of the gentes;
but it is doubtful whether the agora existed, with the functions
named, back of the Upper Status of barbarism. It has been shown
that among the Iroquois, in the Lower Status, the people
presented their wishes to the council of chiefs through orators
of their own selection, and that a popular influence was felt in
the affairs of the confederacy – Siehe auch Morgan,
S. 117.
Schließen ⦗der früher wie bei
Iroquois mit ἀγορά
sofar
verbunden, als die
Volksleute
(auch Weiber) dort reden konnten u.
immer Masse anwesend⦘, hatte power to adopt or reject public
measures submitted by the council. Die
agora – bei Homer u. in Greek Tragedians – has same characteristics
which it afterwards maintained in the ecclesia der Athenians u.
der comitia curiata der Romans. Bei Morgan, S. 245: In the heroic age certainly, and far back
in the legendary period
Schließen Im heroic age
agora a constant phenomenon among the Greek
tribes. Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗ditto Germans
in Upper Status of Barbarism⦘ Jeder konnte sprechen in Agora;
sie machte in ancient times meist ihre decision kund durch show of hands.
| In den »Schutzflehenden« des Aeschylus | fragt χορός: |
Wohin entscheidend traf im Volk das Mehr der
Hand? Schließen »Δήμου κρατοῦσα χεὶρ ὅποι πληθύεται;« |
| Antwortet Δαναός : |
Ab stimmten Argos Bürger,
nicht zwiefach getheilt, Schließen »Ἔδοξεν Ἀργείοισιν, οὐ διχοῤῥόπως, |
|
| v. 610–623. | ⎰ ⎱ |
Denn
von des Gesamtvolks Händen, die man recht benennt,
Starrt’ auf der Äther, als bekräftigt ward der
Spruch […] (Übers. Johann Heinrich Voß.) Marx zitiert nach der Ausgabe von Christian Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit, scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus] Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797. Vol. 3, Text. S. 165). Siehe die Sachanmerkungen zu „v. 1007–10:“ , „δοκοῦντα καὶ …“ und „kommt Herald…“. Bei einem anderen Zitat nach Aeschylus im vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich Marx explizit auf Schütz’ „Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2, S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „Die Stelle scheint verdorben …“ . Schließen Πανδημίᾳ γὰρ χερσὶ δεξιωνύμοις Ἔφριξεν αἰθὴρ, τόνδε κραινόντων λόγον« Zusatz von Marx. Schließen etc. |
3) Der Basileus. ⦗ Bei Morgan, S. 246:
Modern writers […] translate basileus by the term king […] – S. 247: writers accustumed to
monarchical government and privileged classes
Schließen Die europäischen Gelehrten, meist geborne
Fürstenbediente, machen aus dem
βασιλεύς Monarch im modernen
Sinn.
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Dagegen
Morgan
, Yankee
Republican; er sagt sehr ironisch, aber true, vom öligen
Gladstone
: »Mr. Gladstone … presents to his
readers ⦗in
›Juventus Mundi‹
⦘ the Grecian chiefs
of the heroic age as kings and princes, with the
superadded quality of ›gentlemen‹, selbst er muss aber zugeben
Zusatz von Marx (Wortspiel für
Gladstone).
Schließen (der „Gutstein“) „on the whole we seem to have the custom or law of primogeniture
|74 sufficiently, but not oversharply defined“.«]
⦗
Zusatz
von Marx. Siehe Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855.
Bd. 1. S. 27.
niemals die Rede: Bei
Schoemann: nirgends die Rede.
Schließen Mit Bezug auf die
Agora bei Homer sagt
Schömann I,
27: »Von förmlicher Abstimmung
des Volks ist niemals die Rede:
nur durch lautes Geschrei giebt die Versammlung ihren
Beifall oder ihr Missfallen über das Vorgetragene zu
erkennen, u. wenn es sich um eine Sache handelt, zu deren
Ausführung die Mitwirkung des Volkes erforderlich ist,
so verräth uns Homer kein Mittel, wie
dasselbe gegen seinen Willen dazu gezwungen werden
könne.«⦘
Frage: Ging das office of basileus durch hereditary right von Vater auf Sohn über? Im
Lower Status of Barbarism das
office of chief hereditary in a gens, d.h.
vacancy, when occurring, filled from the
members of the gens. When descent in female
line – wie bei den Iroquois – an own brother meist Bei Morgan,
S. 248: selected
Schließen elected to succeed the deceased chief;
wenn in der male line – wie bei Ojibwas u. Omahas – the
oldest son. In the absence of objections to
the person, such became the rule; aber das
elective principle remained. Also blosse faktische Nachfolge des
ältesten Sohns od. eines der
Söhne
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (wenn mehre) beweist also nicht »hereditary right«; because by usage he was in the probable line of succession by a free
election from a constituency. Presumption daher für die
Grecians, entsprechend ihren gentile
institutions, either für free
election od. a confirmation of the
office by the people through their recognized organizations,
wie bei Roman rex. In diesem Fall konnte der s.g. Nachfolger office
nicht antreten ohne Election od. confirmation, u. die
power (Seitens des Volks) to elect or
confirm schloss ein right to depose.
Bei Morgan, S. 248:
The illustration of Mr. Grote, drawn from the Iliad, is without
significance on the question made.
Schließen Was die berühmte Stelle in
Ilias
, l. II, v. 203–6 angeht (worauf auch
Grote
seine »royalistische« Anschauung
gründet):
Nicht
doch werden wir all’ hier Könige seyn, wir Achaier! Nimmer
Gedeihn bringt Vielherrschaft; nur einer sey Herrscher, Einer
nur Fürst, dem schenkte der Sohn des verborgenen Kronos Zepter
zugleich und Gesetze, damit er gebiete den Andern. (Übers.
Johann Heinrich Voß.)
Schließen »Οὐ μέν πως
πάντες βασιλεύσομεν ἐνθάδ’ Ἀχαιοί·
Οὐκ ἀγαθὸν πολυκοιρανίη· εἷς κοίρανος
ἔστω,
Εἷς βασιλεὺς, ᾧ ἔδωκε Κρόνου παῖς
ἀγκυλομήτεω
⦗Σκῆπτρόν τ’ ἠδὲ θέμιστας, ἵνα σφίσιν
ἐμβασιλεύῃ.⦘«,
Bei
Morgan, S. 248: Ulysses, from whose address the quotation is
taken, was speaking of the command of an army before a sieged
city.
Schließen so erstens zu bemerken:
Agamemnon – für den
Odysseus
in obiger Stelle spricht –
erscheint in
Ilias
nur als der
principal warchief, commanding an army before
a besieged city. Der Vers in bracket’s brackets
not found in several Ms., z. B. nicht im commentary
v.
Eustasius
Eustathius
. Umschreibung von Marx mit Exzerpten aus Schoemann:
Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1. S. 21–24.
Ulysses hält […] im Kriegsdienst: Bei Morgan, S. 249: There
was no occasion for Ulysses to discuss or endorse any plan of
government, but he had sufficient reasons for advocating
obedience to a single commander of the army before a besieged city.
Die Prädicate […] (hier Zeus): Zusatz von Marx. Bei
Schoemann, S. 22: das Königthum gilt als göttliche Stiftung,
Zeus hat die Könige ursprünglich eingesetzt, sie stehen unter
seiner besonderen Obhut und Fürsorge, sie stammen selbst von ihm
oder von andern Göttern ab, weswegen sie διογενεες, διοτρεφεες
heissen und ihre Würde geht regelmässig vom Vater auf den Sohn über.
selbst die persönlich Unfreien […]
beigelegt; etc.: Zusatz von Marx. Bei Schoemann, S. 23: der Name
ἥρως […] auch jedem Eherenmanne aus dem Volke gegeben, [Fn. 3:
z. B. dem Herolde Mulios, Od. XVIII, 423 und dem blinden Sänger
Demodokos] […] selbst persönlich Unfreie, wie der Sauhirt Eumäus
und der Rinderhirt Philoitios δῖοι u. θεῖοι […] genannt werden,
[Fn. 4: Od. XIV, 48 […] und sonst an vielen Stellen]
Κοίρανος […] im Krieg dort.: Bei Morgan, S. 248/249:
Koiranos and basileus are used as equivalents, because both
alike signified a general military commander.
Βασιλεία […] Demokratie: Bei
Morgan, S. 249: basileia was adopted by Grecian writers, because
it carried the idea of a generalship which had then become a
conspicuous feature in the government. With the council and the
agora both existing with the basileus, if a more special
definition of this form of government is required, military
democracy expresses it with at least reasonable correctness;
while the use of the term kingdom […] would be a misnomer.
Engels zitiert die ganze Passage im „Ursprung“ (MEGA
I/29. S. 61/62).
Schließen Ulysses hält hier
keine Vorlesung über eine Regierungsform, königliche
od. andre, sondern verlangt »Gehorsam« an
chief-warrior
im Kriegsdienst.
Considering,
dass die Griechen vor Troja nur qua Heer
erscheinen, geht’s in der Agora
demokratisch genug zu.
Achilles
, wenn er von
»Geschenken«, i.e. Austheilung der Beute spricht, macht
stets zum Vertheiler weder den Agamemnon, noch einen
andern βασιλεύς, sondern »die Söhne der Achäer«,
das Volk. Die
Prädicate
»διογενεῖς« od. »διοτρεφεῖς« beweisen auch nichts, da jede gens von einem Gott herstammt, die
tribe-chiefs gens schon von
»vornehmerem« Gott. (hier Zeus);
selbst die persönlich Unfreien – wie der
Sauhirt Eumäus
u. Rinderhirt Philoitios
sind δῖοι u. θεῖοι, u. dies in
Odyssee
, also in viel
späterer Zeit als die der Ilias;
der Name ἥρως wird in
selber Odyssee auch dem
Herold Mulios
, dem blinden Sänger
Demodokos
beigelegt; etc. Κοίρανος, was Odysseus v. Agamemnon
neben βασιλεύς anwendet, heisst auch nur
Befehlshaber im Krieg dort. Βασιλεία, angewandt v. den
griech. Schriftstellern für das homerische Königthum (weil generalship his chief feature) mit βουλή
u. agora ist – Sorte militärischer
Demokratie.
Im heroischen Zeitalter lebten die Grecian tribes in walled cities; Bevölkerungszahl stieg durch field agriculture, Manufacturindustrie, flocks u. herds; new offices required u. some separation of their functions; a new municipal system was growing; period of incessant military strife for the possession of the most desirable areas; mit increase of property wuchs the aristocratic element in society, was Hauptursache der disturbances in Athenian Society von Zeit des Theseus bis zu Solon u. Cleisthenes .
Während dieser Periode u. bis zur final abolition des βασιλεύς-office einige Zeit vor der 1sten Olympiade (776 B.C.) wurde office des βασιλεύς more prominent u. powerful than das irgendeiner andern Person in ihrer früheren Erfahrung. Functions of Priest u. Judge attached to or inherent in the office; er scheint ex officio a member of the council of chiefs. Powers of general in Feld u. Garnison in der walled city, gab ihm Mittel ebenso Einfluss in civil affairs zu gewinnen; scheint aber nicht dass er civil functions besass. Auf Seite des βασιλεύς entwickelt sich nothwendig tendency to usurp additional powers, in beständigem |75 Kampf mit dem council of chiefs, representative of the gentes. ⦗Hence endlich das office abgeschafft v. den Athenern.⦘
Unter den
Spartan tribes früh Einrichtung des Ephorats to limit power of
Bei Morgan, S.
250: basileis
Schließen
βασιλεις βασιλεῖς
. Bei Morgan,
S. 250: With the simultaneous existence of the agora […] the
council […] was supreme over gentes
Schließen ⦗Die
βουλή blieb die supreme power,
unterstützt durch agora
im homer.
Zeitalter⦘
Als aber Hellas mächtiger wurde und zu
mehr Wohlstand denn früher gelangte, so kamen mit Vermehrung der
Einkünfte in manchen Städten Zwingherrschaften auf, wo zuvor
Erbfürstenthümer mit bestimmten Vorrechten gewesen waren. Auch
gründete sich Hellas eine Seemacht, und man widmete sich mehr
der Schiffahrt. (Übers. Christian Nathanael Osiander.)
Bei Morgan (S. 251): “Now when the Greeks were becoming
more powerful, and acquiring possession of property still more
than before, many tyrannies were established in the cities, from
their revenues becoming greater; whereas before there had been
hereditary basileia with specified powers.” (πρότερον δὲ ἦσαν
ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς γέρασι πατρικαὶ βασιλεὶαι)
(Einkünfte): Übersetzung von Marx.
(mit festgesetzten powers): Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe
Morgan, S. 251.
(gentiles): Übersetzung von Marx.
Marx zitiert den griechischen Wortlaut nach: Thucydides:
De bello Peloponnesiaco libri octo. Ad optimorum librorum
editi. T. 1.2. Lipsiae: Tauchnitsius, 1815 [als
editio stereotypa danach noch mehrmals nachgedruckt]. T. 1.
S. 11. Marx besaß die Tauchnitz-Ausgabe (siehe das von Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.13–14)).
Anscheinend gehörte sie zu den Büchern, die er Anfang 1861 aus
Köln zurückerhielt (siehe seinen Brief an Ferdinand Lassalle vom
29. Mai 1861 (MEGA III/11. Br. 302.30–32)). Auszüge
daraus enthält sein Heft VII, London 1859–1863 (IISG,
Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 91a, S. 172). Er zitierte eine der
exzerpierten Stellen danach vollständig in einer eigenen
deutschen Übersetzung in seinem Ökonomischen Manuskript
1861–1863 (MEGA II/3.1. S. 255) und im ersten Band des
„Kapital“ (MEGA II/5. S. 298/299). Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht
bekannt. Marx besaß zudem die Übersetzung von Osiander (Thucydides:
Geschichte des Peloponnesischen Krieges. Übers. von
C[hristian] N[athanael] Osiander. Bdchen. 1–7. (Abth. 1.2.)
Stuttgart 1826–1829.) (Siehe das von Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis (MEGA
IV/5. S. 301.2.) Er hatte daraus 1842 in „Debatten
über Preßfreiheit“ zitiert (MEGA
I/1. S. 169). Es scheint, dass er auch diese
Übersetzung 1861 zurückerhielt. Bei der Übertragung der
erwähnten Stelle ins Deutsche benutzte er wahrscheinlich auch
Rost:
Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und
Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von
Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2.
Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 368 (πρόσοδος) und
S. 397 (ῥητός). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe
MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31). Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist
nicht
bekannt.
Schließen
Thucydides sagt I, c. 13:
»Δυνατωτέρας
δὲ
γενομένης
τῆς
Ἑλλάδος, καὶ
τῶν
χρημάτων
τὴν
κτῆσιν
εἲς
ἔτι
μᾶλλον
ἢ
πρότερον
ποιουμένης, τὰ
πολλὰ
τυραννίδες
ἐν
ταῖς
πόλεσι
καθίσταντο, τῶν
προσόδων (Einkünfte) μειζόνων
γιγνομένων· (πρότερον
δὲ
ἦσαν
ἐπὶ
ῥητοῖς
γέρασι (mit festgesetzten powers) πατρικαὶ (gentiles) βασιλεῖαι) ναυτικά
τε
ἐξηρτύετο
ἡ
Ἑλλὰς,καὶ
τῆς
θαλάσσης
[
μᾶλλον
]
ἀντείχοντο.«
Das sind also die Formen des Königtums,
vier an der Zahl, die erste das des Heroenzeitalters (es bestand
über frei Zustimmende, aber mit beschränkten Kompetenzen; denn
der König war Feldherr, Richter und Verwalter der religiösen
Dinge), zweitens das barbarische (eine erbliche und gesetzlich
begründete despotische Herrschaft), drittens die der sogenannten
Aisymneten (eine gewählte Tyrannis) und endlich als viertes das
spartansche (das nichts anderes als ein erbliches Feldherrenamt
ist). (Übers. Olof Gigon.)
Zu den von Marx in Klammern eingefügten Übersetzungen
siehe die Wiedergabe der Passage in englischer Sprache bei
Morgan,
S. 251.
Schließen
Aristoteles. Politics.
III, c. X 14: »βασιλείας μὲν οὖν εἴδη (Arten) ταῦτα
τέτταρα τὸν ἀριθμόν, μία μὲν
ἡ
περὶ
τοὺς
ἡρωϊκοὺς
χρόνους· αὕτη δ’
ἦν ἑκόντων
[μέν] (von Freien, over a free people), ἐπὶ τισὶ δὲ (in einigen aber) ὡρισμένων·
στρατηγὸς γὰρ ἦν καὶ δικαστὴς ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τῶν
πρὸς
[τοὺς] θεοὺς
κύριος (Hauptpriester). Δευτέρα δὲ ἡ βαρβαρική αὕτη δ’ ἐστὶν ἐκ γένους ἀρχὴ δεσποτικὴ
κατὰ
νόμον. Τοίτη Τρίτη
(die 3te Form) δὲ ἣν αἰσυμνητίαν αἰσυμνητείαν προσαγορεύουσιν· αὕτη
δὲ δ’
[
ἐστὶν
]
αἱρετὴ
τυραννίς
(Wahltyrannei). Τετάρτη δ’ ἡ Λακωνικὴ
[
τούτων
]· αὕτη δ’
ἐστὶν, ὡς εἰπεῖν θ’ ἁπλῶς,
σρατηγία στρατηγία
(generalship) κατὰ γένος ἀϊδιος« (erbliche generalship)
[«].
Aristoteles giebt dem βασιλεύς
keine civil functions.
Bemerkung
von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Was die
richterliche function angeht, muss sie
wie bei den alten Germanen gedeutet werden, als
Vorsteher des Gerichts, welches Versammlung ist; der
Vorsitzer stellt die Frage, ist aber nicht der Urtheilfinder⦘
Bei Morgan, S. 253: the tirranies […] were
governments imposed by force
Schließen Die
Tyrannis war usurpation, erhielt nie a
permanent footing in Greece, galt stets ihnen als illegitim; seine Tödtung galt für verdienstvoll.
Cleisthenes
rejected the Bei Morgan, S. 254:
office of chief executive magistrate
Schließen
βασιλεύς
office; hielt council of chiefs bei in elective senate u. die
agora im Bei Morgan,
S. 254: popular assembly
Schließen people
(ecclesia)
; elective archon folgte bei den Athenern
dem
βασιλευς βασιλεύς
; dieser selbst, in Upper Status of
Barbarism, was in dessen Middle Status
Teuctli (Great War Soldier verbunden mit functions of Priest)
in der
Aztec Confederacy; dieser hinwiederum in Lower Status of Barbarism der Great War Soldier wie z. B. der Iroquois
Confederacy u. Bei Morgan, S. 254: It [the office of chief executive
magistrate (king, emperor, president) of modern political
society] can be traced from the common war-chief, first to the
Great War Soldier, as in the Iroquois Confederacy; secondly, to
the same military commander in a confederacy of tribes more
advanced, with the functions of a priest attached to the office,
as the Teuctli of the Aztec Confederacy; thirdly, to the same
military commander in a nation formed by a coalescence of
tribes, with the functions of a priest and of a judge attached
to the office, as in the basileus of the Greeks; and finally, to
the chief magistrate in modern political society.
Schließen dieser selbst
entsprang aus dem
common warchief war-chief des tribe.
[243–255]
Pt. II. Ch. X. Institution of Grecian Political
Society.
Aus der failure der gentile institutions to meet the now complicated wants of society, gradually all civil powers entzogen den gentes, phratries u. tribes u. diese übertragen auf new constituencies. Das eine system went gradually out, das andere gradually in, the two for a part of the time existing side by side.
Stockaded village usual home of the tribe in Lower Status of Barbarism; im Middle Status joint-tenement houses of adobe bricks and stone, in the nature of fortresses; im Upper Status
cities surrounded mit ring embankments, Bei
Morgan, S. 257: It was a great step forward when the thought
found expression in action of surrounding an area
Schließen schliesslich
mit walls of dressed stone, mit towers, parapets, gates, designed to protect all
alike and to be defended by the common
strength
. Cities of
this grade imply the existence of a staple stable u. developed field agriculture, possession of domestic animals in flocks and herds, of merchandise in masses u. of property in houses u. lands.
A
necessity generally arose for magistrates u. judges, military u. municipal offices officers
of different grades, with a mode of
raising and supporting military levies which would require public revenues. Bei
Morgan, S. 257: Municipal life and wants must have greatly
augmented the duties and responsibilities of the council of
chiefs, and perhaps have overtaxed its capacity to govern. […]
The military power
Schließen Dies
alles machte dem »council of chiefs«
das Regieren schwer. – Die Militairgewalt
, erst devolved upon βασιλεύς jezt auf generals u. captains under greater
restrictions; judicial power jezt bei Athenians
exercised durch archons u. dicasts;
die
magisterial powers devolved upon municipal magistrates. Nach u. nach several powers by differentiation taken von der sum
of powers des original council of chiefs, soweit sie
vom Volk auf letzteren übergegangen waren.
Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Morgan,
S. 258: Unnumbered disorders existed, both from the conflict of
authority, and from the abuse of powers not as yet well defined.
The brief and masterly sketch by Thucydides of the condition of
the Grecian tribes in the transitional period, and the
concurrent testimony of other writers to the same effect, leave
no doubt that the old system of government was failing […] and
[needed] […] the substitution of written laws, enacted by
competent authority, in the place of usages and
custom
Schließen Diese Zeit des
Uebergangs erscheint bei
Thucydides
(lib. I, 2–13) u. other writers
als Zeit
fortwährender disorders
von conflict of authority u. abuse of powers not yet well
defined u. als failure des old systems of government;
auch Bedürfniss v. written law für blose
usages u. customs
dadurch nöthig geworden. Diese transition |76 dauerte
centuries.
Dem Theseus v. den Athenern first attempt to subvert the gentile organization zugeschrieben; man muss ihn betrachten als Namen für eine Periode od. Series of events. [256–258]
Zusatz von
Marx. Siehe Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855.
Bd. 1. S. 315.
Schließen
[⦗]Die Bevölkerung
v. Attica (Böckh) in seiner blühenden
Zeit about ½ Million; davon mehr als ⅔, – nämlich 365,000 Sklaven, ausserdem etwa 45,000 angesiedelte Fremde, bleibt für
die
freie bürgerliche Bevölkerung –
90,000!⦘
Zusatz von Marx.
Siehe Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1.
S. 317/318.
Schließen ⦗Nach Schömann: Attika in
mehre kleine Fürstenthümer getheilt; die Alten
(
Strabo l. IX, Plutarch:
Theseus c. 24, 32, 36[)]
nennen 12 Staaten; in manchem dieser 12
nicht eine, sondern mehrere Stadt u.
Städtchen. Die Sage lässt den
Theseus
Land u. Volk unter der
Regierung eines einzigen Fürsten
vereinen, Athen zum Sitz der
Centralgewalt machen, den
Theilregierungen Ende
machen.⦘
Zusatz von Marx.
Siehe: Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen
Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers.
von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen.
1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart
1827–1859. Bdchen. 1. S. 10. Dort, unter der Überschrift
„Theseus“: König von Athen in der zweiten Hälfte des 13ten
Jahrhunderts vor Chr. Geburt. – Marx besaß, wenn nicht
sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849
erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der
„Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind
„Plutarch 4 Bde“
erwähnt.)
Schließen
Theseus
angeblich Basileus v. Athen in der
2. Hälfte des 13 Jhdts
B.C.
Vor Theseus
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (sie sieh
Schoemann
) lebte Attic
Volk in cities
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Schoemann:
Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1.
S. 317–321.
Schließen ⦗12 angegeben nach Schömann, als ebensoviel independent Wohnsitze u. Territorien der 12 phratries⦘, bildeten
independent tribes, jeder mit eignem Territorium
wo the people localized, eignen council houses
u. prytaneums, aber confederated for mutual
protection u. elected Basileus als general commander of their common forces. Aber (sieh
Thucydides
, u. ähnlich bei
Plutarch
[)],
sobald Theseus Basileus wurde,
überredete er sie to break up the council-houses
u. magistracies ihrer verschiednen Städte, u. come into relation with
Athens, mit einem council-house (βουλευτήριος) u. einem πρυτανεῖον. Zusatz von Marx.
Marx zitiert hier die Erläuterung von Klaiber in: Plutarch’s
Werke. Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von
J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24.
(Bdchen. 1‒19, 37‒41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827‒1859. Bdchen. 1.
S. 34, Fn. *. Wahrscheinlich verwendete er einen Band, der sich
in seinem Besitz befand
(siehe
MEGA
IV/5. S. 301.4).
Schließen ⦗Letzteres ein öffentliches Gebäude, worin das
heilige Feuer unterhalten wurde, u.
die
Prytanen od. Vorsitzenden des Senats
wohnten.⦘ So
die
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen 4 Tribes
brought unter Theseus to
calesce coalesce into one
people.
[258, 259]
Zusatz von Marx, der
hier Plutarchus Chaeronensis (Vitae
parallelae. Theseus, 24 und 25) nach der Übersetzung
von Johann Gottfried Klaiber zitiert (Plutarch’s
Werke. Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von
J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24.
(Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Bdchen. 1. S. 34 und 35/36).
Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten
der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten
Bändchen der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von
Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind
„Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.)
Morgan, S. 259, Fn. 1, zitiert aus dem 24. Kapitel auf
Englisch: Plutarch speaks nearly to the same effect: “He settled
all the Inhabitants of Attica in Athens, and made them one
people in one city, who before were scattered up and down, and
could with difficulty be assembled on any urgent occasion for
the public welfare. […] Dissolving therefore the associations,
the councils, and the courts in each particular town, he built
one common prytaneum and court hall, where it stands to this
day. The citadel with its dependencies, and the city or the old
and new town, he united under the common name of Athens.” –
Plutarch. Vit. Theseus, cap. 24.
(dies zeigt, dass sie confederirt
waren, bevor sie coalesced): Bemerkung von Marx.
u. suchte ihre Einstimmung zu erhalten etc: Im folgenden
Zitat notiert Marx die hier ausgelassene Passage. Siehe unten, „Die Aeusserung v.
Plutarch, dass »die
Niedrigen u. Armen […]
folgten«“.
(lies Verein der Attischen
tribes): Bemerkung von Marx.
⦗Phantasie des Plutarch, gab damals
keine solche »Mengen«⦘: Bemerkung von Marx.
besetzen (?): Fragezeichen von Marx. Bei Klaiber, S. 35:
bekleiden
Schließen ⦗Sagt
Plutarch
in „Theseus“ c. 24: »Die Bewohner Atticas wohnten bisher zerstreut u. konnten
nur mit Mühe für gemeinsame
Angelegenheiten zusammengebracht werden
(dies zeigt, dass sie confederirt waren,
bevor sie coalesced), ja bisweilen waren sie in Streit u. Fehden mit einander gerathen.
Theseus vereinigte nun alle in einer Stadt u. bildete aus ihnen
eine einzige Gemeine eines einzigen Staats. Zu diesem Zweck
reiste er bei den einzelnen Gemeinen
u. Geschlechtern umher, u. suchte ihre Einstimmung zu
erhalten etc⦘ . Den Mächtigen versprach er Aufhebung der kgl. Gewalt etc[«] u. c. 25: »Um
die Stadt noch mehr zu vergrössern, rief er
Jederman unter der Zusicherung gleicher Rechte hinzu, u. er
liess dabei, wie man sagt, den bekannten Heroldsruf: ›Hieher kommt all’ ihr Völker!‹ verkünden;
denn er wollte in Athen einen allgemeinen
Völkerverein (lies Verein
der Attischen tribes) stiften. Damit aber
die
herbeigeströmte
gemischte Menge ⦗Phantasie des Plutarch,
gab damals keine solche »Mengen«⦘ nicht Unordnung u. Verwirrung
in den Freistaat brächte, theilte er
das Volk zuerst in Edle, Landbauern u. Handwerker. Den Edlen übertrug er
die Aufsicht über die religiösen
Angelegenheiten, u. das
Recht, öffentliche Aemter zu besetzen
(?), er ernannte sie zu Lehrern der Gesetze, zu Auslegern
der göttlichen u. menschlichen Rechte, stellte sie
aber den übrigen Bürgern gleich, indem die
Edlen zwar durch Ansehen, die Landbauern aber durch Nützlichkeit u.
die
Handwerker durch Menge den
Vorzug zu haben schienen. Dass er zuerst
wie
Aristoteles
sagt, „sich zum Volk hinneigte“ u. die
Alleinherrschaft aufgab, scheint auch
Homer zu
bezeugen, welcher im
Schiffsverzeichniss
(2t Buch der Ilias)
die
Athener eine Gemeine, Demos,
nennt.«⦘
Theseus theilte Volk in 3 classes, irrespective of gentes, Eupatridae (well-born), Geomori (husbandmen) u. »Demiurgi« [(]artisans[)]. Die principal offices assigned to first class, both in the civil administration u. priesthood. Diese classification nicht nur recognition of property u. aristocratic element im government der society, sondern direct movement gegen die governing power der gentes. Intention offenbar to unite the chiefs of the gentes mit ihren Familien u. die men of wealth in the several gentes in a class by themselves, with the right to hold the principal offices in which the powers of society were lodged. Die separation des remainder in 2 grosse classes wieder Verletzung der gentes. Aber gelang nicht. Die jetzt s.g. Eupatrides waren wahrscheinlich die men der gentes vorher called into office. Dies scheme brach down, weil es in fact no transfer of power von gentes, phratries u. tribes zu den classes u. weil such classes inferior den gentes as a basis of a system. [260]
Kommentar von Marx.
Die Aeusserung v. Plutarch, dass »die
Niedrigen u. Armen […] folgten«: Siehe:
Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen
Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers.
von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen.
1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart
1827–1859. Bdchen. 1. S. 34. Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche,
so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen,
jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der
„Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind
„Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.) Im vorherigen Zitat hatte Marx die
Passage ausgelassen. Siehe oben:
„[…]
u. suchte ihre Einstimmung zu erhalten etc“.
der von ihm citirte Ausspruch des
Aristoteles, dass Theseus »sich zum Volk hinneigte«: Bei Klaiber,
S. 36.
Schließen ⦗Die Aeusserung v. Plutarch, dass »die
Niedrigen u. Armen bereitwillig der
Aufforderung des Theseus
|77
folgten« u. der von ihm citirte
Ausspruch des
Aristoteles
, dass Theseus »sich zum Volk hinneigte« scheinen aber
trotz Morgan darauf hinzuweisen, dass die
chiefs der gentes etc
durch Reichthum etc bereits in Interessenconflict mit der Masse
der gentes gerathen, was unvermeidlich bei Privateigenthum in Häusern, lands, Heerden, verbunden mit monogamischen Familien.⦘
Vor 776 B.C. (erste Olympiade) Amt des Basileus in Athen abgeschafft, an dessen Stelle
archonship, wie es scheint erblich in
gens, die ersten 12 archons genannt Medontidae, von
Medon
, angeblichem Sohn des
Kodrus
, des letzten
Basileus. Bemerkung von Marx.
Schließen (Nach
Morgan lebenslänglich die
archonship, hereditary in gens, also nicht hereditary im modernen Sinn.)
711 B.C. Archonship beschränkt auf 10 Jahre, bestowed by free election auf die würdigst gehaltne Person; hier Anfang der historischen Periode, mit election to highest office in the gift of the people.
683 B.C. Office of archon made elective annually, their number increased to nine, blieb so bis Ende der athen. Demokratie;
1) Archon Eponymus, von seinem Namen die designation des Jahrs was derived; er determined all disputes relative to the family, gentile u. phratric relations; was legal protector of orphans u. widows.
2) Archon Basileus; had competence in complaints respecting offences against the religious sentiments and homicide.
3) Archon Polemarch (in times prior to Kleisthenes ) leader of military force u. judge in disputes between citizens u. non-citizens.
4) Die 6 andern Archonten hiessen Thesmotetae Thesmothetae .
Erst war der
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen attische
archon chief of gens u. his office hereditary in
gens; when descent changed v. female to male
line the sons of the deceased chief
the sons of the deceased chiefs
Bei Morgan, S. 261: within the line of
succession
Schließen in the lines of the election; Athener gaben später dann den
alten Titel des chief of gens – Archon – dem
highest magistrate, machten office elective,
irrespective of gens etc., erst lebenslänglich, dann 10, dann 1 Jahr.
[260–262]
624 B.C. Draco had framed a code of laws for the Athenians; shows that usages u. customs were to be superseded by written laws. Athenians were in the stage wo lawgivers appear and legislation is in a scheme or in gross, under the sanction of a personal name. [263, 264]
594 B.C. Solon
comes into Archonship. – In seiner Zeit had schon come in
existence der Areopagus, bestehend aus
den
Ex-archons mit power to try
criminals u. censorship over morals,
zugleich mit Anzahl neuer offices in military, naval u. administrative services. –
Wichtigste event: Errichtung der ναυκραρίαι (Naukraries), 12 in jedem tribe, 48 in all: jede Naukrarie a local circumscription of householders, aus der
levies drawn into military u. naval service
u. from which taxes wahrscheinlich collected. Die naucrary was the incipient deme or township. Nach
Böckh
bestand sie schon vor Solon’s Zeit, da
die
presiding officers der naucraries (πρυτάνεις τῶν
ναυκράρων) schon mentioned früher.
Aristoteles
schreibt sie dem Solon zu, weil dieser sie in seine Constitution
aufnahm. – 12 naucraries bildeten a τριττύς
(trittys) a larger territorial circumscription,
nicht necessarily contiguous; bildete germ of the »county« Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (?). Council of
chiefs
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (βουλή) dauerte fort, aber jetzt daneben
agora, der
Court des Areopagus u. die 9 archons. It
doubtless had the general administration der finances.
Als Solon zur archonship came, social state bösartig, in Folge des struggle for the possession of property. Ein Theil der Athener in Sklaverei gefallen, durch Verschuldung, die Person des Schuldners being liable to enslavement in default of payment; andre had mortgaged their lands u. were unable to remove the encumbrances. Ausser body von Gesetzen, wovon einige neu, but corrective of the principal financial difficulties, erneuerte Solon Project des Theseus die Gesellschaft in classes zu theilen, diesmal aber nicht nach callings, sondern nach amount of their property; er theilte das Volk in 4 classes, nach measure of wealth. [262–264]
Aus:
Plutarch’s
Werke. Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann]
G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41
der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bdchen. 2.
S. 247/248.
Schließen
⦗
Zusatz von Marx, der hier Plutarchus Chaeronensis (Vitae
parallelae. Solon, 18) nach der Übersetzung von Johann Gottfried
Klaiber anführt. (Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in
neuen Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen.
Übers. von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen.
1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart
1827–1859. Bdchen. 2. S. 247/248.) Marx besaß, wenn nicht
sämtliche, so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849
erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der
„Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind
„Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.)
(Gewöhnliches
Mass [...] (etwas mehr als 33 Berliner
Quart).): Siehe Klaiber, S. 247, Fn., und S. 130, Fn.
500 hert-Scheffler: Bei Klaiber,
S. 247: Fünfhundertscheffler.
v. einer der beiden Früchte: Bei Klaiber, S. 247: von
beiderlei Früchten.
Zweispänner (ζευγῖται), wohl vom
Gespann Maulthiere, das sie hielten:
Siehe Klaiber, S. 247, Fn. **.
(Dadurch bekamen sie entscheidende Macht um so mehr): Bei
Klaiber: Auch soll der dunkle und vieldeutige Ausdruck seiner
Gesetze die Mach der Gerichtshöfe vergrößert
haben.
Schließen Nach
Plutarch „Solon“ c. 18: Iste Classe: Grundertrag = 500 Mass
trockner u. flüssiger Früchte. (Gewöhnliches
Mass des Getreides ein Medimnus (etwas über
15/16
des Berliner
Scheffels), der Flüssigkeiten ein Metretes (etwas
mehr
als 33 Berliner Quart[)].) Wer dazu gehörte 500 hert-Scheffler. IIte Classe: die 300 Mass erndteten; hiessen zur Ritterschaft Steuernde. IIIte Klasse: die 200 Mass v.
einer der beiden Früchte[;]
Zweispänner (ζευγῖται
[)], wohl vom
Gespann Maulthiere, das sie hielten.
(Dies geschah nachdem er Schätzung der
Bürger verordnet.) Alle andern
die
IVte Klasse
der
Fröhner (Theten). Erhielt den 3
ersten Klassen, i.e. den
Vermögenden, den Zugang |78
»zu allen obrigkeitlichen
Aemtern«; Theten (4t Kl.) hatten kein Amt zu verwalten,
hatten aber an der Regierung Theil als
Mitglieder der Volksversammlungen u.
Gerichtshöfe. (Dadurch bekamen sie entscheidende Macht
um so mehr)
»da
Solon
auch bei solchen Sachen, worüber
die Obrigkeiten zu erkennen hatten, eine
Berufung an das Volksgericht erlaubte.«[)]⦘
Gentes weakened hierdurch, u. ihre decadence eingeleitet. Aber sofern classes composed of persons substituted for gentes composed of persons, government still founded upon persons u. upon relations purely personal. Die erste Classe war allein eligible to the high offices, 2te zum Reiterdienst, 3te zur Infantrie, 4te zu leicht bewaffneten soldiers; letzte die Majorität; they paid no taxes, aber in der popular assembly hatten sie vote bei Wahl aller Magistrate u. Officiere, mit power to bring them to an account; could adopt or reject all public measures. Alle freemen, wenn auch nicht connected with a gens u. tribe, now brought, to a certain extent, into the government, became citizens u. members of the public assembly.
Bei Morgan, S. 265:
the first class in the unpatriotic position of appropriating to
themselves the principal offices of the government, and taking
no part in the military
service
Schließen Die Iste
(vornehmste Klasse) nicht liable to military
service.
Zusatz von
Marx, der sich hier auf Putarchus Chaeronensis (Vitae
parallelae. Solon, 19) nach der Übersetzung von
Johann Gottfried Klaiber bezieht (Plutarch’s
Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen Uebersetzungen.)
Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers. von J[ohann]
G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen. 1–24. (Bdchen.
1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart 1827–1859. Bdchen. 2.
S. 249/250). Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche, so doch zumindest
die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen, jeweils von Klaiber
übersetzten Bändchen der „Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das
von Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind
„Plutarch 4 Bde“
erwähnt.)
Schließen ⦗Neben dem Areopag einRath (Plutarch lässt ihn falsch v. Solon gründen, er nahm nur
die alte βουλή in seine
Constitution auf, worin er aus jedem der
4 tribes 100 Männer wählen liess, Vorberather des Volks, so dass nichts ohne
ihre vorherige Prüfung an die Gemeine
gelange).⦘
Das territorial element was partially incorporated durch die naucraries, wo wahrscheinlich was an enrollment of citizens u. of their property to form a basis for military levies u. taxation. – Die gentes, phratries, tribes blieben in full vitality, though mit diminished powers – a transitional condition. [264–266]
Von der
disturbed condition der Grecian tribes u.
den unavoidable movements des people in der
traditionary time vor Solon
, viele Persons transferred themselves v.
one nation to another, lost so connection mit ihrer eignen gens ohne
Verbindung mit einer andern zu gewinnen; dies wiederholt von Zeit zu
Zeit, durch personal adventure, spirit of
trade, exigencies of warfare, bis considerable number with their posterity in every tribe unconnected
with any gens. All such persons without the pale of government.
Says
Grote
: „The phratries and gentes probably never at any time included the whole
population of the country – and the population not included tended
to become larger and larger in the times anterior to Kleisthenes
, wie nach ihm.“ Schon
zur Zeit des Lykurg
bedeutende immigration nach Griechenland von den Inseln
des Mittelmeers
u. den
Ionischen Städten seiner östlichen Küste; wenn
sie mit families kamen, brachten sie a fragment of a
new gens mit sich; blieben aber aliens
unless the gens admitted into a tribe, was wahrscheinlich
häufig geschah; explains the unusual number of gentes
in Greece. The poorer class would not
be admitted either as a gens in einen tribe od.
adopted in eine gens eines tribes. Zur Zeit
des
Theseus
schon, aber mehr speciell in der des Solon Zahl der
unattached class – exclusive of slaves – had become large;
diese class of persons a growing element of dangerous
discontent. Wurden durch Theseus u. Solon admitted to citizienship through the
classes, aber blieben excluded von den verharrenden
gentes u. phratries. In den
Council
konnten
nur kommen 400, je [100] aus einem der 4 tribes (den new
prebouleutic probouleutic or pre-considering senate); selbe conditions nach old custom of eligibility für die
9 Archonten, also auch für Areopag.
⦗die
tribes bestanden nur of gentes u. phratries; wer also ausser
diesen, ausser tribe⦘ Also nur in public assembly (ecclesia) konnte ein Athenian, [der] nicht ein member
jener tribes Zulass erhalten, aber eben
dadurch war er citizen, nahm
Theil an Wahl der Archonten, nahm Theil in der jährlichen
decision ihrer accountability, konnte claim redress for wrong von den archons in
his own person, während ein alien dies nur konnte durch
intervention of an avouching citizen or Prostatês. Bei Morgan,
S. 268: all persons not included in the four
tribes
Schließen
Alle
persons
, whatever their grade or
fortune, befanden sich Bei Morgan, S. 268: in respect to
political privilege
Schließen
politisch
auf level with der
4ten Klasse der
thetes. Zugleich tended the policy of Solon to invite industrious
settlers from other parts of Greece to Athens. Dies one of the reasons of the
failure of gentile organization.
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Diese
settlers alle Griechen; mit written language hatte der
dialectic Unterschied nicht mehr Macht
zur Barrière v. Scheidung
(Unverständlichkeit) zu werden; andrerseits migration, Seefahrt u. alle mit commerce verbundne Personenbewegung – nicht fassbar in
auf gens gegründete
society.⦘
Andrerseits: Schwierigkeit gens, phratry u. tribe
local zusammenzuhalten. Früher hatte die
gens its lands in common, the phratries certain lands
in common for religious purposes u. wahrscheinlich auch
die
tribes other lands in common. Wenn sie sich
established in town or country, settled sie neben
einander by gentes, |79 phratries, tribes, gemäss ihrer social organization. Jede gens in the main by
itself, nicht alle ihre Glieder, denn 2 gentes representirt in
jeder Familie, but the body who propagated the
gens. The gentes derselben Phratry suchten local
zusammenzubleiben, u. so die several phratries einer tribe.
Aber zur Zeit des
Solon
lands u. houses owned by individuals in
severalty, mit power of alienation of lands,
but not of houses, out of
the gens. So immer schwieriger to keep the members of a gens
locally zusammen, wegen der shifting relations of persons
to land u. von der
creation of new property by its members in other
localities. The unity of their social system was becoming
unstable in place u. in character.
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Abgesehn v. locality: Die Eigenthumsdifferenz in
selber gens hatte Einheit ihrer Interessen in Antagonismus ihrer members verwandelt; ausserdem war
neben Land u. Vieh Geldcapital
entscheidend wichtig geworden,
auch
die
Entwicklung der
Sklaverei!⦘
Nur die
unsettled condition u. incessant warfare
der
Bei Morgan, S. 269: of
the Athenian tribes
Schließen
tribes
(Attic), from their
settlement in Attica bis zur Zeit des
Solon
hatten
die alte gentile Organization so
long aufrecht erhalten können. – The township mit its
fixed property u. its inhabitants for the
time being yielded the element of permanence now wanting in the
gens.
Zur Zeit des Solon Athenians already a civilized people, had been so for 2 centuries: bedeutend development of useful arts, commerce at sea became a national interest, advancement of agriculture u. manufacture, commencement of written composition in verse; aber ihre institutions of government still gentile, of the type of the Later Period of Barbarism; beinah ein Jahrhundert nach Solon full of disorders. [266–270]
Zusammenfassende
Umschreibung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 270: Out of the naucrary,
a conception of a township as the unit of a political system was
finally elaborated; but it required a man […] to seize the idea
in its fullness, and give it an organic embodiment. That man
finally appeared in Cleisthenes (509 B. C.), who must be
regarded as the first of Athenian legislators […] Cleisthenes
[…] placed the Athenian political system upon the foundation on
which it remained to the close of the independent existence of
the commonwealth.
Schließen
509. B.C. Kleisthenes’
constitution, (Kern derselben lag in der
naucrary) dauerte bis zu Verlust der Unabhängigkeit
Athens. Theilte Attica in 100 demes or townships (wards), jedes umschrieben by metes u. bounds, u. distinguished by a name. Jeder citizen hatte
sich selbst einzuregistriren u. to cause an
enrollment of his property in the deme wo er resided. Dies
enrollment evidence u. foundation of his civil privileges. The deme displaced the naucrary; its inhabitants
had powers of local self-government. Diese demotae wählten einen δήμαρχος who had the custody of the public
register, also the power to convene the
demotae for the election of magistrates and judges, for revising the registry of the citizens, u. enrolling such as became of age during the year.
Sie elected a treasurer u. provided for the assessment and collection
of taxes u. for furnishing the quota of
troops required from the deme für state service. They also elected 30
discasts dicasts or judges, trying all causes arising in the deme below a certain sum; ausserdem had deme its own temple, religious worship u. own priest, der also elected by the deme. All
registered citizens free u. equal except equal eligibility to higher offices.
Second member der organic territorial series:
10 demes, united in a larger geographical district, was called
a local tribe – φῦλον
τοπικόν. (So wurde die
römische tribus – ursprünglich ⅓ of the people
composed of 3 tribes – verwandelt aus numerical
quality in a local designation.) Each
district named after an Attic hero; einige der
10 demes waren waren detached (nicht locally contiguous)
wahrscheinlich in consequence of the local separation of portions des original consanguine tribe who desired to have
their deme incorporated in the district of their immediate kinsmen.
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Schoemann:
Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1.
S. 133/134 und 367/368. Siehe auch S. 321.
Morgan nennt die topischen Phylen counties: Bei Morgan, S. 271: Each district was named
after an Attic hero, and it was the analogue of the modern county.
Klisthenes: So bei Schoemann.
Schließen ⦗Morgan
nennt die topischen Phylen counties,
Schoemann
aber nennt die
Unterabtheilung Unterabtheilungen der topischen Phylen, auf
Wohnsitze u. Theile der Stadt u.
Landschaft gegründet, ihre Unterabtheilungen
Gaue (δῆμοι) oder Ortschaften (κῶμαι). Er sagt von
Kleisthenes
:
Er theilte das gesammte Land in 100 Verwaltungsbezirke, hiessen δῆμοι u. die
einzelnen Demen wurden theils nach den
kleinen Städten od. Flecken, theils nach
ausgezeichneten Geschlechtern benannt;
die nach Geschlechtern benannten Demen vorzugsweis in
dem Theil des Landes, der der Phyle der
Geleonten zugewiesen (Hauptstadt Athen u. ihre nächste
Umgebung, wo also die meisten u.
bedeutendsten Adelsfamilien
lebten, wo ihre Güter gelegen[)].
Lang vor Klisthenes gab es Bezirke, Städte u. Flecke, die sich
Demen nannten. Zahl der Demen stieg
zuletzt auf 174; doch erinnerte an die ursprüngliche
Zahl die
100 Heroen, die Eponymen der
100 Demen. Die Phylen Verbände von
10 Demen.⦘
Jede Phyle od. District
[named] nach an Attic Hero. Die Einwohner
wählten einen φύλαρχος, der die
Cavallerie commandirte, ταξίαρχος commandirte foot-soldiers u. στρατηγός commandirte both; jeder District 5 triremes zu liefern, wählten wahrscheinlich as many τρῐήραρχος
to command them.
Clisthenes Cleisthenes
increased Senate to 500, assigned 50
to each district; elected by its inhabitants.
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen
(Attica kaum 40 □ miles
gross.)
|
Third u. last member der territorial series der Athenische Staat, aus 10 local tribes bestehend, represented by Senate, ecclesia, court of Areopagus, archons, judges, elected military u. naval commanders.
Um Staatssbürger zu sein, musste man Mitglied eines Deme sein; um in
Senat gewählt zu werden od. zum Commando einer Division v. army or navy,
Bei
Morgan, S. 272: from the larger district of his local
tribe
Schließen durch a topic phyle gewählt
werden. The relations to gens or phratry ceased to
govern the duties of an Athenian as a citizen. The coalescence of the people into bodies politic in territorial areas
now complete.
Also deme, Bei Morgan, 272: local
tribe
Schließen phyle, u. Staat an Stelle von Gens, phratry, tribe etc. Sie blieben Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (letztre) jedoch for centuries as a pedigree of and lineage u. fountains of religious
life.
No executive officer existed under the system. The president of the Senate, elected by lot for a single day, presided over the popular assembly ⦗konnte during the year nicht zur selben Würde wiedergewählt werden⦘ and held the keys of the citadel and the treasury.
Sparta retained the office of Basileus in period of civilization; a dual generalship, hereditary in a particular family; the powers of government co-ordinate co-ordinated between the Gerousia or Council, popular assembly, 5 Ephors (elected annually, die Ephores Ephors mit powers analogous den Roman tribues tribunes). Die Basileis commanded the army and als chief priests offered the sacrifices to the gods. [270–275]
Part II. ch. XI. The Roman gens.
G. F. Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855. Bd. 1.
Schließen
⦗Mit
Bezug auf die
4 tribes des attischen Volks: 1) Geleontes; 2) Hopletes
Zusatz
von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den
Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter
Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann.
Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig
1852.
Bd. 2. S. 168 (ὁπλίτης; ὅπλον; ὅπλομαι) und 167
(ὁπλίζω). Marx besaß Rosts
„Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
Schließen (ὁπλίτης
schwerbewaffneter Infanterist, Soldat mit Panzer u. Schild, der
den ganzen Körper deckt. ὅπλον
Zeug, Werkzeug, Geräth, bes. zur
Ausrüstung der Soldaten: Waffe, ferner:
der grosse Schild u. Panzer der Schwerbewaffneten;
heisst auch männliches Glied; ὅπλομαι = ὁπλίζομαι u. ὁπλίζω
zubereiten, in Stand setzen v. Speisen
u. Getränken; sieh
Homer
: ausrüsten von Schiff (Odyssee),
waffnen etc)
[;]
3) Aegikoreis
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe
Rost:
Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und
Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von
Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2.
Braunschweig
1852.
Bd. 1. S. 27 (αἴξ), 28 (ἀίσσω), 23 (Αἰγικορεῖς,
αἰγικορεύς) und 586 (κορέννῡμι). Marx besaß Rosts
„Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
Schließen
, Ziegenhirte von αἴξ (gen. αἰγός Ziege, von ἀίσσω sich
schnell bewegen) u. κορέννυμι =
(Αἰγικορεῖς, ⦗
αἰγικορεύς der Ziegenhirt) jonisch = κορέω sättigen, satt
machen;
4) Argadeis
Zusatz von
Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und
Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von
Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2.
Braunschweig
1852.
Bd. 1. S. 378/379 (ἐργάδεις; ἐργάτης; ἐργάω,
ἐργάζομαι; ἔργον).
Marx
besaß Rosts
„Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
Siehe
auch Schoemann: Griechische Alterthümer. Berlin 1855.
Bd. 1. S. 320: die drei letzten [Namen] […] Bewaffnete oder
Krieger, Ziegenhirten und Arbeiter
bedeuten.
Schließen , ἐργάδεις = ἐργάται (
Plutarch
) ἐργάτης Arbeiter, Feldarbeiter, Taglöhner. ἐργάω
u. medium = ἐργάζομαι (ἔργον Werk, That) ich arbeite, bin thätig, bes. treibe
Ackerbau.
Nach
Schömann
: Hopletes
Phyle, die hellenischen Einwandrer, die einst unter Xuthus für die Attiker gegen
die
euböischen Chalcotondiden Chalkodontiden
gestritten u. dafür die
Tetrapolis auf der nach Euböa schauenden Küste u. beträchtlichen Theil des
angrenzenden Landes zum Wohnsitz erhielten; – Bei Schoemann, S. 320:
Das benachbarte Hochland, mit dem Brilessos und Parnes bis zum
Kithäron, ist unbedenklich als der Sitz der eigentlich so genannten Aegikoreis zu betrachten, weil
hier die Beschaffenheit des Landes Viehzucht zur
Hauptbeschäftigung machte
Schließen das benachbarte Hochland mit Brilessos u. Parnes
bis zum Kithäron:
der Phyle der Aegikoreis: Sitz, weil
hier die Beschaffenheit des Landes Viehzucht zur Hauptbeschäftigung
machte, in diesem Bezirk also
Ziegenhirten die zahlreichsten.
Argadeis Phyle: auf dem vom
Brilessos nach West u. Süd sich hinstreckende hinstreckenden Theil des Landes, wo die
3 grossen Ebnen liegen, die
thriasische, das Pedion od.
die Pedias u. die
Mesogäa. (Auch die Phyle der Geleontes hatte hier ihren Sitz. Der
Hauptsitz des Adels Bei Schoemann, S. 321: die Hauptstadt und ihre nächste
Umgebung
Schließen
Athen
( „Edelgeborene
(wurden) die Bewohner der Stadt selbst (genannt).“ – Marx
zitiert nach Schoemann, S. 321, Fn. 2.
Schließen
»εὐπατρίδαι οἱ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄστυ
οἰκοῦντες«)
. Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Was Schoemann weiter sagt: dass »Hauptstadt
u. nächste Umgebung« bekamen daher den
Namen Geleontes; er hiess der
Geleontenbezirk, und alle, die in diesem Bezirk
wohnten, ob Adliche od. Unadliche,
wurden der Phyle der Geleonten
zugezählt, – Kommentar
von Marx.
Schließen so zeigt dies, welchen Begriff dieser Schulmeister von der
Natur einer Phyle od. tribe hat.
Als nach Sturz der Pisistratiden der Adel unter Isagoras eine Zeitlang den Sieg
gewann, das Volk in Gefahr, seine Freiheit zu verlieren,
wenn
Khlistenes Klisthenes
nicht die
Adelspartei besiegt. (Darauf bezieht sich
Herod. V 69.
„Das vorher von allem ausgeschlossene Volk“
(vor Klist. unter Isagoras): Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen »τὸν δῆμον πρότερον (vor Khlist. Klist. unter Isagoras) ἀπωσμένον πάντων«)
Kleisthenes
vermehrte erst die
Zahl des Volks durch Einbürgerung vieler in Attica ansässiger Nichtbürger od.
Metöken, wozu auch die
Freigelassenen gehörten. (
Arist.
Polit.
III, 1, 10.) Seine
Abschaffung der Eintheilung in
4 Geschlechtsphylen, Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen tribes, theils nöthig,
weil in die
alte Eintheilung die
Neuaufgenommenen nicht einrangirt werden
konnten, andrerseit aber verlor dadurch Adel den
Einfluss, den er bisher
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (als chiefs of gentes)
in den ländlichen Districten geübt.
Khlistenes Klisthenes
besetzte mehre u. zwar bedeutende
Aemter, namentlich das
Collegium der 9 Archonten statt wie |81
bisher durch Volkswahl – durch
Loos, aber diese Losung fand nur unter Bewerbern statt aus den 3 oberen u. für
Archonten nur aus der ersten Klasse
statt.
Kurz nach den Reformen des
Khleistenes Kleisthenes
Perserkriege, worin sich die
Athener aller Klassen ruhmvoll bewährt.
Aristides
setzte nun durch, dass fortan die Schranken
aufgehoben, wodurch die ärmeren Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (rather
niedrigiren
niedrigeren
)
Bürger von den Staatsämtern
ausgeschlossen.
Plutarch,
Aristides c. 22: er schlug also vor, die Staatsrechte
gleich zu machen und die Archonten aus allen Athenern zu wählen.
(Übers. Johann Gottfried Klaiber.)
Schließen »γράφει ψήφισμα,
κοίινὴν εἶναι τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐξ
Ἀθηναίων πάντων αἱρεῖσθαι.«
Bei Schoemann, S. 340,
Fn. 3: Wegen des Ausdruckes αἱρεῖσθαι, den Grote als Beweis für
seine Meinung miss braucht, verweise ich, ausser dem in der
Verfassungsgesch. Ath. S. 75. gesagten noch auf Isocr. Areop. §.
38. Plutarch. Demetr. c. 46. Pausan. I, 15, 4, wo ebenfalls
αἱρεῖσθαι in allgemeiner Bedeutung steht, nicht in der engeren,
der Losung entgegengesetzte.
Schließen (Dies letztere Wort, nach Schömann, hier nicht wählen,
sondern losen, so auch bei
Pausanias
I,
15, 4.) Doch blieben gewisse
Aemter nur den Pentakosiomedimnen, Zusatz von Marx, der die Bedeutung des
Begriffs fehlerhaft erklärt. Siehe Schoemann, S. 331, der die
erste Vermögenclasse wie folgt beschreibt: diejenigen in sich,
welche von ihrem Landbesitz mindestens 500 Medimnen Getraide,
oder Metreten Weins oder Oels gewannen
Schließen den
500 Schefflern
, zugänglich.
In der
4ten Klasse auch Wohlhabende, die nur nicht so
viel Landbesitz hatten als der Census der 3
oberen Klassen erforderte. Und diese Art
des Wohlstands seit Solon’s Zeit
bedeutend gewachsen: Handel u. Gewerb in rascher Entwicklung, gewannen nicht
weniger Bedeutung als Landbau. Ausserdem
hatte Krieg – Attika wiederholt v. den
Perserschaaren verheert – namentlich viele
Landbesitzer ruinirt, manche verarmt, unfähig ihre
niedergebrannten Höfe wieder aufzubauen, mussten sich
ihres Besitzthums entäussern, waren so in 4te Klasse gesunken; auch diesen
die Aenderung des Aristides zu gut kommend.
On
the whole aber hatte sein Gesetz die Wirkung
die
einseitige Bevorzugung der ländlichen
Grundbesitzer aufzuheben u. Gewerbtreibenden u. Kapitalisten ohne
Landbesitz Zutrtitt zu den Aemtern zu gewähren.
Pericles
:
Solange nichts bezahlt für den
Besuch der Volkversammlungen hielten
die
Aermeren sich meist gern davon fern. Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Schoemann,
S. 342: Aber gerade unter den wohlhabenderen
Classen war die Bereitwilligkeit zu solchen Anstrengungen und
Kämpfen weniger zu finden: sie wollten Ruhe und Frieden, und
waren um diesen Preis auch zu manchen Concessionen an die Gegner
geneigt, wogegen die Aermeren weit leichter auf die Absichten
des Perikles eingingen, die Macht des Staates zu behaupten oder
zu erweitern, wobei für sie selbst nur Gewinn, nicht Verlust zu
erwarten war. Deswegen war es dem Perikles darum zu thun, ihrer
eine grössere Anzahl in die Versammlungen zu bringen, von denen
die Entscheidung über öffentliche. Massregeln abhing, und dies
war der Grund, weshalb die Besoldungen eingeführt wurden, die
übrigens anfangs nur sehr mässig waren, für den Besuch der
Volksversammlungen und die Function in den Gerichten nicht mehr
als ein Obol, bis spätere Demagogen nach Perikles sie auf das
dreifache erhöhten […] – Siehe S. 343: Die Athener waren aber zu
Perikles Zeiten gewissermassen mit einem stehenden Heeren zu
vergleichen […] Die Bundesgenossen gaben Geld, stellten auch
wohl Mannschaft; aber die Hauptsache, die meiste Arbeit des
Krieges, lag doch immer den Athenern ob
Schließen Von Pericles an die Zahlung; erst –
unter ihm – für Besuch in Volksversammlung u.
Funktion in Gerichten nur ein Obol, spätere Demagogen
erhöhten sie aufs 3fache. Die wohlhabenden
Klassen waren für Frieden, die
Aermeren gingen leichter auf
die kriegerische Politik des Perikles
ein.
Ephialtes
– selber Richtung wie Perikles – entzog dem Areopag
sein bisheriges Oberaufsichtsrecht über
die ganze Staatsverwaltung, liess ihm nur
die
Blutgerichtsbarkeit. Der Areopag
gehörte grössten Theils zur ruheliebenden u.
conservativen Partei; statt seiner eingesetzt zur
Beaufsichtigung u. Controlle des Raths, der
Volksversammlung u. der Magistrate eine neue Behörde –
Collegium von 7 Nomophylakes od. Gesetzwächtern; Bei Schoemann,
S. 343/344: durch die Beseitigung des Areopag als
Oberaufsichtsbehörde auch über die öffentliche Zucht das Volk
einer aristokratischen Schranke entledigt wurde, die man wohl
als heilsam und nothwendig betrachten, und deswegen ihre
Beseitigung beklagen durfte
Schließen das Volk wurde mit dem
Areopag einer aristokratischen Zuchtbevormundungsbehörde
entledigt.⦘
Pt. II. Ch. XI. The Roman Gens.
Bei Einwandrung in Italien v. Latinern, Sabeller Sabellern, Osker Sabellern u. Umbriern, wahrscheinlich als one people, sie in Besitz of domestic animals u. wahrscheinlich bekannt mit cultur v. cereals u. plants; jedenfalls well advanced in Middle Status of barbarism, u. als sie historisch erscheinen in Upper Status, an Schwelle von Civilization.
Nach Mommsen : „barley, wheat, and spelt gefunden wild growing an der rechten Bank des Euphrat’s, northwest von Anah. Das growth v. barley u. wheat in wild state in Mesopotamien schon erwähnt durch den babylonischen historian Berosus .“ Fick in: „Primitive Unity of Indo-European Languages“, Göttingen, 1873 , sagt: „Pasturage foundation … but very slight beginnings of agriculture. Sie waren bekannt mit a few grains, deren Cultivation carried on incidentally in order to gain a supply of milk and flesh. Die material existence des people rested nicht on agriculture. Wenige primitive words beziehn sich auf Agricultur. Diese Words: yava, wild fruit; varka (hoe) (od. plow), rava (sickle); pio (pinsere) bake u. mak, Greek μάσσω which indicates threshing out u. grinding of grain.[“]
Zur Zeit des
Romulus
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (754–717 B.C. od. 1–37 der
Stadt Rom)
Bei
Morgan, S. 278, Fn. 1: The use of the word Romulus, and of the
names of his successors, does not involve the adoption of the
ancient Roman traditions. These names personify the great
movements which then took place with which we are chiefly
concerned.
Schließen ⦗Romulus
bedeutet hier nicht Person, sondern Zeitperiode,
wie bei seinen Nachfolgern
) ⦘ Latin tribes – on Alban hills u. ranges of the Appenines östlich von Rom –
durch Segmentation bereits in 30
independent tribes zerfallen, still united in loose confederacy für mutual protection; ebenso Sabellians, Oscans, Umbrians. Alle, wie ihre
nördlichen Nachbarn, Etrusker, organized in gentes. [277, 278]
Zur Zeit v. Rom’s Stiftung (about 753 B.C.) had become agricultural mit flocks of domestic animals, monogamian family, confederacy in form of League. – The Etruskan tribes confederated.
Die Latin tribes, possessed of numerous fortified towns u. country strongholds, spread over the surface of the country for agricultural purposes.
Unter den institutions der Latin tribes bei Beginn der historischen Periode: gentes, curiae u. tribes. Latin gentes |82 of same lineage, Sabine u. other gentes cognate, except Etruscans. Zur Zeit des Tarquinius Priscus , 4ter von Romulus, the organization brought to a numerical scale: 10 gentes to curia, 10 curiae to a tribe, 3 tribes, giebt 30 curiae u. 300 gentes.
Statt confederacy of tribes, composed of gentes
u. occupying separate territories makes
Romulus them concentrate u.
coalesce in one city; dies worked out in
5 generations. Auf u. um Mons Palatinus
vereinigte Romulus 100 gentes, organized as a
tribe, die Ramnes; dann large
body of Sabines added, deren gentes,
nachher increased to 100, organized as a 2nd Tribe, Tities
Zusatz von
Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 199 und 310.
Schließen (angeblich auf Quirinal); unter
Tarquinius Priscus
3d tribe, Luceres,
100 gentes drawn from the surrounding tribes,
inclus. Etruscans. – Senate (Council of Chiefs),
comitia curata curiata
(assembly of the people) u. military commander (rex). Bei Morgan,
S. 280/281: Under the constitution of Romulus, and the
subsequent legislation of Servius Tullius […] new and
antagonistic element, Roman senate, was now incorporated in the
centre of the social system, which conferred patrician
rank
Schließen Unter
Servius
Tullius
wurde Senat »patrician«, patrician rank being
conferred upon its members u. their posterity;
dadurch privileged class
created, intrenched first in the gentile u. dann
political system, ultimately overthrew the
democratic principles inherited von gentes.
[278–281]
Niebuhr, Hermann, Mommsen
etc regard the gens
as composed of families, Bei Morgan, S. 281: whereas it was
Schließen während gens
family
composed of parts of families, u. gens, nicht family unit
des social system.
Zusammenfassung von
Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 281/282: It may be
difficult to carry the investigation much beyond the point where
they have left it; but information drawn from the archaic
constitution of the gens may serve to elucidate some of its
characteristics which are now obscure. […] it is desirable to
know the nature of the organization; […] and the relations of
the gentes to each other, as members of a social system […]
After collecting the accessible information from various sources
upon these subjects it will be found incomplete in many
respects
Schließen Man weiss wenig über ältere »social« history of
Rom; weil
power of gentes bereits übertragen auf new political bodies bevor römische
Geschichtschreibung beginnt.
Gajus – Institutiones
III. 17
– sagt: Wer aber die
Gentilen sind, das haben wir im ersten Kommentar berichtet, und
da wir dort erwähnt haben, das ganze Gentilitätsrecht (ius
gentilitium) sei gewohnheitsrechtlich abgekommen, so ist es
überflüssig, auch hier darüber weitläufiger zu handeln. (Übers.
Friedrich Wilhelm Konrad Beckhaus.)
Schließen »Qui sint autem gentiles, primo
commentario retulimus rettulimus; et cum illic admonuerimus, totum
gentilicium jus in desuetudinem abisse, supervacuum est, hoc quoque loco de ea re curiosius
tractare.«
Cicero, topica 6.
„Stammverwandte sind solche, die den gleichen Familiennamen
tragen.“ – Das reicht nicht, also: „die von Freien abstammen.“ –
Auch das ist noch nicht genug: „unter deren Vorfahren niemand
Sklave war.“ – Auch jetzt ist der Punkt noch nicht getroffen;
dazu: „die in ihrem Bürgerrecht nicht geschmälert sind.“ – Das
genügt vielleicht; denn ich sehe, daß der Pontifex Scaevola zu
dieser Definition nichts mehr hinzugefügt hat. (Übers. Hans
Günter Zekl.)
(totem!): Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen »Gentiles
sunt, qui inter se eodem nomine (totem!)
sunt. Non est satis. Qui ab ingenuis
oriundi sunt. Ne id quidem satis est. Quorum majorum nemo servitutem servivit. Abest
etiam nunc. Qui capite non sunt
deminuti. Hoc fortasse satis est. Nihil enim video
Scaevolam,
Pontificem,
ad hanc definitionem addidisse.«
Festus:
Geschlechtsgenosse wird sowohl einer
genannt, der aus demselben Geschlecht stammt, als auch der, der
den gleichen Namen trägt.
Schließen »Gentilis dicitur et ex eodem genere ortus, et is qui simili nomine appellatur.«
Varro:
»De lingua latina«
lib. VIII,
c. 4. Wie es bei den
Menschen gewisse Verwandtschaften durch Abstammung in männlicher
Linie und die Zugehörigkeit zu einer Gens gibt, so auch bei den
Worten. Wie nämlich von einem Aemilius die Menschen namens
Aemilius abstammen und die Mitglieder des Geschlechts dieses
Namens, so sind aus dem Namen des Aemilius durch Beugung die
Ausdrücke in der Wort-Gens hervorgegangen. Was nämlich im
Nominativ als Aemilius gesetzt ist, daraus sind entstanden
Aemilii, Aemilium, Aemilios, Aemiliorum; und ebenso die anderen
Ausdrücke desselben Ursprungs.
Schließen »Ut in
hominibus quaedam sunt agnationes ac gentilitates, sic in verbis; ut enim ab Aemilio homines orti Aemiliani Aemilii
, ac gentiles; sic ab
Aemiliani Aemilii nomine declinatae voces in gentilitate nominali; ab eo enim, quod est impositum
recto casu Aemilius, [orta Aemilii,]
Aemilium, Aemilios, Aemiliorum; et sic
reliqua, ejusdem quae sunt
stirpis.«
Durch andre Quellen constatirt dass die nur
zur gens gehörten who could trace their descent durch males
exclusively from an acknowledged ancestor in der gens;
Bei
Morgan, S. 283: Cicero omitted the material fact that those were
gentiles who could trace their descent through males exclusively
from an acknowledged ancestor within the gens. It is in part
supplied by Festus and Varro […] But Cicero’s definition also
shows that a gentilis must bear the gentile
name.
Schließen musste den »gentile name« haben (dies
Cicero
).
445 B.C. In address
des
Roman Tribun Canulejus
, on his motion das
Gesetz abzuschaffen das verbot intermarriage zwischen patricians u.
plebejans, sagte er: (Livius IV, c. 4)
Was ist denn
am Ende anderes daran, wenn ein Patrizier eine Plebejerin oder
ein Plebejer eine Patrizierin heiratet? Welches Recht wird denn
da verändert? Die Kinder haben doch immer den Rechtsstatus ihres
Vaters. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
Schließen »Quid enim in re est
aliud, si plebejam patricius duxerit, si
patriciam plebejus? Quid juris
tandem mutatur? nempe patrem sequuntur
liberi.« (Dies
involvirt descent in male line) Als praktische
Illustration, dass descent in male line:
Julia,
Schwester des
Cajus
Julius Caesar
, married
Marcus Attius Balbus
.
Ihr Name zeigt, dass sie gehörig zur Julian
gens. Ihre Tochter
Attia
nahm gentile name of her father, belonged
to Attian gens. Attia married
Cajus Octavianus Octavius
, ward Mutter des
Cajus Octavianus Octavius
(i.e. der spätre
Augustus
).
Ihr Sohn nimmt Name des Vaters, belongs to the Octavian gens.
Nach
Adams, Roman
Antiquities
:
War nur eine Tochter in family, so called nach
Name der gens; so
Tullia
, Tochter
des
Cicero
;
Julia
,
Tochter des Caesar;
Octavia
,
Schwester des
Augustus etc. Sie behielten denselben Namen bei nach Verheirathung.
Wenn 2 Töchter, die eine called Major, die
andere Minor
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (wie bei Savages)
[.] Wenn mehr als 2, unterschieden
durch ihre Zahl in Prima, Secunda, Tertia, Quarta, Quinta, oder softer Tertulla, Quartilla, Quintilla. …
Während des
blühenden Zustands der Republik, die
names der gentes
[,] u. surnames der
families, blieben fix u. certain. They were common to all the
children der family, descended to their posterity. Changed |83 u. confounded nach subversion of
liberty.
Bei Morgan, S. 284: In the Roman gens
descent was in the male line from Augustus back to Romulus, and
for an unknown period back of the latter
Schließen So lange wir v. Römern wissen, descent in male line
. In allen
oben citirten cases persons married out of the
gens. [281–285]
Folgende rights u. obligations der Roman gentes:
1) Mutual right rights of succession to the property of deceased gentiles;
2) Possession of common burial place; 3) common religious rites; sacra gentilicia; 4) Obligation not to marry in gens; 5) Common Possession of lands, 6) Reciprocal obligations of help, defence, and redress of injuries; 7) Right
to bear the gentile name; 8) Right to adopt
strangers into the gens. 9) Bei Morgan,
S. 285: The right to elect and depose its chiefs;
query.
Schließen
Right to elect and depose
chiefs?
[285]
ad 1)
451. B.C. Law of 12 tables promulgated; ancient
rule der inheritance unter gentiles bereits
superseded; passed to sui heredes (children) u.
in default of children to lineal descendants des defunct through males.
Gajus
, Inst.
l. III, 1 u. 2. (wife was co-heiress
mit children) Die living children took equally, die
children of deceased sons the share of their father
equally; the inheritance remained so in the
gens; the children of female descendants of
the intestate, who belonged to other gentes, were excluded. Wenn no »sui
heredes« (ib. lib. III, 9) by same law – the inheritance
passed to the Agnates; agnatic kindred all persons able to
trace descent though through
males from same common ancestor with
the intestate; vonwegen dieses descent all
bore the same gentile name, females wie males, u. were nearer
in degree to the deceased als die
remaining gentiles. Die
Agnates, nearest in degree, hatten Vorzug; 1)
brothers u. unmarried
sisters; 2) paternal uncles u. unmarried
aunts des intestate u.s.w. Aber die
children of married sisters ausgeschlossen –
weil zu andrer gens gehörig – Bei Morgan, S. 286: and the preference
given to gentile kinsmen so remote that their relationship to
the intestate could not be traced at all, and only existed in
virtue of an ancient lineage preserved by a common gentile
name
Schließen eben by gentile kinsmen
(agnatic), dass ihre relation to intestate nur noch nachweisbar
in gentile name
; the gentile right predominated Bei
Morgan, S. 286: over greater nearness of
consanguinity
Schließen über consanguinity
, weil das principle, retaining the property in the gens, fundamental.
Bei Morgan, S. 286: It is a plain
inference from the law of the Twelve Tables that inheritance
began in the inverse order, and that the three classes of heirs
represent the three successive rules of inheritance;
namely:
Schließen Die Reihenfolge (historische) ist
natürlich grade die
umgekehrte von der, wie sie in
den 12 Tafeln erscheint. 1) die
gentiles; 2) die
Agnates, worunter die
Kinder des intestate nach change of descent v.
weiblicher in male line; 3) die
Kinder, mit Ausschluss der
[übrigen] Agnaten.
Durch Heirath erlitt a female deminutio capitis; i.e. forfeited her agnatic rights; an unmarried sister could inherit, nicht a married, would have transferred the property in andre gens.
Bei Morgan,
S. 287: That the Roman gens had passed from the archaic into its
historical form is partially indicated by the
Schließen Von dem Archaischen erhielt sich am
längsten in Rom
reversion of property in certain cases to the
gentiles (bemerkt auch Morgan (S. 287, Fn. 1) verweist, ohne
Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“.
Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 245, note) geht hervor, dass er sich
auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History
of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition.
Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
Schließen
Niebuhr
. – The freedman
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Emancipirte) erwarb nicht
gentile rights in his master’s gens
durch manumission, aber allowed to adopt
the gentile name of his patron, so Cicero’s freedman Tyro called:
M. Tullius
Tyro
. Das
Gesetz der 12 Tafeln gave the estate
eines freedman, Bei Morgan, S. 287, Fn. 1: to his former
master, who by the act of manumission became his patron,
provided he died
intestate
Schließen der intestate starb, to his former patron
[)]
.[285–287]
ad 2) Im Upper Status of
Barbarism – a burial place for the exclusive
use of members of the gens. So unter
den Romans. z. B.
Appius
Claudius
, chief der
Claudian gens, removed from Regili, town der Sabini, nach Rom,
wo er Senator wurde, mit seiner gens u. vielen Clienten. Das patrizische Geschlecht der Claudier …
erhielt auch noch ein
Stück
Land jenseits des Anio für seine Klienten und einen Platz am
Fuße des Kapitols für eine Grabstätte, alles aus dem Land, das
dem Staat gehörte.
Marx zitiert nach Morgan, S. 288, Fn. 1, und setzt in
Klammern die englische Übersetzung von Morgan, S. 287/288,
hinzu.
Schließen
Suet.
[,]
vita Tiberius
, c. I sagt: »Patricia gens Claudia … agrum (Theil der
state lands) insuper trans Anienem
(upon the Anio) clientibus locumque sibi ad
sepulturam sub Capitolio, publice accepit.«
Er received burial place
for the gens nach damaliger custom.
Das
family tomb hatte in Zeit v. Julius
Caesar
noch nicht ganz das der gens superseded: Beweis
Quintilius
Varus
, had lost his army in Germany, destroyed
himself, sein Körper fiel in die Hände der Feinde, half burnt.
Den halbverbrannten Leichnam des Varus
riss der Feind in seiner Roheit in Stücke; sein Kopf wurde
abgehauen und dem Maroboduus und von diesem dem Cäsar geschickt
und
[schließlich]
in der Grabstätte seines Geschlechts ehrenvoll
beigesetzt.
Schließen
Vellejus
Paterculus
II,
119: »Vari corpus semiustrum hostilis
laceraverat feritas; caput ejus abscisum, latumque ad
Maroboduum
, et ab eo missum ad
Caesarem,
gentilitii
[tandem]
tumuli sepultura honoratum est.«
Cic.
de Legibus
II, 22. Außerdem ist die Achtung vor den Grabstätten so groß, daß sie
es zu einer Freveltat erklären, wenn dort eine Bestattung ohne
entsprechende Kulthandlungen und Zugehörigkeit zum
Familienverband vorgenommen wird, und so hat es bei unseren
Vorfahren Aulus Torquatus im Falle des Familienverbandes der
Pupillier entschieden. (Übers. Rainer Nickel.)
(so gross die Heiligkeit der
Begräbnisse): Übersetzung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 288: the
sacredness of burial places is so great
(ohne religious rites u. Grabstätte der gens): Übersetzung
von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 288: to perform the burial
independently of the sacred rites of the gens
Schließen »Iam tanta religio est sepulcrorum (so gross die Heiligkeit
der Begräbnisse), ut extra sacra
et gentem inferi
(ohne religious rites u. Grabstätte der gens)
inferi inferri fas negent esse; idque apud majores nostros
A. Torquatus
in gente Popilia judicavit.« In
Cicero’s
Zeit das family tomb nahm den Platz ein
of that of the gens, as the families in the gentes rose to complete
autonomy. –
Vor den 12 Tafeln cremation u.
inhumation equally practiced, ( 12 Tafeln verboten Verbrennen od. |84
Begraben innerhalb der city. Das columbarium
Zusatz
von Marx nach William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary,
based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London
[1855]. S. 198
(cŏlumbārĭum). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch
(möglicherweise
die Ausgabe von
1857). Es gehörte zu den
Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm
Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte
(siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht
bekannt.
Schließen (a sepulchre mit niches for urns)
would
usually accommodate several 100 urns.
[287–289]
ad 3) Sacra privata od. sacra gentilicia, performed by the gens at stated periods. (alle members der gens dazu verpflichtet, ob members by birth, adoption oder adrogation. [„] A person was freed from them u. lost the privileges, connected with them, when he lost his gens.“[)] Cases erwähnt, wo die expension of maintaining these rites[,] Bürde für gens wden wurde in Folge der verminderten Anzahl ihrer Glieder. The sacred rites – public and private – exclusiv under pontifical regulation, not subject to civil cognizance.
Colleges of Pontiffs, curiones u. augurs, with elaborate system of worship unter diesen priesthoods, became established, aber priesthood in the main elective; jedes Familienhaupt auch priest des household.
In early times of Rome hatten viele gentes their own
sacellum
Zusatz
von Marx nach William Smith: A Latin-English dictionary,
based upon the works of Forcellini and Freund. London
[1855]. S. 980 (sācellum). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch
(möglicherweise
die Ausgabe von
1857). Es gehörte zu den
Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm
Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte
(siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht
bekannt.
sacellum est locus parvus deo sacratus
cum ara: Ein sacellum ist ein kleiner einem Gott
geweihter Ort mit einem Altar.
Sacella dicuntur loca diis sacrata sine
tecto: Sacella werden den Göttern geweihte Orte ohne
Überdachung genannt.
Schließen (small unroofed
sanctuary; a chapel; sacellum est locus
parvus deo sacratus cum ara (
Trebatius
in Gell.
[VI,] c. 12); Sacella
dicuntur loca diis sacrata sine tecto, Festus
) für performans performance ihrer religious rites; several gentes
had each special sacrifices to perform
transmitted from generation to generation, considered obligatory, Nautii
to Minerva, Fabii to Hercules etc. [289,
290]
ad 4)
gentile regulations were customs having the Bei
Morgan, S. 290: force
Schließen forms of law; so Verbot der intermarriage in gens; scheint zu Rom
nicht später in Gesetz verwandelt
worden zu sein; aber die
Roman genealoy genealogy
beweist die rule – marriage out of gens.
Zeigt sich darin ferner: ohne Ausnahme: a woman by
her marriage forfeited her agnatic right, Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen weil became ex-gens
.
(sollte property aus eigner gens in die ihres husband nicht transfer.)
Aus selbem Grund: exclusion der Kinder of a
female from all rights of inheritance from a maternal uncle or
grandfather; da sie ausser gens
heirathet, ihre children of the gens of the father – Bei Morgan, S. 290: and
there could be no privity of inheritance between members of
different gentes
Schließen also nicht
von ihrer gens, also dort auch nichts zu
erben. [290]
ad 5):
Bei Morgan, S. 290: The ownership of lands
in common was so general among barbarous tribes that the
existence of the same tenure among the Latin tribes is no
occasion for surprise
Schließen
Common property of
lands, allgemein unter barbarous tribes, darum
natürlich bei Latin tribes
; von sehr
früher Periode erscheint Theil ihrer lands held in severalty by individuals; at first Bei Morgan,
S. 290: it was probably
Schließen sicher nur
possessory right to lands in actual occupation,
was sich schon im
Status of Lower Lower Status of barbarism findet.
Unter den rustic Latin tribes, lands held in common by each tribe, other lands by gentes, still other by households.
Allotments of lands to individuals
wurden gewöhnlich in Romulus Period, später quite general. Sagt
Varro, De Re
rustica l. I, c. 10:
Den
doppelten Morgen bezeichnete man, da Romulus erstmals
soviel
Land pro Kopf verteilt haben soll, das dem Erben zufiel, als
Erblingenschaft.
Schließen »Bina jugera quod a
Romulo
prima primum divisa (dicebantur) viritim, quae [(quod)]
heredem
haeredem
sequerentur, haeredium appellantur appellarunt
.« (Selbes bei
Dionysius
)
Similar allotments said to have been made by
Numa
u.
Servius
Tullius
; diese die beginnings
of absolute ownership in severalty, presuppose a settled life
etc. It was not only admeasured but granted by the government, form sehr verschieden von possessory right in lands growing out of an individual act …
These lands taken from those held in common by the
Roman people. Gentes, curiae u. tribes
held certain lands in common nach Beginn
der Civilization, ausser den individual
allotments.
Mommsen
sagt, dass: „das römische Territorium in
den frühesten Zeiten getheilt in
Anzahl von In Klammern Kommentar von Marx. Bei
Morgan, S. 291: clan-districts – Bei Mommsen:
Römische Geschichte. 2. Aufl. Berlin 1856. Bd. 1.
S. 35: „Geschlechterbezirke“. Diese Ausgabe erwähnt Marx im
Manuskript zum dritten Buch des „Kapital“ (
MEGA II/4.2. S. 456, Fn. b und S. 648,
Fn. 2).
Schließen
clan
(heisst wohl Geschlechter bei ihm!) districts
;
die später employed in the formation der
ältesten rural wards districts (tribus rusticae[)]
…
Diese Namen
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (der Districts)
nicht wie die der districts added at a later period,
derived von den localities, sondern formed ohne Ausnahme v.
Geschlechternamen, wie
Camilli Camillii, Galerii, Lemonii, Pollii, Pupinii,
Voltinii, Aemilii, Cornelii, Fabii,
Horatii, Menenii, Papirii, Romilii, Sergii, Venturii Veturii.“ Jede gens hielt also independent district u. was localized upon it.
⦗aber auch in Rom selbst gentes localized in separate areas⦘
Mommsen sagt ferner:
„Wie jeder Haushalt seine eigne Portion Land
hatte, so der
clan-household Kommentar von Marx. Das Wort bei
Mommsen (S. 36) ist
„Geschlechtshaus“.
Schließen (dies
wohl nicht das Wort bei Mommsen) or village, had
clanlands
clan-lands
belonging to it which … were
managed up to a comparatively late period
after the analogy
Zusatz
von
Marx.
Schließen (!)
of house-lands, that is, on
the system of common
|85
possession … These
clanships jedoch von Anfang an nicht betrachtet als unabhängige Gesellschaften, sondern als
integral parts of a political community (civitas
populi)
.
This first presents itself as an aggregate of a
number of clanvillages clan-villages of the same stock, language and manners, bound to
mutual observance of law and mutual legal redress and to united action
in aggression and defence.“ Mommsen represents the Latin tribes anterior to the foundation of Rome as holding lands by households, gentes u. by tribes, zeigt
the ascending series of social organizations in the
tribes, Bei
Morgan, S. 292: close parallelism
Schließen ganz parallelism
to den Iroquois – gens, tribe, confederacy. Phratry
nicht mentioned. The household referred to could
scarcely have been a single family,
wahrscheinlich composed of related
families occupying a joint-tenement house u. practicirend communism in living in the household.
[290–293]
ad 6)
Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Bei Morgan, S. 293: During the period of
barbarism the dependence of the gentiles upon each other for the
protection of personal rights would be constant; but after the
establishment of political society, the gentilis, now a citizen,
would turn to the law and to the state for the protection before
administered by his gens. This feature of the ancient system
would be one of the first to disappear under the new. […] It
does not follow, however, that the gentiles did not practice
these duties to each other in the previous period; on the
contrary, the inference that they did is a necessary one from
the principles of the gentile organization. Remains of these
special usages appear, under special circumstances, well down in
the historical period. […] The active principle of gentilism is
plainly illustrated
Schließen
Erstes feature des
gentilism – dependence der gentiles upon each
other for the protection of personal rights;
verschwindet zuerst, sobald civitas
gegründet, wo jeder Bürger sich für Protection an law u. State wendet; kann in historischer Periode nur noch in remains gefunden werden bei
Römern.
About
432 B.C.
Appius
Claudius in prison geworfen, . Aber
Livius
VI, 20: Als App.
Claudius eingekerkert wurde, habe sein Widersacher C. Claudius
und das ganze Claudische Geschlecht Trauerkleidung getragen.
(Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
Zusätze in Klammern von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 293: When
Appius Claudius was cast into prison (about 432 B. C.), Caius
Claudius, then at enmity with him, put on mourning, as well as
the whole Claudian
gens.
Schließen
»Ap. Claudio in vinculo vincula ducto, C. Claudium inimicum (des Appius Cl.)
Claudiamque omnem gentem sordidatum sordidatam
(in mourning Kleidern) fuisse.«
Während des
2t punischen
Kriegs
[,] bemerkt
Morgan (S. 293, Fn. 2) verweist, ohne
Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of
Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 242) geht hervor, dass er
sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände:
The
History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the
London edition. Philadelphia 1835,
bezieht.
Schließen
Niebuhr
[,] verbanden sich
die gentes to ransom ihre in
Gefangenschaft befindlichen Genossen; der Senat verbot’s ihnen; nach selbem
Niebuhr
gens
verpflichtet ihren indigent gentiles beizustehn; Die Nächsten mussten sich an den
Aufwendungen wie Familienangehörige beteiligen. (Übers. nach
Nicolas Wiater.)
Bei Morgan, S. 294, Fn. 1: (ἔδει τοὺς πελάτας) τῶν ἀναλωμάτων […] − Morgan zitiert Dionysius, wie
dieser verkürzend, nach Niebuhr: The history of Rome. Vol. 1.
S. 242 (ohne Angabe von Erscheinungsort und
-jahr).
Schließen er
citirt dafür
Dionysius
: II, 10.
»ἔδει τοὺς πελάτας τῶν ἀναλωμάτων ὡς τοὺς
γένει προσήκοντας μετέχειν.«
[293, 294]
ad 7) Zuletzt den persons unmöglich
geworden to trace their descent back to the
founder.
Morgan (S. 294, Fn. 2) verweist,
ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist.
of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 240) geht hervor,
dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten
zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First
American from the London edition. Philadelphia
1835, bezieht.
Schließen
Niebuhr
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (auf diesen abgeschmackten Grund sich
stützend)
läugnet die Existenz irgend welcher
Blutverwandtschaft in a gens, weil sie nicht beweisen konnten a connection through a common
ancestor; danach gens bloss
fictitious organization …
Nachdem
descendent
descent
von
female to male line changed, die
Namen der gentes, wahrscheinlich
taken v. animals, gave place to personal names. Irgend
ein Individuum, Bei Morgan, S. 295: distinguished in the history of the
gens
Schließen berühmt in der Traditionellen
Geschichte der gens, ward its eponymous
ancestor u. diese Person, nicht
unlikely, at long intervals wieder ersetzt durch andre. Theilte sich a gens in Folge von lokaler Separation,
so one division apt to take a new name; dieser
change of name would not disturb the kinship worauf die gens
begründet … nur auf einem Weg adulteration of gentile
descent – durch Adoption, dies nicht
häufig. … In an Iroquois gens of 500 persons – gens coming in with a system of consanguinity reducing all consanguinei to
a small number of categories, and retaining their descendants indifinitely indefinitely in the same – all its members related to each other and each
person knows or can find its relationship to the every other; so that the fact of kin was
perpetually present in archaic gens. – Mit monogamian Ehe came in a
totally different system of consanguinity, worin die
relationships zwischen collaterals rasch
disappeared. Dies System der
Greek u. Latin tribes bei Beginn der
historischen Periode.
Grote, History of Greece III, 33, 36 erzählt: Chleistenes Cleisthenes of Argos changed the names of the 3 Dorian tribes of Sicyon, einen in Hyatae (im singular: a boar), 2ten in Oneatae (an ass), 3d to Choereatae (little pig); dies intended as insult gegen die Sicyonians, blieben ihnen während seiner Lebzeit u. 60 Jahre später. »Did the idea of these animal names come down through tradition?«
Nach Beginn des Verfalls der gentilen Organization, hört auf neue Geschlechterbildung durch den process of segmentation; andre existirende died out. This tended to enhance the value of a gentile descent as a lineage.
Zur Zeit des Kaiserthums etablirten
fortwährend sich neue Familien from
foreign parts, zu Rom u. nahmen gentile names an to gain
social advantages. Emperor Claudius – 40–54 A.D. – verbot
|86 den foreigners röm. Namen anzunehmen, besonders alter Geschlechter.
Sueton.
Vit. Claudius, c. 25 sagt: Leuten vom Rechtsstand eines Ausländers
verbot er, sich römische Namen, Geschlechternamen versteht sich,
zuzulegen. (Übers. Hans Martinet.)
Bei Morgan, S. 296, Fn. 1: Peregrinae conditionis homines
relati uscorpare Romana nomino, dundax at
gentilicia.
Schließen »Peregrinae conditionis homines relati vetuit usurpare Romana nomina, dundax et dumtaxat
gentilicia.« Römische Familien, belonging to the
historical gentes, setzten höchsten Werth auf their lineages, sowohl
unter Empire wie vorher in republic. [294–296]
ad 8. ) Sowohl unter Republik wie Empire practicirt adoption into the family, die carried the person adopted into the gens of the family; das attended mit formalities, die es erschwerten. Kinderlose Person u. past the age to expect them might adopt a son mit consent der pontifices u. der comitia curiata. Cicero, Pro Domo, c. 13. Die Noch noch zu Cicero’s Zeit existirenden precautions, zeigen dass früher die restrictions grösser u. cases seltner. [296, 297]
ad 9) Bei Römern keine direct information über
tenure des office of chief (princeps); jede
gens, vor Entstehung der civitas,
hatte einen chief, probably mehre; Bei Morgan, S. 297: But the absence of any
proof of hereditary right, and the presence of the elective
principle with respect to nearly all offices under the republic,
and before that, under the reges, leads to the inference that
hereditary right was alien to the institutions of the Latin
tribes
Schließen
hereditary right dazu
wahrscheinlich nicht bei Latin tribes,
da elective principle später vorwiegt –
i.e. unter reges u. in Republik
; der
rex selbst, das
highest office, was
elective, the office of senator
elective or by appointment, so that of
consuls u. inferior magistrates.
Das
college of pontiffs – instituted durch
Numa – filled erst (die
pontiffs selbst sich ergänzend) vacancies by election;
Livius
(XXV, 5) spricht of election of a pontifex maximus
durch die
comitia about 212 B.C.
Auf Volk transferred, durch lex Domitia, the right to elect the members of
the several colleges of pontiffs u. priests,
später modified durch
Sulla
. – Bei Morgan, S. 298: It would require
positive evidence that the office of chief passed by hereditary
right to overcome the presumption against it. The right to elect
carries with it the right to depose from office, where the
tenure is for life.
Schließen Also abgeschmackt – ohne positive evidence – anzunehmen
dass office of princeps (chief of gens)
»hereditary« was. Wo aber
Wahlrecht – the tenure des office being for life – da
auch Recht to depose.
Diese chiefs of gentes od. eine selection davon, bildeten den
Council der Latin tribes vor Stiftung Roms. „All
of these cantons ( Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen read
tribes) were in primitive times politically
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (asinus!) sovereign, u. each of them was
governed by its prince Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Prinzerfindender
Mommsen; read chief of
the tribe⦘, and the co-operation of
the council of elders, and the assembly of
the warriors“ (
Mommsen
[)]. Kommentar von Marx.
Bei Morgan, S. 298: The order of Mommsen’s statement schould be
reversed, and the statement qualified.
Schließen It was the council,
Herr Mommsen, u. nicht der military
commander, Mommsen’s Prinz, who
governed.
Morgan (S. 298, Fn. 2) verweist,
ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist.
of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 258) geht hervor,
dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten
zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First
American from the London edition. Philadelphia
1835, bezieht.
Schließen
Niebuhr
sagt: „In all the cities belonging to civilized
nations on the coasts of the Mediterranean a senate
was a no less essential and indispensable part of the state, than a
popular assembly; it was a select body of
elder citizens; such a council, says
Aristoteles
, there always
is, whether the council be aristocratical or
democratical; even in oligarchies, be
the number of sharers in the sovereignty ever so small, certain
councillors are appointed for preparing public measures.“ Senate of polit. society folgte dem council of chiefs der gentile society. Romulus
Senate 100 elders, representing the 100 gentes,
was office for life, non-hereditary, woraus
folgt dass office of chief was at
the time elective.
About 474 B.C. die
Fabian gens schlug dem Senat vor als a gens to
undertake the Veientian war. Ihr Antrag
accepted, fielen in Embuscade.
Liv. II,
50 ⦗see auch
Ovid, Fasti
, II, 193⦘ Es besteht
hinreichende Übereinstimmung darin, daß die 306 das Leben
verloren haben und daß sie nur einen einzigen, weil er noch
minderjährig war, in der Stadt zurückgelassen hatten, den
Stamm-halter des Fabischen Geschlechts, der in schwierigen
Situationen des römischen Volkes oft zu Hause und im Kriege die
allergrößte Hilfe werden sollte. (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
Erläuterungen in Klammern von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 299:
they marched out of Rome three hundred and six soldiers […] But
they left behind them at Rome a single male under the age of
puberty
Schließen »Trecentos sex (so viel zogen
aus) perisse satis convenit; unum probe prope
pubescem puberem
(unter age of puberty) aetate relictum stirpem gente genti Fabiae, dubiisque rebus populi Romani sepe saepe domi bellique vel maximum futurum
auxilium.« Die Zahl der 300 would
indicate an equal number of females, who with the children of the males,
would give an aggregate von at least 700 für Fabian gens Zusammenfassung
von Marx in eigenen Worten. Vgl. Morgan, S. 299: It seems hardly
credible that three hundred should have left in their families
but a single male child, below the age of puberty, but such is
the statement.
Schließen (nicht der
eine pubes)
.
[297–299]
|
Pt. II. Ch. II XII: The Roman Curia, Tribe and Populus.
Zusatz von Marx. Vermutlich hat Marx diese
Angaben entnommen aus Arnold Hermann
Ludwig Heeren: A Manual of
Ancient History Particularly with Regard to the
Constitutions, the Commerce, and the Colonies, of the States
of Antiquity. London 1840. S. 326/327. Vgl. das
Inhaltsverzeichnis auf S. XXII. – Ein weiterer Auszug von Marx
aus Heeren findet sich auf S. 90 des vorliegenden Heftes.
Marx hatte
schon andere Werke von Heeren exzerpiert. Neben Notizen von
einer seit 1829 von A. H. L. Heeren und F. A. Ukert
herausgegebenen Reihe „Geschichte der europäischen
Staaten“ im „Kreuznacher Heft“ aus dem Jahr 1843
(MEGA
IV/2) verfasste Marx in den „Londoner Heften
1850–1853“ Auszüge aus: Heerens Ideen über
Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel der vornehmsten Völker
der alten Welt (Göttingen 1824) und dem Handbuch der
Geschichte des europäischen Staatensystems und seiner
Colonien (3. Aufl. Göttingen 1819) (Heft XIV, MEGA
IV/9) sowie De la politique et du commerce des peuples de
l’antiquité. T. 3. Paris 1831 (Heft XXI; IISG,
Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B
63).
Schließen ⦗Angebliche Perioden
bis zur Errichtung der Republik: 1)
Romulus
754–717 B.C. (1–37 a.u.c.) 2)
Numa
Pompilius
.
( 717–679 B.C. (37–75
a.u.)
3)
Tullus
Hostilius
. 679–640 B.C. (75–114 a.u.) 4)
Ancus
Martius
. 640–618 B.C.
(114–136 a.u.) 5)
Tarquinius Priscus
618–578 B.C. (136–176
a.u.) 6) 578–534 B.C. (176–220 a.u.)
Servius
Tullius
. 7) 534–509
B.C.
(220–245 a.u.)
Tarquinius
Superbus
.⦘
Societas, founded upon gens, neben civitas, founded upon
territory u. property; letztere Organization im Lauf v. 200 Jahren gradually supplanting the former; to a certain degree completed der change unter
Servius
Tullius
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(578–534 B.C. 176–220
a.u.[)]
[.]
curia,
analogous to Roman Grecian phratry, = 10 gentes; 10 curiae =
1 tribe; unter Servius Tullius war Populus Romanus = 3 tribes,
10
30
curiae, 300 gentes. Bei
Morgan, S. 302: It is immaterial whether […], or whether
[…]
Schließen Wurst ob Roman kings fabelhaft od. nicht;
ebenso Wurst, ob die legislation ascribed to either of
them be fabulous or true.
The events of human progress embody themselves,
independently of particular men, in a material
record, which is crystallized in institutions, usages u. customs, u.
preserved in inventions u. discoveries.
Das numerical adjustment von gentes etc – a result of legislative procurement , not older[,] in the first 2 tribes, than the times of Romulus. [300–302]
The curia der Romans – Zusammenfassung von
Marx.
Schließen ungleich der Phratry der Greeks u.
Iroquois, grew into an organization, having distinct
governmental character engrafted upon
itself. Wahrscheinlich die gentes einer Curia
related to each other, versahn sich einander durch intermarriage mit wives. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (Dies Conjectur.) The organization as a phratry
– obgleich erst mentioned in Roman history in connection mit legislation des Romulus, von time immemorial in Latin
tribes.
Als er das Volk in
30 Curien einteilte, benannte er die Curien daher nach ihnen.
(Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
Zu den von Marx in Klammern eingefügten Erläuterungen siehe
Morgan, S. 303: Livy, speaking of the favor with which the
Sabine women were regarded after the establishment of peace
between the Sabines and Latins through their intervention,
remarks that Romulus, for this reason, when he had divided the
people into thirty curiae bestowed upon them their
name.
Schließen
Livius, I, 13: »Itaque, quum (der Romulus)
populum in curias triginta divideret
(nach dem Frieden mit den Sabinern), nomina earum (der geraubten Sabinerinnen) curiis
imposuit.«
und „Phratre“ [„Brudergemeinschaft“] und
„Lochos“ [„Abteilung“] für Kourie (Übers. Nicolas Wiater.)
λόχος (Kriegerschaar, Rotte):
Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe Rost:
Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und
Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von
Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2.
Braunschweig
1852.
Bd. 2. S. 35. Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe
MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
Schließen
Dionys.
Antiq.
of Rome, II, 7:
»φράτα φράτρα δὲ καὶ λόχος (Kriegerschaar, Rotte) ἡ κουρία«
; ibid. heisst’s: Auch die Einleitung der
Brudergemeinschaften in Zehnergruppen war von ihm vorgenommen
worden, und ein Führer, im einheimschen Dialekt Dekourion
genannt, hielt eine jede in Ordnung. (Übers. Nicolas
Wiater.)
Schließen »διῄρηντο δὲ καὶ εἰς
δεκάδας αἱ φρᾶτραι πρὸς αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἡγεμὼν ἑκάστην ἐκόσμει
δεκάδαρχος κατὰ τὴν ἐπιχώριον γλῶτταν
προσαγορευόμενος.«
Jede Zunft [Jeder Stamm] enthielt zehn
Curien. Einigen Schriftstellern zu Folge wurden die Curien nach
jenen Frauen [den Sabinerinnen] benannt. (Übers. Johann
Gottfried Klaiber.)
Schließen
Plut.
Vit. Rom. c. 20: »Ἑκάστη
δὲ
φυλὴ
δέκα
φρατρίας
εἶχεν, ἃς
ἔνιοι
λέγουσιν
ἐπωνύμους
εἶναι
ἐκείνων
τῶν
γυναικῶν.« Was Romulus
tat
Schließen that
was the adjustment Bei Morgan, S. 304: of the number of
the gentes in each curia, and of the number of the curiae in
each tribe
Schließen of the
number of gentes in each tribe
, was er fertig bringen konnte
durch die
accessions gained from the surrounding tribes.
In die Ramnes Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (ersten
tribe)
nahm er related gentes in selber curia, reached
numerical symmetry by arbitrarily taking the
excess of gentes von one natural curia to supply
the deficiency of the other
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen (kommt auch bei den Red Indians
vor). Die
Tities meist Sabiner;
die
Luceres heterogeneous, formed later from gradual
accessions u. conquests; enthielten auch Etruscan
gentes. In der reconstruction gens blieb pure, curia made to include
in some cases Bei Morgan,
S. 304: a foreign element which did not belong to a strict
natural phratry; and the tribe also was raised above its natural
level, and made to embrace foreign elements that did not belong
to a tribe as the tribe naturally grew
Schließen gentes nicht related, durchbrach also Schranke der natural phratry;
ebenso tribe umschloss foreign
elements that not belong to a tribe by merely spontaneous
growth
. The third
tribe Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (Luceres)
in great part an artificial creation; Bei Morgan, S. 305:
The linguistic affiliations of the Etruscans are still a matter
of discussion. There is a presumption
Schließen
Etruscan element darin lässt
annehmen, that
their dialect not wholly
unintelligible to Romans.
Morgan (S. 305, Fn. 2) verweist,
ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist.
of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 244) geht hervor,
dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten
zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First
American from the London edition. Philadelphia
1835, bezieht.
Schließen
Niebuhr
zeigte zuerst that the people was sovereign,
so-called kings had delegated
power, u. dass der Senat based on
principle of representation. Aber Niebuhr at variance with fact facts, wenn er sagt: die
numerischen Proportions seien unwiderleglicher
Beweis dass die Roman gentes nicht älter als
die Constitution des
Romulus
, dass sie „Corporations formed by a legislator in harmony with
the rest of his scheme“. A legislator could not fabricate a
gens; auch eine curia konnte er nur machen by combinating gentes; er
konnte by constraint increase or decrease the number
of gentes in a curia u. the number of curiae in a tribe.
Für seine Übersetzung der Passage benutzte Marx die englische
Übersetzung von Morgan (S. 306, Fn. 1) sowie die bei Tauchnitz
publizierte Ausgabe (Dionysii Halicarnassensis opera omnia
quibus etiam accedunt fragmenta ab Angelo Maio nuper reperta. Ad
optimorum librorum fidem accurate edita. T. 1–6. Lipsiae 1823
[als editio stereotypa 1824, 1825 und 1829 nachgedruckt]. T. 1.
S. 147/148). Marx besaß die Tauchnitz-Ausgabe (siehe das von
Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.13–14)).
ἡγεμόνα
ἐπέστησεν: Zusatz von Marx. Bei
Dionysius: ἐπέστησεν ἡγεμόνα
(im Rang ἴσους): Zusatz von Marx.
(Band, Kriegerrotte): Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe Rost:
Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und
Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von
Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2.
Braunschweig
1852.
Bd. 2. S. 35. Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe
MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
⦗Tribun also literally das
Equivalent des
alten tribe Chief⦘: Zusatz von Marx.
Decurio genannt in der Landeszunge: Bei Morgan,
S. 306, Fn. 1: called in common parlance a decadarch
καί τινα καὶ τῷ κοινῷ γῆν καταλιπών: Zusatz von Marx
nach
Dionysius Halicarnassensis.
Nur diese Theilung von Leuten u. Land durch Romulus,
allgemeine u. grösste Gleichheit:
Zusatz
von Marx nach Dionysius Halicarnassensis.
Schließen Die
Stelle bei Dionysius
(Halicarnassensis)
1. II. c. 7 lautet in
full: »Nachdem er (Romulus)
die ganze Masse dreigetheilt, machte er den Hervorragendsten
jedes der (3) Theile zum leader (ἡγεμόνα
ἐπέστησεν); dann theilte er wieder jeden der 3 Theile in 10, zu gleichen
(im Rang ἴσους) Führern dieser ernannte
er wieder die tüchtigsten; die (3) grössern Theile
nannte er tribus, die kleineren Curien (κουρίας), wie sie auch jetzt
noch heissen. In griech. Sprache
interpretirt ist der tribus = φυλή od.
τριττύς; die curia = φράτρα u. λόχος (Band,
Kriegerrotte); die Männer an der Spitze der
Tribus tribus = φύλαρχοι u. τριττύαρχοι, die die Römer Tribunen nennen. ⦗Tribun also
literally das
Equivalent des
alten tribe Chief⦘ |88 Die
Vorsteher der Curien = φρατρίαρχοι u. λοχαγοί, welche die Römer Curionen nennen. Die
Phratrien wurden wieder abgetheilt in
Dekaden, u. ein Führer leitete jede Dekade,
Decourio
Decurio
genannt in der Landeszunge. Nachdem aber so alle
eingetheilt u. zusammengestellt in Phylen u.
Phratrien, theilte er das Land in 30 gleiche Loose, gab
jeder Phratrie ein Loos, nahm Land genügend für sacra
u. Tempel, u. liess auch gewisses Land für
gemeinschaftlichen Gebrauch übrig (καί τινα
καὶ
τῷ
κοινῷ
γῆν
καταλιπών)[.] Nur diese Theilung von Leuten u. Land
durch Romulus, allgemeine u.
grösste Gleichheit.«
Mitglieder der
curia hiessen curiales;
wählten einen priest curio, chief officer der fraternity; jede hatte its sacred
rites, its sacellum as a place of worship u. ihren Versammlungsplatz für transaction of
business; neben dem curio gewählt an assistant priest flamen curialis, had the immediate charge of the
observances; die
Bei Morgan, S. 306: assembly of the
gentes
Schließen Volksversammlung
comitia curiata, sovereign power in Rom, mehr
als der Senat des gentile system.
Vor Zeit des Romulus unter den
Latin tribes – tribal
chiefs (Dionysius II, 7); ein tribal chief – der chief officer des tribe, whose duties magisterial (in city),
military (in the field) u. religious (administering the sacra) (Dionys. l.c.)
[.]
Jedenfalls his office elective, wahrscheinlich
gewählt durch die
curiae collected in a general assembly.
Der »tribal chief«
wahrscheinlich genannt »rex« vor der Gründung Roms, Bei Morgan, S. 308:
and the same remark is applicable to the name of senators (senex), and the comitia (con-ire).
Schließen ebenso der
Council Senate (senex) u. die
tribal assembly – comitia
(con-ire). Nach der coalescence der 3 Roman tribes – the national character of the tribe lost.
Die 30 curiones as a body wurden organisirt in a college of priests, einer davon had the office of curio maximus; was elected by the assembly of gentes. Daneben college of augurs, bestehend unter Ogulnian law (300 B.C.) aus 9 members, inclus. their chief – magister collegii; u. college of pontiffs, 9 members unter demselben Gesetz, inclus. pontifex maximus.
Bei Morgan, S. 308: As
organized by Romulus they styled themselves
Schließen
Das Ganze, as organized
by Romulus nannte
sich:
Populus Romanus; war nichts als a gentile society; change ernöthigt u. zwar fundamental one
durch raschen Anwachs der Bevölkerung
unter Romulus u. namentlich in der Periode
zwischen ihm u. Servius
Tullius
. Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (754–534)
[303–309]
Livius
sagt,
dass es »vetus consilium«
(Livy I,
8), Bei Morgan, S. 309: ancient
device
Schließen alter trick, of the founders of cities to draw to themselves
an obscure and humble multitude, and then set up for their progeny the autocthonic autochthonic claim. Romulus so opened
an asylum near the palatine Palatine, u. invited all persons in the surrounding tribe tribes etc. Hier suchten alle möglichen Leute aus den
Nachbarvölkern, die ein neues Leben beginnen wollten, Zuflucht,
wobei es nichts ausmachte, ob einer ein Freier war oder ein
Sklave; und das war der erste Ansatz zu der beginnenden Größe.
(Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
Schließen »Eo ex finitimis populis turba omnis sine discrimine, liber an
servus esset, avida novarum rerum perfugit; idque
primum
ad coeptam magnitudinem roburis roboris fuit.« (Liv. I, 8.)
Plut. Romulus c. 20 u.
Dionys. II, 15 erwähnen auch das
asylum or grove. Zeigt, dass die
Barbarische Bevölkerung Italiens sehr
angewachsen, discontent unter ihnen, Bei
Morgan, S. 310: imperfect protection of personal
rights
Schließen Mangel an
persönlicher Sicherheit,
existence of
domestic slavery, apprehension of violence. – Angriff seitens der Sabiner, wegen
der ihnen gestohlnen Weiber; resultirte
in Bei Morgan, S. 309: wise
accommodation
Schließen Compromiss, Latiner u. Sabiner coalesced into one society, jede division behielt its own military leader, die
Tities
Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 311: the Tities were in the
main Sabines
Schließen (Sabiner)
unter Titius
Tatius
. – Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
679–640 B.C.
Tullus Hostilius
nahm
die
Latin city of Alba, brachte ihre ganze Bevölkerung
nach Rom; sie besetzten angeblich Coelian
Hill; Zahl der citizens nun
doubled nach
Liv. I,
30.
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
640–618
:
Ancus
Marcius
nahm die lat. Stadt Politorium,
transferred the people bodily to Rome; ihnen angeblich Aventinus mons eingeräumt mit same privileges.
Kurz nachher die
inhabitants of Tellini u. Ficana subdued, removed to Rome, also occupied Mons
Aventinus.
(Liv. I, 38) Die gentes, nach
Rom gebracht, blieben alle locally distinct;
dies thaten gentes überall in Middle u. Upper Status of Barbarism, sobald die
tribes began to gather in fortresses u. walled cities. ⦗In the
pueblo houses in New
Mexico alle occupants of each house belonged to the same tribe u. in
einigen Fällen a single joint-tenement house contained a tribe. At
Tlascala 4 quarters occupied by 4 lineages, probably phratries
etc⦘ Die greater portion dieser new accessions united
in the 3d tribe
Luceres, der erst completed unter
Tarquinius Priscus
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(618–578)
Bei Morgan, S. 311: some of the new gentes
being Etruscan
Schließen durch Einverleibung einiger neuen neuer Etruskischer gentes
.
Growth der tribes in Rome under legislative constraint, not entirely free from
the admixture of Foreign elements; hence name tribus, ⅓ of the people; Latin language must have had a term equivalent of Bei Morgan,
S. 312: phylon
Schließen Phyle
, Bei
Morgan, S. 312: but if so it has disappeared
Schließen became extinct; zeigt
heterogeneous elements in Roman tribes, während
griech. Phyle pure. [309–312]
|
Der
Senate des
Romulus mit functions similar to
those of the previous council of chiefs. Jede gens, sagt Morgan (S. 313, Fn. 1) verweist, ohne
Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“.
Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 258) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine
amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History
of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition.
Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
Schließen
Niebuhr
, sent its decurion, who was its alderman to
represent it in the Senate. Also representative u. elective body, blieb
elective od. selective bis zum Empire. Office der Senators
lebenslänglich, einziger term of office then
known
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen (wie farmer bei Anglosaxon mindestens for one
life).
Liv. 1,
8 sagt: Er ernannte hundert Senatoren, sei es weil
diese Zahl ausreichend war, sei es weil es nur hundert gab, die
man zu „Vätern“ ernennen konnte. Väter (patres) wurden sie jedenfalls aus Achtung genannt,
und ihre Nachkommen hießen Patrizier (zu den
„patres“ gehörend). (Übers. Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
(Romulus): Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Morgan, S. 313.
(Kerl vergisst [...] tribe der Ramnes): Kommentar von Marx.
(Superlativ dies von faselndem Pragmatismus): Kommentar von Marx.
⦗Pater, weil chief of gens⦘: Zusatz von Marx. Bei Morgan,
S. 313: Fathers certainly they were called on account of their
official dignity
Schließen »Centum creat (Romulus)
senatores: sive quia is numerus satis erat; (Kerl vergisst, that there were then only 100 gentes,
constituting
the tribe der Ramnes); sive quia soli centum
erant, qui creari Patres
possent
, (Superlativ dies von faselndem Pragmatismus), Patres
certe ab honore ⦗Pater, weil chief of gens⦘, patriciique progenies eorum appellati.«
Cic. de rep. II, 8:
Die fürstlichen
Männer – sie wurden ihrer Beliebtheit wegen Väter genannt
(Übers. Karl Büchner.)
Schließen »Principes, qui
appellati sunt propter caritatem, patres.« Die distinction of
patricians conferred upon their children u.
lineal descendants in perpetuity schuf at once an aristocracy of rank in centre des Roman social system
where it became firmly intrenched; this aristocratic
element now for the first time planted in gentilism.
Nach der union der Sabines Senat increased to 200
durch addition v. 100 v. tribe der Tities (Dion. II, 47) u. when Luceres increased to 100 gentes Bei Morgan, S. 314: in the time of
Tarquinius Priscus, a third hundred senators were added from the
gentes of this tribe
Schließen in
time der Patricians, a 3d 100 added v.
den gentes dieses tribe; durch
Tarquinius
Priscus
.
Liv. I, 35:
Vor allem um seine Herrschaft zu sichern,
aber auch um den Staat zu stärken, berief er hundert Senatoren,
die dann „Väter der jüngeren Familien“ genannt wurden, eine
absolut zuverlässige Gefolgschaft des Königs, dem sie den Einzug
in die Curie zu verdanken hatten. (Übers. Hans Jürgen
Hillen.)
Schließen »Nec minus regni sui
firmandi, quam augendae republicae rei publicae memor, centum in patres Patres legit (Tarquin.
Priscus) qui deinde minorum gentium sunt appellati: factio haud dubia regis, cujus beneficio in curiam venerant.«
Etwas
verschieden
Cic. De
Rep. II, 20: Und als er über seine Herrschgewalt ein
Gesetz eingebracht hatte, verdoppelte er zunächst jene frühere
Zahl der Väter und nannte die alten Väter Väter der älteren
Geschlechter, die er zuerst nach ihrer Meinung fragte, die von
ihm hinzugetanen Väter der jüngeren. (Übers. Karl Büchner.)
(dies setzt voraus, dass die Alten patres v. 200 auf 150
herabgesunken; waren dann 50 zu ergänzen aus Ramnes u. Tities
und 100 neu zugefügt aus Luceres): Zusatz im Zitat von Marx. Bei
Morgan, S. 314: at the time of the final increase the senate may
have become reduced to a hundred and fifty members, and been
filled up to two hundred from the gentes of the first two
tribes, when the hundred were added from the third. The senators
taken from the tribes Ramnes and Tities were thenceforth called
Fathers of the Greater Gentes […] and those of the Luceres
Fathers of the Lesser Gentes
⦗dies auch bei Iroquois [...]
später daher gebildet⦘: Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen »Isque
(Tarquinius) ut de suo imperio legem tulit, principio duplicavit illum pristinum patrum numerum (dies setzt voraus, dass
die Alten patres v. 200 auf 150 herabgesunken;
waren dann 50 zu ergänzen aus Ramnes u. Tities und 100 neu
zugefügt aus Luceres); et antiquos patres majorum gentium appellavit, ⦗dies auch
bei Iroquois, aber mit der
primitiven Bedeutung, dass die
minores gentes Abkommen der majores,
später daher gebildet⦘ quos priores sententiam rogabat;
a se adscitos, minorum.«
Die Form des statement shows, dass jeder Senator representative of a gens; ferner, da jede gens
sicher hatte its principal chief – princeps –
diese person chosen von gens od. 10 auf einmal v. den 10 gentes wählend als curia. Dies
dem Wesen nach auch
Niebuhr
’s
Ansicht. Nach der Errichtung
der Republik Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (seit 509 B.C.) besetzen
die
Censoren die Lücken im Senat nach ihrer
choice, dies fiel später den Consules zu;
die Senators generally selected aus
ex-magistrates der higher grades.
All public measures originated im Senat, sowohl die, wobei sie unabhängig verfahren konnten, als die die sie der popular assembly zur adoption to submit. Der Senat hatte general guardianship of public welfare, management der foreign relations, levy of taxes and military forces, general control of revenues u. expenditure; hatte auch oberste power over religion, obgleich die administration der religious affairs den several collegia zufiel. [312–315]
Assembly of the People ( Bei
Morgan, S. 315: with the recognized right of acting upon
important public measures to be discussed by them and adopted or
rejected
Schließen in dieser Form unknown in Lower u.
wahrscheinlich auch Middle Status of
Barbarism) existed in Upper Status, in agora der Greek tribes (highest form in ecclesia der Athener), u. ebenso in der
assembly of warriors der Latin tribes, erhielt
hier höchste Form in den
comitia curiata
der Römer. Letztre bestanden aus
den
adult members der gentes, jede curia had one
collective vote, majority in each ascertained separately,
determined what that vote should be. (
Liv. I, 43;
Dion. II,
14, IV, 20, 84.) Es war die
assembly der gentes, who alone were members of the
government. Plebejans u. clients – forming already a numerous
class, excluded, weil keine connection möglich
mit Populus Romanus, ausser durch a
gens and a tribe. Comitia did not originate public measures, nor
amend those submitted to them; nahmen sie an od. verwarfen
sie; alle magistrates u. high
public functionaries, incl. rex, elected by the comitia on the nomination of the Senate. So
durch comitia curiata elected
Numa
Pompilius
(
Cic. De
Rep.
II, 11. Liv. I, 17),
Tullus
Hostilius
(Cic. de Rep. II, 17) u.
Ancus Martius
(
Cic.
De Rep.
II, 18; Liv. I, 32). Mit Bezug auf
Tarquinius Priscus
bemerkt
Livius
(I, 35), dass der Populus
durch great majority ihn zum rex
ernannte.
Servius
Tullius
assumed the office, afterwards confirmed by the comitia
(Cic. De
Rep. II, 21). – The Imperium
conferred upon these persons by a law of the
assembly – Lex curiata de imperio –
Roman method of investing with office; vor dieser Uebertragung
des imperium konnte die person elected nicht ihr
office antreten. Die
comitia curiata, by appeal, had the ultimate decision in criminal cases involving
the life of a Roman citizen. The office of rex
abolished by a popular movement.
Die assembly had no power to convene itself; it is said to have met on the summons of the rex, oder in his absence, des praefectus urbis urbi ; in der Republik durch die consules berufen, od. in deren absence durch praetor; in allen Fällen präsidirte die berufende Person über die deliberations der comitia. [315–317] |
90Der rex war General u. Priest, aber ohne civil functions.
Bei Morgan, S. 318: When the office [of
rex] was abolished, and the
consulate was established in its place, it is not surprising
that two consuls were created instead of one
Schließen Nach Abschaffung des Königthums 2 consules an seine Stelle, wie
die 2 warchiefs war-chiefs der Iroquois.
Der
rex as chief priest took the auspices on field of battle wie in city on important
occasions, verrichtete auch other religious
rites. Bei Morgan,
S. 318: When the abolition of this office occurred
Schließen Nach Abschaffung der
Königswürde,
ihre priestly functions übertragen auf
das neu geschaffne office des rex
sacrorum od. rex sacrificulus; bei
Athenern analog der eine der 9 Archonten Archon basileus, der a general supervision of religious
affairs hatte. – Die Romans in diesen 200 years (bis
Servius Tullius
)
had experienced the necessity for written laws to be
enacted by themselves als Substitut for usages u. customs; had
created ausserdem a city magistracy u. a complete military system, including the institution of the equestrian order.
Unter den
new magistrates created wichtigster that of warden of the city – custos urbis, war zugleich
Princeps Senatus. Nach
Dionys.
II, 12 appointed by Romulus. Nach der
Zeit der
Decemviri
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (451–447) dies office changed to praefectus urbi, its powers enlarged u. it was
made elective by the new comitia centuriata.
Zusatz von Marx nach
Arnold
Hermann Ludwig Heeren: A Manual of Ancient History
Particularly with Regard to the Constitutions, the Commerce,
and the Colonies, of the States of Antiquity. London
1840. S. 326 und 328. – Aus diesem Werk entnimmt Marx
wahrscheinlich auch die Chronologie der altrömischen Könige auf
S.
87
.
Marx hatte
schon andere Werke von Heeren exzerpiert. Neben Notizen von
einer seit 1829 von A. H. L. Heeren und F. A. Ukert
herausgegebenen Reihe „Geschichte der europäischen
Staaten“ im „Kreuznacher Heft“ aus dem Jahr 1843
(MEGA
IV/2) verfasste Marx in den „Londoner Heften
1850–1853“ Auszüge aus: Heerens Ideen über
Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel der vornehmsten Völker
der alten Welt (Göttingen 1824) und dem Handbuch der
Geschichte des europäischen Staatensystems und seiner
Colonien (3. Aufl. Göttingen 1819) (Heft XIV, MEGA
IV/9) sowie De la politique et du commerce des peuples de
l’antiquité. T. 3. Paris 1831 (Heft XXI; IISG,
Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B
63).
Schließen ⦗Census u. comitia
centuriata eingesetzt durch Servius Tullius nach seiner division des people according to
property … das trial of
Coriolan
bewog die Tribunen to usurp the right of summoning some
patricians before the tribunal of the people; hence the comitia tributa, either were assemblies
of the commons, or assemblies so organized, that the commons had
the preponderance; diese Institution gab den
tribunes their share in legislation,
those officers being allowed to lay proposals before the
commons.⦘
Unter Republik had die
consules u. in their absence the praetor power to convene the Senate u. also to hold the comitia. Später das
office of Prätor – Prätor urbanus (absorbed the
functions of the old office des Praefectus
urbi). A judicial magistrate, prototype of
the modern judge[,] der Roman »Prätor«. – Zusammenfassung
von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 321: A knowledge of
the tenure of the office of chief […] would reflect much light
upon the condition of Roman gentile society in the time of
Romulus.
Schließen Bei Tod
des
Romulus die society
noch gentile.
[317–321]
Part II. Ch. XIII. The institution of Roman Political
Society.
Bei
Morgan, S. 323: Servius Tullius […] came to the succession about
one hundred and thirty-three years after the death of Romulus,
as near as the date can be ascertained. This would place his
accession about 576 B. C.
Schließen
578 od. 576–533. Servius
Tullius.
Seit Romulus röm. Gesellschaft
gespalten in Patricians, constituting the Populus, u. plebejans,
die
Plebs; beide persönlich
frei u. beide entered the ranks of the
army; plebejans aber, nicht einbegriffen in gentile
society, ausserhalb the government.
Nach Morgan (S.324, Fn. 1) verweist, ohne
Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“.
Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 315) geht hervor, dass er sich auf eine
amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of
Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition.
Philadelphia 1835, bezieht.
Schließen
Niebuhr
die
Existenz der plebs als annerkannt freie u. sehr zahlreiche
Portion der Bevölkerung nachweisbar bis zu reign
des
Ancus
Marcius
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (640–618). Plebs excluded v. office, comitia curiata, sacred rites der
gentes
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (v. intermarriage mit diesen). Zur Zeit
des Servius fast so numerous plebs fast so
numerous wie populus; subject to military
service, possessing families u. property. Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen
Worten. Bei Morgan, S. 324: which identified them with the
interests of Rome, without being in any sense connected with the
government. Under gentile institutions […] there could be no
connection with the government except through a recognized gens,
and the plebeians had no gentes. Such a state of things […] was
dangerous to the commonwealth. Admitting of no remedy under
gentile institutions, it must have furnished one of the
prominent reasons for attempting the overthrow of gentile
society, and the substitution of political.
Schließen Die
Constitution der gentile organization schloss
sie aus; hence letztre musste fliegen.
[323, 324]
Entstehung der plebs, i.e. v. Personen not members of an organized gens, curia,
tribe. Adventurers who flocked to the new city from the
surrounding tribes, war captives afterwards set free, unattached persons
mingled with the gentes transplanted to Rome, would rapidly furnish such
a class; ausserdem might happen that in filling up the 100 gentes of
each tribe, fragments of gentes and gentes having less than a prescribed
number of persons, were excluded. Aus dem
Epitheton der
[senators of the] Luceres
Bei Morgan, 325: “Fathers of the Lesser
Gentes” – Siehe S. 314: those of the Luceres Fathers of the
Lesser Gentes (patres minorum
gentium)
Schließen „Fathers minorum gentium“ ersichtlich dass die old
gentes reluctant ihre entire equality anzuerkennen. Nach filling up des
3d tribe mit der prescribed
number of gentes the last avenue of admission closed, wonach
die
Zahl der plebejan class rasch anwachsend.
Morgan (S.325, Fn. 2) verweist,
ohne Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist.
of Rome“. Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 315) geht hervor,
dass er sich auf eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten
zwei Bände: The History of Rome. Vol. 1.2. First
American from the London edition. Philadelphia 1835,
bezieht.
Schließen
Niebuhr
läugnet, dass clients part des plebejan body.
Dionys. II, 8 u. Plut. Vit. Romuli, XIII, 16
schreibt schreiben
Romulus die
Einrichtung
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) der relation v. patron
u. client zu, ditto
Suetonius,
Tiberius, c. 1. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (Alles, was diese 3
sagen, beweist gefällig nichts!)
Kommentar von Marx.
Bei Morgan, S. 326: It seems plain, notwithstanding the weight
of Niebuhr’s authority on Roman questions, that the clients were
a part of the plebeian body.
Schließen ⦗
Morgan’s Behauptung, dass die
clients v. Anfang an a part of the plebejan body – falsch,
Niebuhr
right.⦘
Bei Morgan,
S. 326: It is claimed by the most eminent modern authorities
that the entire populus were patricians. Niebuhr, who is
certainly the first on Roman questions, adopts this view, to
which Long, Schmitz, and others have given their
concurrence.
Morgan (S.326, Fn. 1) verweist, ohne
Angabe des Erscheinungsorts und -jahres, auf „Hist. of Rome“.
Aus der Seitenangabe (i, 256, 450) geht hervor, dass er sich auf
eine amerikanische Ausgabe der ersten zwei Bände: The History of
Rome. Vol. 1.2. First American from the London edition.
Philadelphia 1835, bezieht
Schließen
Niebuhr
u. andre nehmen an dass der
entire populus were
patricians. – Nach
Dionysius
II, 8 (vgl.
Plut.
[,] vit.
Romuli, XIII) fand Errichtung der
Patrician class vor Bildung des Senats
statt; war zusammengesetzt aus Personen ausgezeichnet
durch Tapferkeit, birth Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!) u. wealth. Danach blieben aber noch large
class in den several gentes, die keine
Patricier.
Cic. de Rep. II, 12:
Als sonach jener Senat
des Romulus, der aus den Optimaten bestand, denen der König
selbst soviel eingeräumt hatte, daß er sie Väter genannt wissen
wollte und ihre Kinder Patrizier, versuchte […] (Übers. Karl
Büchner.)
Schließen »Quum ille Romuli Senatus, qui constabat ex optimatibus, quibus ipse rex tantum
tribuisset, ut eos patres vellet
nominari, patriciosque eorum liberos,
tentaret
etc.«
|
Siehe oben,
die Sachanmerkung zu
„»Centum creat […]“.
Schließen
Liv. I, 8[:]
»Patres certe ab honore, patriciique progenies eorum
appellati.«
Die
Bildung der Senatoren aus chiefs der gens
schliesst nur ein dass die gewählten family
chiefs – und nur eine family aus
den vielen der gens hatte ihr Haupt im Senat,
bedingt nur, dass
Ausdruck von
Marx.
Schließen diese
Burschen Patres u. nur ihre progenies patricii, aber nicht alle members jeder gens,
also der
ganze populus
Bei Morgan, S. 326: as distinguished from
the plebeians
Schließen (im Gegensatz zu Plebs) wie
Niebuhr
meint.
Unter den reges u. der
Republik individuals created patricians by the government.
Vellejus Paterculus
I, 8: Er hatte 100
Männer ausgewählt, die er Väter nannte und die er als
Ratsversammlung einsetzte. Hieraus leitet sich der Name
Patricier ab. (Übers. Marion Geibel.)
Schließen »Hic centum homines electos, appellatosque Patres, instar habuit consilii publici.
Hanc originem nomen Patriciorum
habet.«
There could be no patrician gens u. no plebejan gens, obgleich Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗notabene später, als gentile society
abolished⦘
particular families in one gens could be patrician u. other plebejan. All the adult members of the
Fabrician Fabian gens, 306, were patricians; could either trace their
descent from senators or to some public act, wodurch their
predecessors raised to patriciate. Vor
Servius
Tullius
Romans divided in Populus
u. Plebs; nachher, namentlich nach der
Licinian legislation (367 B.C.), wodurch alle
Staatswürden jedem
civis
zugänglich gemacht, alle freien Römer in 2 Klassen:
Aristokratie u. Commonalty; die
ersteren bestanden aus senators u. deren descendants
[,] mit denen, die eins der 3
curules
offices (consul, praetor, curulis aedilis) innegehabt u. deren
Nachkommen; Bei Morgan, S. 328: The commonalty were now Roman
citizens.
Schließen die
commonalty, nun alle Roman cives
; die gentile organization
verfiel u. die old division nicht länger haltbar. Personen, die
in der
ersten Periode zum Populus gehört, gehörten in der 2ten
zur Aristokratie, ohne Patricier zu sein. Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen
Claudii u. Marcelli
2 Familien der
Claudian gens; die ersteren patricii (could trace their descent v.
Appius
Claudius
), die 2ten Plebejer.
Die
Patrician class zahlreich; Bei Morgan, S. 329:
because the senators […] were chosen as often as vacancies
occured
Schließen bei jeder Lücke neuer Senator
gewählt, conferred patrician rank auf ihre
Nachkommen; others v. Zeit zu Zeit zu patricians gemacht durch
act of the state. (
Liv.
IV, 4)
Schatten der alten Unterscheidung v.
Populus u. Plebs blieb: Die Plebs
übertrug die Aufgabe einmütig den Konsuln. (Übers. Hans Jürgen
Hillen.)
Schließen
»A plebe consensu populi consulibus
negotium mandatur.«
Liv. IV, 51.
[324–329]
Numa
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (717–679 B.C.), der Nachfolger des
Romulus, tended to traverse the gentes, durch Eintheilung des
Volks in Klassen (wie Theseus), some
8 in number, entsprechend to their arts u. trades.
Zusatz von Marx
nach:
Plutarch’s Werke. (Griechische Prosaiker in neuen
Uebersetzungen.) Vergleichende Lebensbeschreibungen. Übers.
von J[ohann] G[ottfried] Klaiber [et al.]. Bdchen.
1–24. (Bdchen. 1–19, 37–41 der Werke.) Stuttgart
1827–1859. Bdchen. 2. S. 203. Marx besaß, wenn nicht sämtliche,
so doch zumindest die ersten der zehn vor 1849 erschienenen,
jeweils von Klaiber übersetzten Bändchen der
„Lebensbeschreibungen“. (Siehe auch das von Roland Daniels 1850
zusammengestellte Verzeichnis seiner 1849 in Köln
zurückgelassenen Bücher (MEGA IV/5. S. 301.4), dort sind
„Plutarch 4 Bde“ erwähnt.)
Morgan
(S. 330/331) fasst diese Passage kurz zusammen und zitiert nur
den Satz über die Einteilung des Volkes nach den Gewerben (Numa,
17, 20–22) wörtlich in griechischer Sprache (S. 330, Fn. 1). Die
in Klammern eingefügten griechischen Bezeichnungen der diversen
Gewerbe entnahm Marx dem Zitat bei Morgan.
Schließen
Plutarch.
Numa
c. 17
[:] »
Numa
bedachte nun, dass man auch Körper, die
ursprünglich unmischbar u. spröde sind, durch Stampfen u. Zerstossen in
Verbindung bringe, weil kleine Theile sich
eher vereinen. Daher beschloss er dann die
gesammte Menge in mehre Theile zu
scheiden, u. durch Hervorbringung
neuer Verschiedenheiten jene erste grosse gleichsam in
kleinere zu zersplittern u. eben
dadurch aufzuheben. Er theilte also das Volk nach den Gewerben in Flötenspieler (αὐλητῶν), Goldarbeiter (χρυσοχόων), Zimmerleute (τεκτόνων), Färber
(βαφέων), Schuster
(σκυτοτόμων), Gerber (σκυτοδεψῶν), Schmiede [(]χαλκέων[)]
u. Töpfer
(κεραμέων). Die übrigen Gewerbe
vereinigte er mit einander, u. bildete aus
allen zusammen eine Zunft. Durch die
Gemeinschaften, Zusammenkünfte u. gottesdienstlichen
Feierlichkeiten, die er für jede Zunft nach Gebühr anordnete,
brachte er es in der Stadt dahin, dass die
Unterscheidung zwischen Sabinern u. Römern,
u. zwischen Bürgern des Tatius u. Bürgern des Romulus völlig aufgehoben
wurde, so dass diese Absonderung eine
Vereinigung u. Verschmelzung Aller mit Allen
bewirkte.«
Da diese classes aber nicht invested mit
den powers exercised by the gentes, the measure failed.
[330, 331]
Kommentar von
Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 330/331: Plutarch […] speaks of this
division of the people according to their vocations […]; and
remarks further, that it was designed to take away the
distinction between Latin and Sabine […] by mixing them together
in a new distribution. But as he [Numa] did not invest the
classes
Schließen ⦗Aber nach der Darstellung
des
Plutarch
’s
handelt es sich um »Bürger des Romulus« (Latins) u. Bürger des Tatius (Sabiner);
dies würde die gentes als hauptsächlich
Handwerktreibende stempeln!
wenigstens die in der
Stadt.⦘
Servius
Tullius
[’]
Periode
576–533 B.C. folgt closely der des
Solon
(596 B.C[.)]
u.
vor der des
Chleisthenes Cleisthenes
(509 B.C.)
Bei Morgan, S. 331: The legislation
ascribed to him
Schließen Seine Constitution modeled nach der des Solon; was in practical operation bei Errichtung
der Republik
(509 B.C.).
Die
Hauptchanges, setting aside the gentes u.
inaugurating political society, were: 1) substitution of classes, formed nach individual
wealth; 2) comitia centuriata, the new popular
assembly, statt comitia curiata, assembly der
gentes; 3) creation of 4 city wards,
circumscribed by metes and bounds, u. named as territorial areas, wo die
residents of each ward
required to enroll their names and register their property.
Bei Morgan,
S. 331: Imitating Solon, with whose plan of government he was
doubtless familiar, Servius divided the people into five
classes
Schließen
Solon
divided the whole people in
5 classes
nach value of their
property, wovon effect to concentrate in one
class the wealthiest men of the several gentes. Property qualification war für 1ste class
|92
100,000 asses; 2t class 75,000; 3t class 50,000; 4t cl. 25,000; 5t class 11,000 asses.
(Livy,
I, 43)
Dionysius
fügt 6t class hinzu, consisting of one century,
mit 1 vote; composed of those without
property or less than required for admission
in 5. class; paid no taxes u. dienten nicht in Krieg. (Dionys. IV, 20) Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen
Worten. Siehe hierzu Morgan, S. 332: The whole number of
centuries in the six classes with the equites added, made a
total of one hundred and ninety-three, according to Dionysius.
Livy, agreeing with the former as to the number of regular
centuries in the five classes, differs from him by excluding the
sixth class, the persons being formed into one century with one
vote, and included in or attached to the fifth class. He also
makes three centuries of horn-blowers instead of two, and the
whole number of centuries one more than Dionysius.
Schließen (einige andre Differences zwischen Dionysius
u. Livius)
Jede class subdivided in centuries, deren Anzahl willkührlich, ohne Rücksicht auf
Personenzahl in der class, with one vote to each
century in den
comitia. So 1ste class zählte 80 centuries, hatte 80 votes in the
comitia centuriata; 2t class 20 centuries, wozu 2 of artisans attached[,] mit 22 votes; 3d class 20 centuries mit 20 votes; 4th class 20, wozu 2 centuries
of hornblowers and trompeters, 22 votes; 5th class of 30 centuries mit 30 votes. Ausserdem Ritter mit 18 centuries
u. ebensoviel votes. Dadurch government, soweit
beeinflussbar durch die popular assembly, comitia centuriata – in hands
der 1sten class u. der equites, hatten zusammen 98 votes,
majority des whole. – Die centuries jeder
class divided into seniors, über
55 Jahr, charged mit duty as soldiers of defending the city, u. juniors, v. 17 Jahren bis 54 Jahr inclus.,
charged with external military enterprises. (Dionys. IV, 16) – Jede
centurie agreed upon its vote separately when
assembled in the comitia centuriata; in taking a
vote upon any public question, equites
called first, then the 1st class. Stimmten sie überein in ihrem vote, then the
question decided, u. die
übrigen centuries nicht caled called
upon to vote; wenn they disagreed, 2nd class called upon
u.s.f.
Bei Morgan, S. 333: The powers formerly
exercised by
Schließen Die
Rechte der
comitia
curiata, etwas erweitert, übertragen auf die
comit. curiata centuriata; elected all officers and magistrates upon the nomination of the Senate; enacted or rejected
laws proposed durch letzteren; repealed existing laws auf sein
Verlangen, Bei Morgan, S. 333: if they chose to do
so
Schließen wenn’s ihnen gefiel; declared war auf seine
recommendation, aber Senat schloss
Frieden ohne sie zu consultiren; an appeal to the
comitia centuriata in all cases involving life; they had no control
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (die
comit. centur.)
over finances. – Property,
not numbers controlled the gvt.
Meetings of the comitia jährlich held in Campus Martius für Wahl v. Magistrates u. officers u. zu andern Zeiten, wenn nöthig. Volk assembled by centuries u. by classes under their officers, organized as an army (exercitus); centuries u. classes designed für civil u. military organization. Bei erster Musterung unter Servius Tullius 80,000 in Waffen im Campus Martius, jeder Mann in seiner century, jede Century in ihrer Klasse, jede Klasse besonders. ( Liv. I, 44, Dionys. , der 84,700 zählt, IV. 22.)
Jedes member einer Centurie nun Bei Morgan,
S. 334: citizen of Rome
Schließen
civis
Romanus
; dies das
Hauptresultat. [331–334]
Nach
Cicero,
De Rep.
II, 22
wählte
Servius Tullius die
Equites from the common mass of the people Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (langte sich die Reichsten
heraus) u. divided
the remainder into 5 classes. [334, 335]
The property classes subserved the useful purpose of
breaking up the gentes, Bei
Morgan, S. 335: It was evidently the principal object of the
Servian legislation to obtain a deliverance from the gentes,
which were close corporations, and to give the new government a
basis wide enough to include all the inhabitants of Rome, with
the exception of the slaves
Schließen which had
become close corporations, excluding the
mass of the population. – The 5 classes, mit
some modification of the manner of voting, remained to the end of the
republic.
Servius
Tullius
soll auch instituirt haben die
comitia tributa, a separate assembly of each local tribe or ward, deren chief duties relating
to the assessment and collection of taxes u. to
furnishing contingents of troops. Später elected
dies assembly die
tribunes of the people. [335,
336]
Einer der ersten acts des
Servius
– der Census. Denn er schuf den
Census, eine Einrichtung, die sich für das Reich, das einst so
groß werden sollte, als sehr segensreich erwiesen hat; aufgrund
dieses Census mußten die Leistungen im Krieg und im Frieden
nicht mehr wie zuvor von jedem Mann gleichmäßig, sondern
entsprechend den Vermögensverhältnissen erbracht werden. (Übers.
Hans Jürgen Hillen.)
Schließen
»Censum enim instituit, rem saluberrimam
tanto futuro imperio: ex quo belli pacisque
munia non viritim, [ut ante,] sed
pro habitu pecuniarum
fierent.«
(Liv. I. 42.) Jede Person hatte sich selbst to
enroll in ward of his residence, with statement
of amount of his property, geschah in Gegenwart von Censor; the lists when completed furnished the basis upon
which the classes were formed. Creation of
4 city wards gleichzeitig, circumscribed by boundaries u. mit
eignen Namen; such Roman ward a geographical area, mit a registry of citizens u.
their property, a local organization, a tribune u. other elective officer offices u. with an assembly – aber nicht wie Attic
deme zugleich polit. body mit complete selfgovernment self-government, elective magistracy, judiciary u. priesthood.|
Dies Roman ward a nearer copy of the previous
Athenian
naucracy
naucrary
, die wahrscheinlich auch ihr model war.
Dionys.
IV, 14
sagt, dass nachdem Servius Tullius
inclosed the 7 hills mit one wall, he divided
the city in 4 parts 1) Palatina, 2) Suburra, 3) Collina, 4) Esquilina
(früher hatte die city 3 parts); Bei Morgan, S. 337: for […] things [he
ordered to the people] were no longer to be done according to
the three consanguine tribes (φυλὰς τὰς
γενικάς), but according to the four local tribes (φυλὰς τὰς τοπικάς).
Schließen sie
hätten nun zu dienen (diese Theile) statt nach φυλὰς τὰς γενικάς, nach φυλὰς τὰς τοπικάς; setzte sie commanders über jeden tribe, as phylarchs u. comarchs,
whom he directed to note what house each inhabited. Nach
Mommsen
hatte jeder dieser 4 levy districts to furnish the 4th part nicht nur of the force as a
whole, sondern von jeder ihrer militair.
Unterabtheilungen u. jede century
zählte
Bei Morgan,
S. 337/338, der Mommsen zitiert nach der englischen
Übersetzung von W. P. Dickson: The
history of Rome. Vol. 1. New York 1871. S. 136.
Dort: an equal proportion of conscripts […] – Dagegen in der
deutschen Ausgabe (Römische Geschichte. Bd. 1. 2. Aufl.
Berlin 1856): gleich viel
Conscribirte.
Schließen gleiche Zahl von
Conscribirten
from each region, to merge all distinctions
of gentile u. local nature into one
common u. durch influence of military spirit to bind
meteoci metoeci
und
burgesses into one
people.
Ebenso die Umgegend, under the government of Rome, organized in tribus rusticae, nach einigen 26, nach andern 31, mit den 4 city tribus in einem Fall 30, im andern 35. These townships did not become integral in the sense of participating in the administration of the government.
The overshadowing municipality of Rome made the centre of the State. [336–339]
Nach Einführung des new political system behielten
die
comitia curiata noch,
Bei Morgan, S.
340: it inaugurated certain priests, and regulated the religious
observances of the curiae
Schließen (ausser religiösen curia dreck, inaugurated
certain priest priests –) bei das: they
conferred the imperium upon all the higher
magistrates, became in time a matter of form only. After 1st Punic war
verloren sie alle Bedeutung u. fell soon in
oblivion; ebenso die
curiae – beide superseded
rather than abolished; gentes blieben lang ins empire hinein,
as a pedigree u. a lineage.
[340]
The element of property, which has controlled society to a great extent during the comparatively short period of civilization, gab mankind despotism, imperialism, monarchy, privileged classes u. finally representative democracy. [341, 342]
Pt. II. Ch. XIV. Change of Descent von Female to Male
Line.
Nummerierung von
Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 343: ancient descent in the female
line
Schließen 1) Female
Descent
: Bei
Morgan, S. 343: supposed female ancestor
Schließen
Female ancestor
u. her children (sons u. daughters); children of her
daughters, and of her female descendants
through females, in perpetuity. (Children of
her sons, and of her male descendants,
through males were excluded.) Dies bildet archaic gens.
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 2)
Descent in male line: Gens consists of asupposed male ancestor u. his
children, together mit den
children of his sons and of his male descendants through males in
perpetuity.
Bei change v. 1) zu 2)
Bei
Morgan, S. 344: When [the change] done at a given time, and by
preconcerted determination, it was only necessary to agree that
all the present members of the gens should remain
Schließen blieben alle present
members der gens
Mitglieder derselben, nur in future all
children, whose fathers belonged to the gens, should alone remain in it u. bear the gentile name,
while the children of the female members should be
excluded. This would not break or change the kinship or
relations of the existing gentiles; but thereafter it would retain in the gens the children it before
excluded, and
excluse exclude those it before retained.
Solang descent in female line: 1)Marriage in the gens prohibited; hence children in an other gens than that of their reputed father.
2) Property and the office of chief hereditary in the
gens: thus excluding children from
inheriting the property or succeeding to the office of their reputed
father. Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Bei Morgan, S. 345: This state of things would continue until a
motive […] to establish the injustice of this exclusion in the
face of their changed condition. The natural remedy was a change
of descent from the female line to the male. All that was needed
to effect the change was an adequate motive. After domestic
animals began to be reared in flocks and herds, becoming thereby
a source of subsistence as well as objects of individual
property, and after tillage had led to the ownership of houses
and lands in severalty, an antagonism would be certain to arise
against the prevailing form of gentile inheritance, because it
excluded the owner’s, children, whose paternity was becoming
more assured, and gave his property to his gentile kindred. A
contest for a new rule of inheritance, shared in by fathers and
their children, would furnish a motive sufficiently powerful to
effect the
change.
Schließen – Sobald change of condition (durch
Entwicklung v. individual property u. monogamy
namentlich) such, dass diese exclusions
»ungerecht« erschienen, – change of descent effected. ⦗Private
property in flocks u. herds u. nachdem tillage had led to the ownership of houses u. lands
in severalty.⦘
With property accumulating in masses and
assuming permanent forms, and with an
increased portion of it held by individual ownership, descent in the
female line
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗v. wegen inheritance⦘ certain of
overthrow. Change to descent in male line would
leave the inheritance in the gens as before,
but it would place children
in the gens of their father u. at the head of the agnatic kindred.
Probable, that when descent changed to the male line, or still earlier, animal names for the gentes laid aside and personal names substituted in their place. After this substitution, the eponymous ancestor became a shifting person.
The more celebrated Grecian gentes made the change of names; they retained the name of the mother of their gentile father and ascribed his birth to her embracement by some particular god. So Eumolpus , der eponymous ancestor der Attic Eumolpidae , was the reputed son of Neptune u. Chione . [343–346] |
94440. B.C. Herodot : sagt v. den Lyciens Lycians (von denen er erzählt, dass sie sprung from Creta, u. nach Lykia gewandert unter Führung des Sarpedon , dass „ihre customs partly Cretan, partly Carian“, ):
„Die Lykier haben eine sonderbare Gewohnheit worin sie abweichen von jeder andern Nation in der Welt. Frage einen Lykier wer er ist u. er antwortet indem er seinen Eigennamen giebt, den seiner Mutter und so on in the female line. Ferner, wenn eine freie Weibsperson einen Mann heirathet, der ein Sklave ist, so sind ihre Kinder freie Bürger; aber wenn ein freier Mann ein ausländisch Weib heirathet, oder cohabits with a concubine, selbst wenn er die first person im Staat ist, the children forfeit all the rights of citizenship.“
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
Now cfr:
Wenn ein Seneca-Iroquois ein fremdes Weib heirathet, sind seine Kinder aliens; aber wenn
eine
Seneca-Iroquois Weibsperson einen Fremden heirathet, od. einen Onondaga, sind ihre Kinder Iroquois of
the Seneca tribe u. of the gens u. phratry ihrer Mutter. Die Frau überträgt ihre nationality u. her gens auf ihre
Kinder, whoever their father.
Bei Morgan, S. 347: It follows necessarily from this
circumstantial statement
Schließen Folgt aus Herodot’s Stelle, dass die Lykier organized in gentes (of archaic form), Bei Morgan, S. 347: and that the children
belonged to the gens of their mother
Schließen hence mit descent in female line
.
Die
aborigines v. Creta
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Kandia) waren Pelasgian, Semitic u. Hellenic tribes, living locally apart.
Minos, der brother des Sarpedon, gilt als head der Pelasgians in
Creta; die
Lykier zu Herodot’s Zeit ganz hellenisirt – conspicuous unter den Asiatic Greeks for their
advancement. Die
Insulation ihrer Vorfahren auf Creta-Insel, vor
ihrer migration in the legendary period to Lycia, mag erklären ihre retention of the female line in this late
period.
„Etrusker ⦗nach Cramer: Description of Ancient Italy (dieser selbst quotes Lanzi )⦘, wie wir aus ihren Monumenten sehn, liessen ihre Weiber zu ihren Festen u. Banquets zu; sie beschreiben ihre parentage u. family invariably with reference to the mother, and not the father. Dieselben 2 customs noticed von Herodot bezüglich der Lykier und Caunians v. Asia Minor.“
Curtius
(Griech.
Geschichte) commenting on Lycian,
Etruskan u. Cretan descent in female line, sagt: dies wurzle in
den
primitive conditions of society, als Monogamie
noch nicht etablirt hinreichend to assure descent on
the father’s side. Der Gebrauch erstreckt sich daher
weit über Lycian territory; occurs heut noch in Indien; existirte unter den alten Aegyptern; mentioned by
Sanchoniathon
(p. 16,
Orell); bei Etruskans, Cretans, who called their fatherland – Motherland.
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗noch immer sagt jeder: Mutterzunge, Fatherland;
die Sprache gehört immer noch der
Mutter⦘ Die Stelle bei Herodot
beweist nur, dass sich die custom of descent in female line von
allen related to the Greeks u. am längsten unter den Lykiern
erhalten … As life became more regulated, relinquished u. naming children after their
fathers became general in Greece.
Curtius verweist jedoch hier nicht auf
dieses Buch, sondern den Vortrag von Johann
Jakob Bachofen über das „Weiberrecht“, abgedruckt in:
Verhandlungen der 16. Versammlung deutscher Philologen,
Schulmänner und Orientalisten in Stuttgart vom 23. bis
26. September 1856. Stuttgart
1857.
S. 44. Marx entnimmt den Hinweis versehentlich der folgenden
Anmerkung von Morgan (S. 349, Fn. 2).
Schließen Cf. Bachofen
[,]
Mutterrecht, Stuttgart 1861.
Bachofen
(Mutterrecht)
has collected u.
discussed the evidence Bei Morgan,
S. 349: of female authority (mother-right) and of female rule
(gyneocracy)
Schließen
of
Mutterrecht u. Gyneocracy
unter Lykiern,
Cretern, Athenern, Lemniern, Aegyptern,
Orchomenians, Locrians, Lesbians u. unter östlichen Asiatischen Nationen. Dies aber setzt voraus – gens in its archaic form; diese would give the gens of the mothers the ascendency in the
household. Die family – wahrscheinlich schon in syndyasmian
form – noch environed mit den
remains of conjugal system of still earlier condition. Such
family – a married pair with their children – mit kindred families in
a communal household wo die
several mothers u. ihre Kinder of the same gens,
the reputed fathers dieser children of other gentes.
Common lands u. joint tillage would lead to joint-tenement houses and communism in
living; Bei Morgan, S. 349:
so that gyneocracy seems to require for its creation, descent in
the female line
Schließen
gyneocracy unterstellt für Entstehung – descent in the female line
producirt
.
Women entrenched in large households, supplied from
common stores, in which their own gens largely predominated in
numbers – … When descent changed to male
line mit monogamian family the joint-tenement house displaced,
stellte in midst einer rein gentile society the
wife and mother in a single house u. separated her from her gentile kindred.
Bachofen
sagt v. Cretan
city of Lyktos: diese Stadt
wurde betrachtet als lacedämonische
Colonie u. auch als related to the
Athenians; war in beiden Fällen so on the
mother’s side, denn nur die Mütter waren spartan.
Abkunft. Die
Athenian Verwandschaft geht zurück auf Athenische Weiber welche die
Pelasgian Tyrrhenians from Brauron promontory
enticed haben sollen. – Mit descent in male
line, Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen bemerkt treffend Morgan
, würde das
lineage der women unberücksichtigt geblieben
sein; aber mit female line gaben die
Colonists their pedigrees through
|95
females only.
Monogamy unter Greeks probably nicht vor Upper Status of Barbarism. Kommentar von Marx, der
Bachofen nicht die Schweizer, sondern die deutsche Nationalität
zuschrieb, um ihn in die „klassische Schülergelehrsamkeit“ von
Niebuhr und Mommsen aufzunehmen. Siehe die
Sachanmerkung zu „alle von
klassischer Schülergelehrsamkeit“, wo Marx auch die
Briten Grote, Thirlwall und Maine in den Kreis einbezieht.
Siehe auch die Sachanmerkung „erklärt den
Ursprung der Gens als
Schulgelehrter Philister so“.
Bei Morgan, S. 350: Concerning the latter [the Athenian
tribes], Bachofen
remarks
Schließen Wie pragmatisch u. als echter deutscher
Schulgelehrter Bachofen
selbst die Sache auffasst, sichtbar aus folgendem
passus:
[„]Denn vor der Zeit
des Kekrops
hatten
die Kinder nur eine Mutter, keinen
Vater; they were of one line. An keinen
Mann ausschliesslich gebunden, brachte das Weib nur spurious
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) children zur Welt. Kekrops
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) machte Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!) diesem Zustand der Dinge ein Ende; brachte zurück
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) die lawless
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!)
union of sexes zur Exclusivität der Ehe, gab den Kindern einen Vater
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) und eine Mutter
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) u. machte sie so from unilateres – bilateres.“ Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (machte sie
unilateres in male line of descent!)
Morgan (S. 350/351) zitiert nach:
[Polybius:] The general history of Polybius. Transl. from the
Greek by [James] Hampton. 4. ed. In 3 vol. London
1809.
Schließen
Polybius XII, extract
II
: „Die Lokrier selbst Zusatz von Marx
nach Morgan, S. 350.
Schließen ⦗die
100 families of Locrians in
Italy⦘ haben mich versichert, dass
ihre eignen traditions mehr dem Bericht des Aristoteles entsprechen als dem des Timäus.
Geben davon folgende Beweise … alle nobility
of ancestry ist unter ihnen von Weibern
abgeleitet u. nicht von Männern. Die allein sind
noble, die ihren Ursprung von den 100 families ableiten; diese families were
noble unter den Locrians vor ihrer
Wanderung; u. waren in der That dieselben von denen
durch Loos 100 virgins taken, wie das Orakel
befohlen hatte, u. die nach Troja gesandt wurden.“
Wahrscheinlich der hier erwähnte Rang
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Adel) connected mit office of chief of gens, ennobled die
besondre Familie innerhalb der gens, auf eines
deren Glied Glieder es conferred; dies implicirt descent in the
female line both as to persons u. office; das office
of chief hereditary in the gens u. elective unter its male members in archaic
times; mit descend descent in female line passes v. Bruder zu
Bruder u. von Onkel zu Nephew
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen
(Schwesterssohn)
. Aber officed office stets passed through females, the eligibility der Person
depending upon the gens of his mother, who gave him connection with the gens u. the defunct
chief whose place he was to fill. Wo office u. rank
runs through females, it requires descent in
the female line for its explanation.
In traditionary period der Greeks:
Salmōneus u.
Krētheus
own brothers,
Söhne des Aeolus
. Der erstere gab seine Tochter
Tyrō
in Ehe ihrem Onkel. Mit Descent
in male line Krētheus u. Tyrō of the
same gens, hätten nicht heirathen können; mit descent
in female line
Bei Morgan, S. 351/352: they would have
been of different gentes, and therefore not of gentile kin.
Their marriage in that case would not have violated strict
gentile usages. It is immaterial that the persons named are
mythical, because the legend would apply gentile usages
correctly. This marriage is explainable on the hypothesis of
descent in the female line, which in turn raises a presumption
of its existence at the time, or as justified by their ancient
usages which had not wholly died out.
Schließen Tyrō of gens ihrer Mutter
, nicht ihres Vaters. Salmōneus
also of different gens als Krētheus;
die Heirath also within gentile usage. Der
mythische Character der
Personen gleichgültig, the legend
applies gentile usages correctly; zeigt also hin auf
descent in female line im hohen
Alterthum (griechischen)
.
Nach der Zeit des
Solon
konnte ein Bruder seine Halbschwester heirathen, wenn sie born of different mothers, Bei Morgan:
but not conversely
Schließen nicht aber when born of different fathers and same
mother
. Mit descent in female line,
they would be of different gentes; aber in male descent line – u. diese existirte damals
faktisch – of the same gens, ihre Heirath daher
verboten. Bemerkung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 352: an ancient practice
seems to have survived the change of descent to the male line,
even though it violated the gentile obligations of the
parties.
Schließen ⦗Dies also
Ueberleben der alten Praxis, surviving the change of descent
to the male line.⦘
Cimon
heirathete seine Halbschwester
Elpinice
, vom selben Vater, aber verschiednen
Müttern.
Im
Eubulides des Demosthenes
sagt
Euxithius
:
denn mein Großvater heirathete seine Schwester, die nicht von
einer Mutter mit ihm war (Übers. Anton Westermann.)
Marx zitiert den griechischen Wortlaut nach Morgan, S. 352,
Fn. 1, und die Übersetzungen in Klammern nach Morgan.
(nicht von derselben Mutter): Siehe auch Rost:
Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und
Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von
Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2.
Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 157 (ὁμομήτριος). Marx
besaß Rosts
„Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.31).
Schließen »ἀδελφὴν
γὰρ
ὁ
πάππος
(grandfather)
οὑμὸς
ἔγημεν
οὐχ
ὁμομητρίαν« (nicht
von derselben Mutter)
. Vgl. id.
Eubulides, 24.
Descent in the female line presupposes the gens to
distinguish the lineage; war – Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗wozu
gar keine histor. evidence weiter nöthig, nachdem dies als archaic form entdeckt⦘
– ancient law der
Latin, Grecian u. other Graeco-Italian gentes.
[347–352]
Annehmend Zahl of registered Athenians zur Zeit
Solon’s = 60,000 u.
dividing them equally unter den
360 Attic gentes, gäbe average von 160 persons to gens. Die
gens was a great family
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (nenne es Geschlechtsfamilie) of kindred persons, with
common religious rites, common burial place, u.,
in general, common lands.
Intermarriage verboten. Mit change of descent to male line, rise of monogamy, exclusive
inheritance in the children u. appearence of
heiresses way gradually prepared for free
marriage regardless of gens, except prohibition für certain degrees naher Blutsverwandtschaft.
Marriages began in the group, alle males u.
females of which – ausschliesslich der
Kinder – were joint husbands u. wives;
aber husbands u. wives were of different gentes; it endend ended in marriage between single pairs with a an
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (officially)
exclusive cohabitation. [353]
|
Das Turanian Verwandschaftssystem
(Asien, Africa, Australien) ⦗entsprechend dem Ganowánian in America⦘
muss auch unter Greek u. Latin tribes in selber Entwicklungsperiode geherrscht haben.
Ein Characterzug desselben: die Kinder von Brüdern sind selbst Brüder u. Schwestern
, als solche nicht
intermarriable; die Kinder von
Schwestern in demselben Verhältniss, unter
selber prohibition. Kommentar von Marx. Von Engels zitiert im
„Ursprung“ (MEGA I/29. S. 25).
Schließen
⦗Wenn
Bachofen
diese Punaluan Ehen lawless findet,
so fände Mann aus dieser
Periode die meisten jetzigen Ehen
zwischen nahen und fernen Cousins, sei es väterlicher, sei es
mütterlicher Seite, blutschänderisch,
nämlich als Ehen zwischen
blutsverwandten
Geschwistern⦘
Dieses erklärt
die Legende der
Danaiden (worauf
Aeschylus
seine »Schutzflehenden«
gegründet).
Danaus u. Aegyptus waren Brüder u. descendants der Argivischen Io . Danaus, von different wives hatte 50 Töchter u. Aegyptus 50 Söhne; letztere sought the first in marriage; diese nach Turanian System – Brüder und Schwestern, unverheirathbar. Wenn damals descent in male line, hätten sie auch zur selben gens gehört, andres Heirathobstacle. Die 50 Danaustöchter – Danaiden – flohen von Aegypten nach Argos, um dem unlawful und blutschänderischen wedlock zu entfliehen. Dies event foretold to Io von Prometheus. (Aeschylus 853)
In den Schutzfliehenden des Aeschylus erklären die Danaiden den kindred Argives (in Argos), sie seien nicht vebannt worden von Aegypten, sondern:
|
Zusatz von Marx. Übersetzung
der Zeilen 7–11 aus Aeschylus:
Supplices. |
» Marx
zitiert den ganzen Abschnitt nach der Ausgabe von
Christian Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac
deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate
lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit,
scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon
Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus]
Schütz. Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797.
Vol. 3 (Text). S. 127). Siehe die Sachanmerkungen zu
„v. 1007–10:“
, „δοκοῦντα καὶ
…“ und „kommt Herald …“). Bei einem anderen Zitat
nach Aeschylus im vorliegenden Exzerpt bezieht sich
Marx explizit auf Schütz’ „Aeschylus“ (Bd. 2,
S. 378). Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu
„Die Stelle scheint verdorben …“ . |
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe den
Kommentar zu v. 6 (σύγχορτον
Συρίᾳ). Christian Gottfried Schütz (Aeschylus: Tragoediae quae supersunt ac
deperditarum fragmenta. Recensuit, varietate
lectionis et commentario perpetuo illustravit,
scholia graeca, apparatum historicum et lexicon
Aeschyleum adiecit Christianus Godofr[edus] Schütz.
Vol. 1–3. Halae Saxonum 1782–1797. Vol. 3
(Komm.). S. 244). »σύγχορτα ναίω πεδία« Ich bewohne angrenzende Felder (Ebnen): Übersetzung von Marx. Siehe Rost: Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch für den Schul- und Handgebrauch. 4., gänzlich umgearb. Aufl. unter Mitw. von Karl Fr[iedrich] Ameis und Gustav Mühlmann. Bd. 1.2. Braunschweig 1852. Bd. 2. S. 455 (σύγχορτος), 107 (ναίω) und 249 (πεδίον). Marx besaß Rosts „Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch“ (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.96; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.31). Schließen σύγχορτον = conterminam, da χόρτος (hortus, curtis) auch = terminus. So »χόρτος αὐλῆς, ὁ τῆς αὐλῆς ὅρος, die Grenze des Hofes« – So Eurip. Andromache v. 17 »σύγχορτα ναίω πεδία« Ich bewohne angrenzende Felder (Ebnen). |
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (Die Stelle scheint verdorben grammatice, sieh
Schütz „Aeschylus“ vol. 2,
p. 378.)
Nachdem sie den casus der Bei Morgan, S. 355:
Suppliants
Schließen Hiketiden
gehört,
beschlossen die Argiver in Council ihnen Schutz zu gewähren, was implicirt Existenz von
Verbot solcher Ehen u. the validity of their objection. Zur Zeit, wo
diese Tragödie aufgeführt in Athen, erlaubte u.
forderte selbst das Athenische Gesetz marriage between the children
of brothers im case of heiresses u.
orphans, obgleich diese Regel auf solche Ausnahmsfälle
beschränkt scheint. [353–355]
Pt. II. Ch. XV. Gentes in other tribes of the Human
family.
Celtic branch der Aryan family (ausser denen of India) hält länger als irgend andre die Gentile Organization bei; – Scottish Clan in den Highlands of Scotland – feuds u. blood revenge, localization by gentes, use of lands in common, fidelity of clansman to his chief und members of the Clan to each other. – Irish Sept. – ⦗Celtisch: Villein-communities on French Estates.
Bei Morgan,
S. 358: The communities of Villeins on French estates in former
times, noticed by Sir Henry Maine in his recent work, may prove
to be […] remains of ancient Celtic gentes. “Now that the
explanation has once been given,” he remarks, “there can be no
doubt that these associations were […] groups of kinsmen; not,
however, so often organized on the ordinary type of the
Village-Community as on that of the House-Community, which has
recently been examined in Dalmatia and Croatia. […]”
Schließen Andrerseits: Phis or Phrara
of Albania; die
Familiengemeinschaften in Dalmatien u.
Croatien
.
Die Sanscrit »Ganas«
Bei Morgan, S. 358: the existence of
which term in the language implies that this branch of the
Aryan family formerly possessed the same institution [a
prior gentile organization]
Schließen (»gentes«)
.
[357, 358]
Germans: were in Upper Status of Barbarism, when first known to the Romans; konnten kaum mehr developed ideas of government haben als Römer u. Griechen, wenn first known.
Zusatz von Marx
nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 2.
In alten Liedern, der einzigen Art geschichtlicher
Überlieferung bei ihnen, preisen sie Tuisto, einen
erdentsprossenen Gott. Diesem schreiben sie einen Sohn Mannus
zu, den Ahnherrn und Begründer ihres Volkes, dem Mannus wieder
drei Söhne, nach deren Namen sich die Stämme an der Meeresküste
als Ingaevonen, die in der Mitte des Landes als Herminonen, die
übrigen als Istaevonen bezeichnen. Manche behaupten auch – die
Urzeit läßt hier ja freien Spielraum –, der Gott habe mehr (als
drei) Söhne gehabt und es gebe darum mehr Stammesnamen, die
Marser, Gambrivier, Sueben und Vandilier
[…].
Die Bezeichnung Germanien dagegen sei noch neu und erst kürzlich
gegeben worden; denn es seien ja nur diejenigen, die als erste
den Rhein überschritten und dann die Gallier verdrängten, die
heutigen Tungrer, ursprünglich Germanen genannt gewesen. Der
Name dieses Einzelstammes, nicht der des Volkes habe nun nach
und nach stärkere Geltung erlangt, in der Weise, daß das
Gesamtvolk wegen der Furchtvorstellung (die mit dem Namen
verbunden war) zunächst vom Sieger, später aber, nachdem der
Name einmal aufgekommen war, auch von ihm selbst Germanen
genannt wurde. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)
Morgan, S. 359, Fn. 1, verweist auf dieses Kapitel, ohne
die Passage zu zitieren. Üblicherweise benutzte Marx die sich in
seinem Besitz befindliche Ausgabe der „Germania“: C. Cornelii
Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2.
Lipsiae 1772.
(siehe
MEGA
IV/32. Nr.
1296).Marx
zieht hier
und
im Folgenden aber auch die
lateinisch-französische Ausgabe von Panckoucke heran: La Germanie.
Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke,
avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824 (dort:
S. 7–11). Von den beiden konkurrierenden Lesarten „Tuisconem“
und „Tuistonem“ verwendet Marx nämlich nicht wie Ernesti die
erstere, sondern wie Panckoucke die letztere;
darüber
hinaus folgt er Panckoucke in der Lesart „ita nationis nomen,
non gentis“ statt „ita nationis nomen in nomen gentis“ wie bei
Ernesti.
›gentis‹ (tribe): Anführungszeichen und
Übersetzung in Klammern von Marx.
(Wehrmannen
, guerriers):
Übersetzung von Marx. Bei Panckoucke: qui, dans leur langue,
signifie homme de guerre
›nationis‹: Anführungszeichen von
Marx.
Schließen
Tacitus
.
De Moribus Germanorum
, c. 2. »Celebrant
carminibus antiquis (quod unum apud illos memoriae et
annalium genus est) Tuistonem
deum, terra editum, et filium Mannum
, originem gentis conditoresque.
Manno
tris
filios adsignant, e quorum nominibus proximi Oceano – Ingaevones,
medii – Hermiones, ceteri – Istaevones vocentur. Quidam autem,
licentia vetustatis, plures deo ortos, pluresque
›gentis‹ (tribe) appellationes, Marsos, Gambrivios, Suevos,
Vandalios
adfirmant
[…]. Ceterum Germaniae
vocabulum recens et nuper additum: quoniam[,] qui primi Rhenum transgressi Gallos expulerint, ac nunc Tungri, tunc Germani (Wehrmannen
,
guerriers) vocati sint: ita ›nationis‹
nomen,
non gentis[,] evaluisse
paulatim,
ut omnes, primum a victore ob metum, mox a se ipsis invento
nomine[,] Germani
vocarentur.«
|
Kommmentar von
Marx.
»Suevi bis discreti«: (Die Sueben)
haben […] den größten Teil Germaniens inne und sind jetzt noch
in selbständige Stämme mit eigenen Namen geschieden (Übers.
Josef Lindauer.)
Bei Tacitus: Nunc de Suevis dicendum est […]
majorem
Schließen (natio muss hier =
confederacy of tribes sein; jeder tribe
= gens segmentated in mehre gentes. »Suevi majorem Germaniae partem obtinent,
propriis adhuc nationibus
nominibusque discreti«.
Tacit.
Germ. c. 28 38
; die
nationes sind hier verschiedene näher related tribes od. auch tribes (wie z. B. Seneca-Iroquois etc),
auf keinen Fall gentes.)
Zusatz von Marx. Er bezieht sich auf den Kommentar von Justus
Lipsius zu der Wendung „nunc Tungri, tunc
Germani“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii
Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae
1772. S. 409, Fn. 9. Dort: Sententiam enim hanc reor (quidquid
differtum aliis) eos qui transgressi primitus Rhenum sint, esse
eum ipsum populum qui nunc Tungri appellentur, at tunc Germani.
quod tamen unius nationis peculiare nomen, paullatim transfusum
ad omnes. (Ich vertrete nämlich die (von anderen abweichende)
Ansicht, dass die, die zuerst den Rhein überschritten, dasselbe
Volk waren, das jetzt Tungrer genannt wird und damals Germanen
hieß. Doch wurde, was der besondere Name einer einzelnen Nation
war, allmählich auf alle ausgedehnt.)
Schließen ⦗
Lipsius
interpretirt: [»]Die, qui transgressi primitus Rhenum
sint, sind eben das Volk, das jetzt Tungri, damals Germani genannt wurden wurde. Dieser (der Name ›Germani‹) Particularname einer einzigen Natio, nach u. nach auf
alle übertragen.« Meint umgekehrt: »ita nationis nomen, non gentis evaluisse
paulatim«:
der Name prevailed nach u. nach, nicht als
der einer gens (hier
für
erweiterte gens = tribe[)],
sondern als nationis nomen, wo natio das ganze deutsche Volk,
alle tribes zusammen ist.⦘
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Tacitus: Germania.
In: C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti.
T. 2. Lipsiae, S. 408. Dort: Celebrant carminibus antiquis (quod
unum apud illos memoriae et annalium genus
est).
Schließen Dass alte Gesänge ihre
einzigen historical account (»memoriae«)
und Annalen
Zusatz von Marx. Er
bezieht sich auf den Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung
„quod unum apud illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C.
Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2.
S. 408, Fn. 3.
Schließen , so fanden es
die
Spanier bei the village
Indians
.
Zusatz von Marx
nach dem Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quod unum
apud illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti
opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772.
S. 408, Fn. 3.
Auch die uralten heidnischen Lieder, in denen die Taten und
Kriege der alten Könige besungen wurden, ließ er aufschreiben,
um sie für die Nachwelt zu erhalten. (Übers. Evelyn Scherabon
Coleman.)
Schließen
Eginhartus
,
„Vita
Caroli Magni“: »Barbara et antiquissima
carmina, quibus veterum regum actiones et bella canebantur,
scripsit,
memoriaeque
mandavit.«
Zusatz von
Marx nach dem Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quod
unum apud illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii
Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae
1772. S. 408, Fn. 3.
In ihren uralten Liedern wird auf fast historische Weise
erinnert etc.
Schließen
Jornandes, „De
Gothis“: »In priscis eorum carminibus poene
historico ritu colitur recolitur etc.«
Zusatz von Marx nach
dem Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quod unum apud
illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti
opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772.
S. 408, Fn. 3.
de Arminio […] gentes: über Arminius: „Noch heute besingen
ihn die Barbarenvölker.“ (Übers. August
Horneffer.)
Schließen
Tacit.
lib. II. Annal. de Arminio: »Caniturque adhuc barbaras apud
gentes.«
Zusatz von Marx
nach dem Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quod unum
apud illos“ in der Ausgabe von Ernesti. Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti
opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772.
S. 408, Fn. 3, wobei er in Klammern die von diesem beigefügte
lateinische Übersetzung wiedergibt.
ἄγρια μέλη … παραπλήσια ταῖς κλαγγαῖς τῶν τραχὺ βοώντων
ὀρνίθων: wilde Lieder, in einem Stil, der dem Krächzen von
heiser kreischenden Vögeln glich (Übers. Friedhelm L.
Müller.)
Schließen
Julianus
in
„Antiochico“
nennt diese cantus »ἄγρια μέλη (agrestia carmina), παραπλήσια ταῖς κλαγγαῖς τῶν τραχὺ βοώντων
ὀρνίθων (similia clangoribus avium aspere
clamantium).«
Zusatz von Marx, entweder nach der Ausgabe
von Ernesti (C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti
Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772) oder von Panckoucke
(La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury]
Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 11).
Es gibt bei ihnen auch noch Lieder, durch deren Wiedergabe,
den sogenannten Barditus, sie ihren Mut anfeuern (Übers. Josef
Lindauer.)
(durch
deren delivery: Art sie auszuschreien): Zusatz von Marx. Siehe
William
Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of
Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 946, Eintrag
„rĕlātus“ (mit diesem Zitat von Tacitus): with the delivery of
which
Schließen
Tacitus l.c. (German.) c. 3 spricht
dann v. ihren Kriegsgesängen: »Sunt
illis haec quoque carmina, quorum
relatu, (durch deren delivery: Art
sie auszuschreien)
[quem Barditum
vocant,] accendunt animos«
.
Zusatz von Marx, der sich auf den
Kommentar von Justus Lipsius zu der Wendung „quem Barditum
vocant“ bezieht, die Marx im letzten Zitat ausgelassen hat.
Siehe C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti
Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 410, Fn. 1. Dort: Baritum: quae mera vox nostras, quibus
Beren aut Baeren, clamare, vocem tollere. Marx benutzt auch
William
Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of
Forcellini and Freund. London
[1855].
S. 122 (barditus → barītus). Marx besaß das
Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu
den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm
Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte
(siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht
bekannt.
Schließen
barditus
für
barītus vom old German bar,
baren, raise the voice: Tacitus confounds the battle cry mit dem
battle song.
Zusatz
von Marx nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 5.
Das Land […] ist schaurig durch seine Urwälder oder häßlich
durch seine Moore […] Saatkorn trägt es recht gut, Obstbäme
duldet es nicht, Vieh gibt es viel, aber zumeist nur einen
kleinwüchsigen Schlag; selbst die Pflugtiere haben nicht ihr
eigenartig stattliches Aussehen oder prächtiges Gehörn
(wie
in Italien). Lediglich an der Stückzahl hat
man Freude, ist Vieh doch der einzige und schönste Reichtum. […]
Aus dem Besitz und dem Gebrauch dieser Edelmetalle
[Silber
und Gold] machen sie sich nicht sonderlich
viel. Man kann beobachten, daß silberne Gefäße, die ihre
Gesandten und Fürsten als Geschenk erhielten, bei ihnen keinen
anderen Wert besitzen als aus Ton geformte. Unsere Grenznachbarn
indessen wissen wegen des Handelsverkehrs Gold und Silber wohl
zu schätzen, ja bestimmte Sorten unseres Geldes anerkennen und
nehmen sie mit Vorliebe. Tiefer drinnen dagegen im Land treibt
man in einfacherer, älterer Art noch Tauschhandel. Von unserem
Geld sagt ihnen das alte, schon lange bekannte zu: die Stücke
mit gezähntem Rand und
die
mit dem Bild eines Zweigespanns. Auch halten
sie sich lieber ans Silber- als ans Goldgeld, nicht etwa, weil
es ihrer Neigung entspricht, sondern deshalb, weil die (größere)
Zahl von Silbermünzen für sie beim Einkauf billigen Kleinkrams
bequemer zu verwenden ist. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)
Marx
zitiert vermutlich nach: La Germanie.
Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec
un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 19–25. Zu seinen
Einfügungen in Klammern siehe dessen französische Übersetzung
(S. 18–24)
sowie Smith: Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of
Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 992
(sătus,
sata), 423
(fĕrax),
538
(imprōcērus)
und 87 (argentĕus). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch
(möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den
Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm
Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte
(siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht
bekannt.
Schließen
Tac.
German. c. 5. beschreibt: »Terra
[…] aut silvis
horrida, aut paludibus foeda: […]
satis (ablat. von sata) ferax (fruchtbar an Korn), :
frugiferarum arborum impatiens: pecorum fecunda (abondant en bétail),
sed plerumque improcera (nicht tall, klein): .
ne
armentis
(Ochsen)
quidem suus honor (das
Horn),
aut gloria frontis: .
numero
gaudent
(de nombre de domage): .
eaeque
solae et gratissimae opes sunt (sind ihr einziger
Reichthum, den sie am meisten schätzen) … possessione et usu
(Edelmetallen)
haud perinde afficiuntur.
(haud perinde nicht gleich den
Römern, nicht so sehr als –) Est videre apud
illos argentea vasa, legatis et
principibus eorum muneri data, non in alia vilitate, quam quae
humo
(Erde,
Lehm, Thon)
finguntur: quamquam proximi,
(die an den
röm. Grenzen Wohnenden)
ob usum commerciorum, aurum et argentum in
pretio habent, formasque quasdam nostrae pecuniae agnoscunt, atque eligunt: interiores
simplicius
et antiquius
permutatione mercium utuntur. Pecuniam
probant veterem,
et diu notam,
Serratos (von serra =
Säge,
waren nämlich so indentirt), Bigatosque.
(v. biga, hatten empreinte d’un char
attelé de deux chevaux) Argentum quoque magis quam aurum sequuntur, nulla
affectione animi, sed quia numerus
argenteorum (argentei numi, silver coins) facilior usui est promiscua ac vilia
mercantibus.«
Tac. Germ. c. 7:
Zusatz von Marx
nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 7.
Ihre Könige nehmen sie aufgrund edler Abkunft, ihre
Heerführer aufgrund persönlicher Tapferkeit. Doch besitzen die
Könige keine unumschränkte oder willkürliche Gewalt, und die
Heerführer befehligen weniger durch ihre Machtbefugnisse als
durch ihr Beispiel, eben durch die Bewunderung […] (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)
Marx zitert wahrscheinlich nach: La Germanie.
Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke,
avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 31–35.
Morgan,
S. 360, Fn. 2, verweist auf dieses Kapitel, aber nicht auf
diesen Teil.
(die chiefs of the tribes): Zusatz von Marx.
(i.e. aus gens … mehr prominent gens): Zusatz von Marx.
(the chief-warriors): Zusatz von Marx.
(wie die Iroquois): Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen »Reges (die
chiefs of the tribes,) ),
ex nobilitate (i.e. aus gens, i.e. aus
more illustrious family of a gens u. mehr prominent gens), duces (the chief-warriors) ex virtute
sumunt. (wie die Iroquois) Nec regibus
infinita aut libera potestas; et duces
exemplo potius quam imperio … admiratione praestant praesunt.«
Zusatz von Marx nach Cornelius Tacitus:
Germania, 11.
Über weniger wichtige Angelegenheiten entscheiden die
Fürsten, über wichtigere alle gemeinsam etc. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)
Marx
zitiert vermutlich nach: C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione
Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S.
421.
Schließen C. XI »De minoribus rebus principes consultant;
de majoribus omnes etc.«
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen
(see das
weitere)
Bei der
Volksversammlung kann man auch Klage erheben und
Gerichtsverfahren anstrengen […] In ebendiesen Versammlungen
wählt man auch die Fürsten, die in den Ortschaften ihrer Gaue
Recht sprechen. Jedem von ihnen sind hundert Schöffen aus dem
Volk zur Beratung und auch zur Hebung des Ansehens beigegeben.
(Übers. Josef Lindauer.)
Marx zitiert nach: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles]
L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire.
Paris 1824. S. 61 und 65.
(Gaue); (bourgades): Übersetzungen von Marx. Zu der
letzteren siehe: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par C[harles]
L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris
1824. S. 64. In seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti (C. Cornelii
Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2.
Lipsiae 1772. S. 421) hat Marx den letzten Satz („Centeni …“) mit Blaustift unterstrichen
(siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr.
1296).
Schließen C. XII »Licet apud concilium
accusare quoque, et discrimen capitis intendere. … Eliguntur in iisdem conciliis et
principes[,] qui jura per
pagos (Gaue) vicosque
(bourgades) reddunt. Centeni singulis ex
plebe comites, consilium simul et autoritas auctoritas
, adsunt[.«]
Zusatz von
Marx nach Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 20.
Beim Oheim mütterlicherseits genießen die Söhne der
Schwestern dieselbe Wertschätzung wie bei ihrem Vater. Manche
sehen diese Blutsbande als noch heiliger und enger an und
verlangen als Bürgen lieber Schwestersöhne, weil sie angeblich
damit die Gesinnung des einzelnen fester und seine Sippe
vollständiger in der Hand haben. Erben und Rechtsnachfolger
eines jeden sind trotzdem nur die leiblichen Söhne, ein
Testament gibt es nicht. Wenn keine Söhne da sind, haben die
Brüder und Oheime väterlicher- und mütterlicherseits den
nächsten Rang im Besitzrecht. (Übers. Josef Lindauer.)
Marx zitiert nach: La Germanie. Trad. de Tacite par
C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un nouveau
commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 109 (oncle).
(ziehn die nephews den Söhnen vor):
Übersetzungen von Marx. Siehe: La Germanie.
Trad. de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke,
avec un nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 108. In
seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti (C. Cornelii
Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2.
Lipsiae 1772. S. 433) hat Marx diese Stelle mit
Blaustift fast ganz unter- und teilweise angestrichen und mit
Randbemerkungen versehen (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 1296).
Schließen XX »Sororum filiis idem apud
avunculum (oncle), qui apud
patrem honor. Quidam sanctiorem
arctioremque hunc nexum sanguinis tenent arbitrantur, et in accipiendis obsidibus magis
exigunt, tanquam tamquam ii (ziehn die nephews den
Söhnen vor), et animum firmius, et domum
latius teneant. Heredes tamen successoresque sui cuique
liberi: et nullum testamentum.
Si liberi non sunt, proximus gradus in possessione fratres,
patrui, avunculi.«
|
Caesar de bello Gallic. VI, c. 12 c. 22
Zusatz von Marx
nach Gaius Iulius Caesar: Commentarii de bello Gallico, VI, 22.
Ackerbau betreiben sie mit wenig Eifer und ernähren sich
hauptsächlich von Milch, Käse und Fleisch. Auch hat niemand ein
bestimmtes Stück Land oder eigenen Grundbesitz, sondern
Stammesführung und maßgebliche Männer teilen jährlich den
Familien- und Verwandtschaftsverbänden und anderen
Genossenschaften ein angemessenes Feldstück dort zu, wo man es
für richtig hält, zwingen sie aber im nächsten Jahr, anderswohin
zu gehen. Für dieses Verfahren bringen sie viele Gründe bei: Sie
wollen nicht, von der Gewöhnung an Seßhaftigkeit verführt, die
Kriegslust durch das Interesse am Feldbau verlieren, wollen auch
nicht große Güter erwerben, wobei die Mächtigeren die Armen aus
ihrem Besitz verdrängten; auch wollen sie nicht zum Schutz vor
Kälte oder Hitze allzu sorgsam bauen; weiterhin soll keine
Geldgier entstehen, die Quelle von Parteiungen und Zwist;
schließlich will man das Volk durch Zufriedenheit in Ordnung
halten, wenn jeder sieht, daß auch die Mächtigen nicht mehr
besitzen als er. (Übers. Otto Schönberger.)
Morgan,
S. 359/360, berichtet den ersten Teil der Passage (bis „atque
anno post alio transire cogunt“) auf Englisch auf und zitiert in
Klammern auf Latein die Passage „gentibus
cognationibusque hominum, qui una coerint“. Marx
übernimmt den Fehler „coerint“. In einem Kommentar in der
Ausgabe von 1817 von C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io.
Augusti Ernesti. T. 3. De Moribus Germanie. C. 26. S. 33, in der
eine Passage steht (Arva per annos mutant: et superest ager),
die Marx unten im
vorliegenden Exzerpt und schon in seinem Brief an Engels am 25. März 1868
zitiert hat, findet sich dieses Zitat, aber zitiert als „Julius
Caesar, Bell. Gall. Vl. 21“ und mit einigen Abweichungen (in den
Ausgaben aus den Jahren 1772 [T. 2, S. 438] und 1813 [T. 2,
S. 377] findet sich nur ein abgekürztes Zitat mit der Angabe
„Caesar l. 6. Gall“ bzw. „Caesar B. Gall. 6, 22“. Möglicherweise
hat Marx es hier gelesen und dann nach dem Original gesucht. In
seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti hat er die angeführte
Passage bei Caesar mit Blaustift angestrichen und mit einer
Randbemerkung versehen
(S. 440,
Fn. 3).
Schließen »Agriculturae non
student: majorque pars victus eorum
in
lacte, caseo, carne consistit; neque quisquam agri modum certum, aut fines habet
proprios; sed magistratus,
ac principes in annos
singulos
gentibus, cognationibusque hominum, qui una coerint coierunt
, quantum, et quo loco visum est, agri adtribuunt, atque anno post alio
transire cogunt.
Ejus rei multas adferunt causas, ne assidua consuetudine capti
studium belli gerendi agricultura commutent; ne latos fines parare studeant, potentioresque
humiliores possessionibus expellant; ne adcuratius, ad frigora atque aestus vitandos, aedificent; ne qua
oriatur pecuniae cupiditas; qua ex re factiones, dissensionesque nascuntur; ut animi aequitate plebem contineant, cum suas
quisque opes cum potentissimis aequari
videat.«
Zusatz von
Marx nach Gaius Iulius Caesar: Commentarii de bello Gallico, VI, 23.
Der größte Ruhm eines Stammes besteht darin, daß möglichst
alles weit und breit um ihn herum verwüstet und zur Einöde
gemacht ist. Es gilt ihnen als echter Beweis von Tapferkeit,
wenn die Nachbarn ihre Felder verlassen und zurückweichen und
niemand es wagt, in ihrer Nähe zu wohnen. Zugleich fühlen sie
sich so sicherer, weil sie keinen plötzlichen Überfall zu
befürchten haben. Wenn der Stamm einen Verteidigungs- oder
Angriffskrieg führt, wählt er Führer, die in diesem Krieg
Befehlshaber sein und Macht über Leben und Tod haben sollen. Im
Frieden gibt es keine allgemeine Regierung, sondern die
führenden Männer der einzelnen Teilgebiete und Gaue sprechen
Recht unter den Ihren und legen Streitigkeiten bei. (Übers. Otto
Schönberger.)
Schließen
ib. c. XXIII: »Civitatibus maxima laus est, quam latissimas circum se vastatis finibus
solitudines habere. Hoc proprium virtutis existimant,
expulsos agris finitimos cedere, neque
quemquam prope audere consistere; simul hoc se fore tutiores
arbitrantur, repentinae incursionis timore sublato.
Quum bellum civitas aut inlatum defendit, aut infert; magistratus, qui ei eo ei bello praesint, ut vitae necisque habeant
potestatem, deliguntur. In pace, nullus est
communis magistratus; ,
sed principes regionum
atque pagorum inter suos jus dicunt, controversiasque
minuunt.«
Bemerkung von Marx. Bei Morgan, S. 369: The condition and mode
of life of the German tribes, as described by Caesar and
Tacitus, tend to the conclusion that […] Civil chiefs and
military commanders acquired and held office through the
elective principle, and constituted the council which was the
chief instrument of government
Schließen Die
principes regionum u. pagorum –
die
Sachem – sind nicht die
warchiefs
war-chiefs
, sondern civil chiefs wie bei
Indians; für den Krieg werden
sie gewählt, wie dort ditto. ⦗Dies zu Caesar’s Zeit⦘
Bemerkung von Marx. Auf S. 360 setzt Morgan den Ausdruck in
Klammern und fügt dann hinzu: To give effect to the expression
in parenthesis, it must be supposed that he found among them
groups of persons, larger than a family, united on the basis of
kin, to whom, as groups of persons, lands were allotted. Siehe
die Sachanmerkung zu
„Agriculturae
…“.
Schließen
Caesar
spricht oben von »gentibus cognationibusque hominum, qui una coerint coierint« die Aecker jährlich vertheilt von
den principes.
Bei Morgan, S. 360:
Tacitus refers to a usage of the German tribes
in the arrangement of their forces in battle, by which kinsmen
were placed side by side. It would have no significance, if
kinship were limited to near consanguinei. And what is an
especial incitement of their courage, he remarks, neither chance
nor a fortuitous gathering of the forces make up the squadron of
horse, or the infantry wedge; but they were formed according to
families and kinships (familiae et
propinquitates). This expression, and that previously
quoted from Caesar, seem to indicate the remains at least of a
prior gentile organization
»nec
fortuita conglobatio [...] familiae et propinquitates«: nicht eine
zufällig zusammengewürfelte Masse (bildet) den Reitertrupp oder
den Keil, sondern die Siedlungsgemeinschaften und Sippen (Übers.
Josef Lindauer.)
Übersetzungen
in Klammern von Marx. Siehe Smith:
Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini
and Freund. London [1855]. S. 1151 (turma) und 272
(cŭněus).
Marx hat die Stelle in seinem
Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti (C. Cornelii
Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2.
Lipsiae 1772) mit Blaustift unter- und angestrichen
(siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr.
1296).
Schließen
Tacit. Germ.
,
VII, wo er von Armeeformation spricht. : »nec fortuita conglobatio
turmam (Reiterschwadron) aut cuneum (Infanteriekeil) facit, sed familiae et propinquitates«; hier tritt schon mehr familia hervor, aber bei
Cäsar
ist diese selbst bestimmt als
gens.
Zusatz von Marx nach
Cornelius Tacitus: Germania, 26.
Geldgeschäfte zu machen und Zinsgewinne herauszuschlagen
ist unbekannt; dem ist damit besser vorgebeugt, als wenn es
verboten wäre. Das Ackerland wird je nach der Anzahl der Bebauer
von der Gesamtheit im Wechsel in Nutzung genommen, und dann
verteilen sie es unter sich nach der Rangfolge; die ausgedehnten
Landflächen gewährleisten leichte Verteilung. Die Saatfelder
wechseln sie jährlich, und doch ist noch weiteres Ackerland
vorhanden. Sie ringen nämlich nicht in mühsamer Arbeit mit
Ertragsfähigkeit und Nutzungsfläche des Bodens in der Weise, daß
sie Obstgärten anlegen, Wiesen abgrenzen und Gärten bewässern;
lediglich Korn verlangen sie von der Erde. (Übers. Josef
Lindauer.)
Marx zitiert nach: C. Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione
Io. Augusti Ernesti. T. 2. Lipsiae 1772. S. 440/441. Zu den in
Klammern hinzugefügten Übersetzungen siehe: La Germanie. Trad.
de Tacite par C[harles] L[ouis] F[leury] Panckoucke, avec un
nouveau commentaire. Paris 1824. S. 134/136; sowie Smith:
Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and
Freund. London [1855]. S. 93 (arva). In der Ausgabe von Ernesti:
„ab universis per vices“ statt „in vices“ wie bei Panckoucke. In
seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti hat Marx die Stelle
teilweise – besonders den Satz: „Arva per annos mutant: et
superest ager“ – mit Blaustift unter- und angestrichen. Siehe:
C.
Cornelii Taciti opera. Ex recensione Io. Augusti Ernesti.
T. 2. Lipsiae 1772.
S. 440/441
(siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 1296). Marx hatte den
Satz auch in seinem Brief an Engels vom
25. März 1868 zitiert.
(bei Cäsar noch gleich): Zusatz von
Marx.
In
seinem Exemplar der Ausgabe von Ernesti hat Marx die in der
betreffenden Erläuterung von Lipsius (S. 440, Fn. 3) die
angeführte Passage bei Caesar mit Blaustift angestrichen und mit
einer Randbemerkung versehen. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu
„Agriculturae …“.
Auf die „die bekannte Stelle bei Tacitus“
war Marx schon einmal in seinem Brief an
Engels am 25. März 1868 eingegangen: „Z. B. die
bekannte Stelle bei Tacitus:
‚arva per annos mutant et superest ager‘, was heißt: sie wechseln
(durch Loose daher auch sortes in allen Leges Barbarorum |
später) die
Felder (arva) u. es bleibt
Gemeindeland (ager im Gegensatz v. arva als ager publicus)
übrig“.
Schließen
ib. XXVI »Fenus
agitare, et in usuras extendere
ignotum: ideoque magis servatur quam si vetitum esset.
Agri (les terres), pro numero cultorum
(en
raison du nombre der
Bebauer
\ cultor, des
bras), ab
universis
(par toutes les peuplades) per vices
(successivement) occupantur, quos mox inter se, secundum dignitatem, (bei
Cäsar
noch gleich), partiuntur; facilitatem partiendi camporum spatia praestant.
arva
(arable field, cultivated land) per annos mutant: et
superest ager. nec enim cum ubertate et amplitudine
soli labore contendunt, ut pomaria conserant (so dass sie
planteraient des vergers), et prata
separent (od. feraient
enclore
les prairies), et hortos rigent (od.
arroseraient des jardins): sola terrae seges
imperatur (Ils ne demandent à la terre que du
blé).«
Bei Morgan. S. 360/361: The German tribes,
for the purpose of military levies, had the mark
(markgenossenschaft) […] and a larger group, the gau, to which
Caesar and Tacitus gave the name of pagus. […] It seems more
probable that the gau was a group of settlements associated with
reference to military levies.
Schließen Die Mark und
Gaueintheilung (pagus) scheinen groups of settlements
associated with reference to military levies; transitional stages, diese organizations, between a gentile
and a political system, the grouping of the people still resting on
consanguinity.
Nach der form des statement bei Caesar scheint die family syndyasmian gewesen zu sein. [359–361]
J[ames] W[illiam] B[ayley] Money: Java; or, How to Manage a Colony. Showing a Practical Solution of the Questions Now Affecting British India. In 2 vol. London 1861.
Schließen
J. W. B. Money
Barrister-at-Law: „Java; or how to manage a colony.“ London 1861 (2
vols.)
Vol. I
Java being subject to earthquakes, the houses are built of only one story. (p. 6)
Java, mit Madura, long narrow island, about 52,000 □ miles
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Engl.?) its area, somewhat less than England
and Wales ⦗= about 58,000 □ miles⦘, its length = 666 miles ⦗greater
than that of Engld + Scotland = 635 miles⦘; its
breadth varies from 56–136 miles, so that no part of
the interior very far from the sea. (17) Hauptstädte: Batavia, Samarang u. Bei Money,
S. 17: Soerabaja (pronounced Soorabaya). Money benutzt den
niederländischen, Marx den englischen Namen.
Schließen
Surabaya
.
(l.c.)
Dustoree Dustooree habit
ausgerottet in Java, still existing in India
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Engl.); consists in every Native, through whom any payment is made to
another, levying toll on the money passing through
his hands. (24) Natives of Java all Mussulmans. (27) European (Dutch) planters and landed proprietors. (p. 33)
Native Chiefs. The Natives of rank are all chiefs, either present or expectant salaried servants of the Dutch gvt; ausser den chiefs in the Preanger districts u. einigen wenigen other parts des Islands, none of them are landed proprietors. (34)
The Regents and their chiefs govern jede Regency,
under supervision der Europ. authorities. (l.c.) Extravagant Javan form of respect, noch wie in
Marx exzerpierte
dieses Buch 1853 in Heft XXII der „Londoner Hefte 1850–1853“ (IISG,
Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 65), zitierte es in seinem Brief an
Engels vom 14. Juni 1853 (MEGA III/6. S. 198–200), in dem Artikel
„The British rule in India“ (MEGA I/12. S. 171/172), im ersten Band
des „Kapital“
(MEGA
II/5. S. 291/292) und erwähnte es in
Exzerpten aus William Howitt: Colonization und Christianity. London
1838 (MEGA
IV/9. S. 521). Verweise auf das Buch von Raffles in
Maksim Kovalevskij’s Buch „Общинное землевладѣніе …“ (S. 22, Fn. **)
hat Marx in seinem Exemplar des letzteren angestrichen bzw.
unterstrichen. Siehe: Karl Marx über Formen vorkapitalistischer
Produktion. Vergleichende Studien zur Geschichte des Grundeigentums
1879–80. Aus dem handschriftlichen Nachlaß hrsg. und eingel. von
Hans-Peter Harstick. (Quellen und Studien zur Sozialgeschichte.
Bd. 1.) Frankfurt, New York 1977. S. 270. Sein Exemplar, mit
zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 697).
Raffles wird auch
in den Exzerpten aus Robert Sewells „The Analytical history of
India“ erwähnt, die Marx den Kapiteln über Indien in
seinen Exzerpten aus Kovalevskij hinzufügt (IISG,
Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 156).
Schließen
Raffles’
„History of
Java“.
Native officials exact their strict performance,
both towards Europeans and themselves als »indispensable to a due regard for
authority«. (35)
Peasantry, richer als irgendwo ausser U. St. Native cultivation excellent; artificial works of terracing and
irrigation. (l.c.) In den
cottages grosse Reinlichkeit, eingeführt
durch die Dutch. (37) Diese cottages (huts) haben
meist stables mit buffaloes, carts, u. ponies. (36)
Bei Money, S. 38/39: Of native discontent or
dissatisfaction against the Dutch, I did not see a trace, and he
[One English gentleman, whom I met, had been manager for many years
of the Pamanuchan estate, one of the largest of the few private
estates in Java] assured me he did not believe such a feeling
existed in Java. It certainly does exist in Sumatra, in Borneo, and
in other half-conquered dependencies, where the despotic conduct,
adopted to establish Dutch power, has not been modified by the
riches and by the considerate treatment derived by the Natives of
Java from the culture and administrative svstems.
Schließen Nicht in Java, aber in Sumatra, Borneo u. other half-conquered dependencies
hatred der native Malayns Malays gegen die Dutch. (dort nicht das Java
system eingeführt durch diese)
(39)
Dutch Colonial Reports
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (in Java) fuller than of any Engl. Colonies. (41) Java
Budget announces a yearly subsidy from Java to
Holland, generally of about 3 Millions
£.St., relieves the Dutch of Holland from
so much personal taxation. (l.c.) Hence Interesse der holl. States-General for Java Verwaltung. (42)
Government monopoly (wie in Indien) in Opium u. Salt u. in Gambier (this imported like Opium for native consumption). Exclusive right of exporting the produce of the Java crown lands given to the Nederlandsche Handel Maatschappij : about ⅔ of the produce des island so excluded von export trade der private merchants in Java. (43 44) Spice monopoly does not exist; aber spices pay so viel schlechter als alles andre, dass nur grown on crown lands, hence von da for sale exported on account of the Dutch gvt. Kein spice monopoly seit Engl. conquest u. in keinem part der Dutch East Indies seit 1824, wann the spice monopoly in Amboyna u. the rest of the Molucca group abolished. High differential and protective duties in favour of goods imported direct from Holland, and on produce exported to that country u. disabilities of foreigners as compared with the Dutch. (44)
In the interior, the Natives are practically denied
European education, and are secured against missionary
efforts for their conversion
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ! (45) Government: paternal to the Natives, despotic in its
requirements, selfish in its ends, such to secure the material welfare of
the people, u. avoids all risk of discontent and
disturbance. (45)
The control exercised by Gvt over Europeans in their
dealings with the Natives called »tyrannical interference« by some
young Dutch ( Bemerkung von Marx. Marx greift hier eine
Wendung auf, die er und Engels in der „Deutschen Ideologie“ benutzt
hatten: „Ebenso kann man das Alterthum insofern als idealistisch
fassen, als die Alten in der Geschichte den ‚citoyen‘ repräsentiren,
den idealistischen Politiker, während die Neuen zuletzt auf den
‚bourgeois‘, den realistischen ami du commerce hinauslaufen […]“
(MEGA
I/5. S. 194/195; siehe auch S. 215.9 und S. 231.27).
Vermutlich hatten sie die Wendung von Charles Fourier übernommen
(MEGA I/5. Erl. 195.1).
Schließen »amis du commerce«)
[;] wish for English rule, deren »free and liberal policy would at once convert the crown land into private estates, deprive the
Native grandees of all power, every European then allowed
to deal as he liked with the peasants«. (45, 46)
A large revenue per head, no debt, yearly increasing surplus sent as tribute
to Holland. (48) in In Java 16s. 6d. per head of gross income, with only 1s. 6½d. per
head direct land tax, während in
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Brit. India
about 5s. 0½d. per head of gross revenue, wovon 2s. 8¼d.
per head is taken directly from the soil. (48, 49)
Die 3 od. 3½ Mill. £.St. tribute about the difference zwischen dem reproductive expenditure, the price at which produce is delivered to Gvt, in repayment for advances, and the East India revenue in Holland, or the price |100 paid for the same produce by the European consumer. (49) Java pays in fact to Holland a certain amount of coffee, sugar, etc., for which it receives a large return, and it [is] the Europ. consumer who plays pays the surplus revenue to Holland. (49, 50)
I) Java under the Dutch prior to the English conquest in
1811.
⦗cf. Sir Stamford Raffles: „History of Java“ and Crawfurd: „History of the Indian Archipelago.“ ⦘ ⦗ C. J. Temminck: „Coup d’œil général sur les possessions neerlandaises dans l’Inde Archipelagique“.⦘ [55, 57]
Monopoly Revenue; nämlich: »Monopoly of Production« of certain more valuable crops limited in amount (to keep up their price) (surplus destroyed) u. Monopoly of Trade in all products, could only be sold – at very inadequate prices – to the Dutch East India Co. , die sie exported od. retailed for consumption in the island. Dies brachte herbei destruction der East Ind. Co. Ende des 18. Jh.; aber die monopolies continued by Dutch gvt in a mitigated form. (55–56)
Uncontrolled
oppression
of people durch native chiefs, diese wieder durch
die Dutch etc. (56) Lower classes
subject to exactions of labour and forced deliveries, without limit or
mercy; hence great misery, constant emigration von
Dutch part of Java into the native states. About
3 millions der population des Dutch part of
Java – in joint village communities – produced
gross revenue v. nur 2½ mill. of Java rupees in 1805. Bei Money, S. 57:
Marshal Daendels’ tyrannical but energetic measures
Schließen
Marshal
Daendels’
tyranny
raised it to 3½ m. rupees in 1810. (56, 57)
II) Java under the English v. 1811–1816.
Natives of Rank über that of village chiefs were deprived of their old power, made mere salaried pensioners, or subordinate tax collectors and police superintende superintendents. Indian Ryotwarree system, with separate property in the soil, introduced: a separate settlement of the land tax made with each peasant statt former joint property and joint taxation of the old village community. (59) Old village system für purposes of police, petty arbitration u. village management maintained, aber the village chiefs made elective. Abolished all forced labour u. compulsory deliveries, ditto all monopolies of production u. export. Internal trade of island, in labour and produce, freed from every restriction, external trade thrown open to all on payment of the custom dues. Equality of rights, duties, imposts proclaimed for all, ohne Unterschied v. race, creed, family. (60)
Durch die
landtax
revenue raised v. 3½ mill. Java rupees in 1810 to
7½ M. for the Engl. part of Java and its dependencies in 1815; dazu 2 millions for the Native provinces giebt 9½ M. Java rupees; 8½ M. davon raised
von Java u. Madura alone; giebt on census population
of 1815 (4,615,270) about 3 shill. per head. (60, 61)
Durch inquiries herausgefunden Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (?) dass Gvt the sole
owner of about 7/10 of the then subject part of Java; the Preanger regents had about 2/10; private
Europeans u. Chinese were freehold
owners of the whole country around Batavia, which had been sold
by the Dutch governors before Engl. conquest. Zusammen dies mit
den
crownlands granted unter Engl. rule to Europeans
u. natives, made the private estates ⅒ of the whole; comprises heut alle
the private estates des island, liegt chiefly in
den
residencies of Batavia u. Buitenzorg near
Batavia, u. in denen von Bantam u.
Krawang, liegend in western u. northwestern parts der Insel. (61) In
den
Sunda od. Preanger districts
Bei Money, S. 62: we seem to have
recognised and adhered to
Schließen recognized the English the old Dutch treaty with the Sundanese regents, liessen ihnen
Selbstregierung, zogen v. ihnen nur coffee tax payable under that treaty. (62)
Raffles introduced ryotwarree (on the crownlands) – peasant tenures of specific fields with proprietary rights of the new owners, subject to a landtax in money, settled with each peasant individually, fixed for 3 years wonach das assessment was to be readjusted. (62, 63) Dies property made liable to sale for non-payment of taxes, or in satisfaction of the peasant owner’s personal debts. (62, 63)
Zusammenfassung
von Marx in eigenen Worten. Siehe Money, S. 63: The Dutch say
that these changes were opposed to the ideas both of chiefs and
peasants […] The chiefs of course disliked the loss of the
influence and position attached to their former power; and, even
to the peasants, protection from the chiefs was counterbalanced
by the loss of ready access to authority […] The cottier […] had
no idea of, nor any wish for, separate property in
land
Schließen Die natives selbst zogen ihr altes
System vor. Their habits made them prefer, and use made them
feel their strength to consist in, forming part of the village community, with only a
vicarious liability to the State, through the village chief,
with a yearly allotment in severalty of village land,
according to size and labouring capacity of his family, and with joint produce and joint labour of the common
village fields, under the control and direction of the elected
village chief. (63) Trotz dem Engl.
ryotwarre ryotwarree
wurde das
alte village system wie vorher fortgeführt, |101 the village lands were still yearly allotted to the
villagers by the village chief, according to the size of each man’s
family, and
according to a certain rotation, so as to allow
each villager, in his turn, to occupy the better soils
; the rent for
the whole village lands was still paid by the village chief as collected by him from the chance occupants for the
year. (64) Die revenue had risen v.
3½ mill. florins in 1810 to 7½ in 1815, aber davon
fast 1 Million for tin in Banca Banka
, not received durch Dutch for some years
before the Brit. conquest, u. 2½ M. for landrent
unter dem Ryotwarree system,
während land rent unter Dutch nur etwas über
23,000 fl. (1810), was nur a quit rent to Gvt of
¾ of 1% on the value of Europ. u. Chinese private estates. (65)
Unter Dutch zahlten zahlte der Native cottier his land rent to his Native chief chiefs, denen die Dutch das practical gvt of the
people überlassen hatten; this land rent den chiefs nur gezahlt
für die
rice lands u. die
Dutch tax on the peasant
limited to his forced labour on other lands in
producing articles for export.
Crawfurd
sagt dass ½ des produce der
wet rice lands u. ⅓ of that of dry lands were
the Bei
Money, S. 66: long-established and well-known
Schließen old
shares of the native gvt; ausserdem unlimited
exactions on the peasant by the native chiefs under the old system.
(Crawfurd, Raffles) Aber die Dutch sagen that
the original law of the land was always appealed
to by the peasant, obgleich ineffectually, against such
spoliation; viz: that the legal reddendum was ⅕ u. ⅕
only of the produce and the labour. Nach old native custom, the
peasant owned owed to the sovereign, od. dessen grantee, his
labour every 5th day, and ⅕ in kind of the
produce of his land, and no
more
(66.)
Raffles
gab auf the old labour
rent of one day’s gratuitous work in five, u. fixed a money rent on each field, at the proportion of ⅓ to ½ of the estimated produce of wet rice lands
u. von ¼ to ⅖ Bei Money, S. 66: for
Schließen from dry
rice lands. (66)
Bei Money, S. 69/70: The Dutch, on their return to Java, found
these two principles established all over the island. They
allowed them to continue in force
Schließen Die Holländer bei Rückkehr hielten the
infamous English innovations – Gvt. sale of land for arrears of land tax, and
judicial sale of land for private debts ⦗die
in wenigen Jahren would have made the Chinese money
lender the lord of the soil with Java peasant his ground down and
impoverished slave, in fact if not in name⦘ nur bei für private estates, mostly held by Europeans, aber
abolished them with regard both to the lands
assigned for the support of Native officials and to the lands held
in peasant tenure. (69, 70) Die Dutch resort oft to
summary methods of defeating the usurious claims der Chinese usurers, die sehr verhasst den natives, aber
constantly resorted to by them for the means of gratifying a passing
wish. (71) ⦗ Bei Money, S. 71: The Dutch […] Instead of
removing all limit of legal interest, and using the weight and
majesty of the law to hand over the debtor with his land and
chattels more helpless into the creditor’s grasp, they are weak
enough to side with the debtor
Schließen Der Bursche kann bei
ihnen weder land noch chattels etc nehmen⦘
III) Java Under under the Dutch von 1816–1830.
Sie fanden, dass Gvt. was still a large recipient of produce, v. dem
Preanger by treaty u. von den crown cottiers, die generally
ihre tax in kind zahlten Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (dem engl. gvt), on account of the scarcity of coin. Theil dieses
gvt produce was sold in the island, aber
Rest still exported to Europe for sale there on account of the
Engl. gvt. of Java. Die English had thrown open Java to the
ships of all nations, aber praktisch hatten sie das Monopol bis Frieden v. 1814. Dann bis 19 August 1816 (Datum der cession v. Java an Dutch)
hatten Dutch, American u. other ships begun to compete mit English for
trade of the Indian Archipelago. (72)
Durch den London treaty of 13 August, 1814, der den Dutch ihre East Indian possessions stipulirte, festgesetzt dass Java customs duties on good goods in foreign bottoms 2x mehr als those on goods in Dutch ships. (l.c.) Auf Sir Stamford Raffles’ advice Singapore set up as a free port at the entrance of the Dutch East Indies [.] (p. 72) The great success of Singapore induced the Java Gvt. [to follow that example] in 1848 by making Mangkassar, in the Island of Celebes, a free port. (73) Lage v. Singapore, at the mouth of the pass from the Indian to the China seas, has made it the centre of the trade to the Archipelago, except the Dutch trade, which goes direct to Java by the Straits of the Sunda. (73)|
102
Bei Money, S. 74: about two years
after their return
Schließen About 1818 Dutch abolish
Ryotwarree, substitute for it the same
settlement
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Money,
S. 73.
Schließen
(landtax)
for the whole village lands
; .
Bemerkung von Marx.
Schließen
(damit old village system
auch legally wieder hergestellt)
(74)
Zwischen 1818 u. 1830
schafften sie auch dies modified form des
Ryotwarree ab, reverted to the old system of
a smaller proportion of produce mit a certain amount of gratuitous
labour. (74) They reduced the labour rent v.
⅕ to ⅐, substituting one day in the European week of 7 days,
for 1 day in the Java week of 5 days. (76)
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen Money doch so weit Anglo-Indian, dass er sich
einbildet: »The old idea under the
native rule was, that the land belonged to
the prince, the usufruct of it to the cultivator.« (76)
Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen a)
Landlord Property: Wo die
Dutch masters by treaty (nicht durch
Eroberung) sind produce rent u. labour rent paid to the Native Princes, wie in
dem Preanger, in Soerakarta und Djokjokarta. (76) In dem Rest
der Insel, wo die
Dutch masters by conquest, gehören the ⅕ of
produce and ⅐ of labour to Dutch Gvt. ausser on private estates, wo das Gvt has pro tanto granted
away its rights. Dort das ⅕ u. ⅐ paid durch
peasant an European or Chinese landowner, welcher seinerseits
an Gvt zahlt ¾% jährlich on the total value of his estate, höchstens = ⅕ of net
yearly income. (76, 77)
Gliederungspunkt von Marx.
Schließen b)
Peasant’s Property ist, under
the native system,
zu
dem die Dutch zurückgekehrt, v. 3erlei Sorte:
1) Village lands belong jointly to the whole village community; jeder housholder householder has his share in it; die joint village lands yearly partitioned and separately allotted to every head of family according to the size of his family u. according to their capacity to cultivate the land so allotted.
2) Lands formerly uncultivated, which belong exclusively to the peasant who brings them into cultivation. Er zahlt für diese the ⅕ u. ⅐ after 5 years, aber ist während der ersten 5 years exempt from all payment for them, and from all gratuitous labour whatever.
3) Lands which have descended from the first
cultivator to his representatives. Der first cultivator, wie
seine representatives durch purchase or descent haben ausser diesem Land, das ihnen ausschliesslich
gehört, their share as householders in the
village lands, so long as they choose to
claim and cultivate such share, but no longer. Entweder der
first cultivator od. seine descendants can sell any
part of such their exclusive land, aber nur as a peasant holding an einen andern cultivator, u.
der
Käufer tritt an Stelle des Verkäufers, paying
his ⅕ u. ⅐ (77, 78). Kommentar
von Marx.
Schließen Und – dies das
entscheidende! –:
»When any holder of such exclusive
land dies without heirs, his exclusive land reverts
to the common lands of the village within whose boundaries it
lies. In some districts
Kommentar
von Marx.
Schließen ⦗und dies evidently das
Ursprünglichere!⦘, by custom, the first
cultivator only holds the land exclusively rent and labour free for
6 years, when it reverts to the common lands of the
village.[«] (p. 79 78)
Present Java Land Tenure.
Bei Money, S. 78: This simple and well-defined system – Siehe
S. 79: the old one-fifth of produce in kind and one-fifth of
labour are still received by the Native princes in the old
manner, and applied generally to the old purposes
of
Schließen Diese alte land tenure has ever since obtained in ganz Java
ausser den
Natives Native States Verweis von Marx.
Schließen ⦗see sub a)⦘ of
Soerakarta u. Djokjokarta, on the southern coast, still maintaining a
kind of controlled u. protected independence wie many Native States Bei Money,
S. 79: within our Indian territory
Schließen in dem
Engl. Ost-India
.
(78[, 79]) Das System durch
die Dutch so far auch für Private
Estates; nämlich the landlord’s claim for
rent, long limited by custom, wurde 1836 durch ausdrückliches Gesetz limited to ⅕ of his
tenants’ produce u. to 1 day’s gratuitous
labour in 7. Das ⅕ of produce on private estates generally taken by the landlord from each
cottier in kind, während
die produce rent on Government
land, settled at ⅕ with the village chief for the whole village,
must be paid in money. Die
labour rent on
crownlands
is mostly employed on the roads and public works; on
private estates the labour rent generally applied by the landowner to the cultivation of such parts of his
property as he keeps in his own hand.
[79]
Labour rent: Jeder cottier, ob auf gvt land or on a private estate, gibt his one day’s gratuitous
labour auf je 7 Tage, seinem landlord, according to the roster
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Ordonnanz-Diensttabelle) kept by
the elected village chief. Dies gratuitous
labour, eben weil a part of the rent for
land yielding produce, is weder zahlbar
durch artisan noch durch any one holding house property only
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen (also nicht wie Seelensteuer
in Russland Auflage auf Person!)
Dies ⅐
labour due durch jede family, hence nur
Familienchef eingetragen in roster,
während any competent grown member der family od.
other substitute performs the labour for him.
Obgleich bei der
jährlichen Bei
Money, S. 80: appropriation
Schließen Vertheilung der
villagelands
a large family gets more than a small one, doch nur ⅐ of a man’s
labour is due by that family, however large. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (cf. das
russ. Regierungssystem
dagegen!) Result
davon generally, dass die
householders employ some few day
|103
labourers to do the gratuitous work for the whole
village u. diese erhalten dafür certain
daily payment from the villagers. Durch constant work on the gvt
roads u. irrigation embankments these men become good hands.
(79, 80)
Produce Rent: Sobald rice crop
ripe, aber not yet cut, it is assessed by agreement mit Bezug auf Quantum u. Werth durch both, den
cottier tenant u. the landlord. Im Fall v. agreement the peasant is left
to cut down and sell his crop u. hat dann 4 months
after harvest
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (cf. the Moscovite!) to pay
the amount. Verlangt landlord the ⅕ of the produce in
kind, so muss tenant es deliver at the landlord’s grange on the property as soon as reaped. (80,
81)
Können landlord u. tenant nicht übereinkommen as to the number of piculs the different fields will yield per bahu, so the rest of the villagers called in, crop is at once cut down, tied up in geddings or bundles of padi as big as can be held in the two arms and put up in heaps of 5 geddings each. Landlord or his agent then takes one gedding from every heap. The villagers get a certain proportion of the geddings for cutting down und stacking the crop; dies macht’s Interesse des tenant to agree to a rather higher assessment in quantity, so dass er selbst seinen crop mähen kann. Andrerseits im Gegenfall hat auch landlord so far Nachtheil, dass, wenn die villagers cut down the crop, he has to carry away his own share; dies veranlasst ihn not to insist on quite the highest valuation in quantity he thinks the crop can bear. (80, 81)
Stimmen tenant u. landlord überein mit Bezug auf Quantum, aber nicht über Marktpreis, so hat peasant selbst to cut down his crop, u. dem landlord to deliver ⅕ der stipulated quantity of padi in kind u. village chief responsible for the safe delivery. (81)
Der
Werth, um den es sich handelt, ist der
current market value of the neighbourhood in full
harvest, wenn folglich
Bei Money, S. 81: the price
Schließen der Werth niedriger als sein
average throughout the year. Tenant weiss, dass bei
Uebereinstimmung des landlord mit ihm er 4 Monate
Zeit zur Zahlung hat. Er weiss dass nach Einherbstung u. nach Verkauf der produce rent (der
Nachbarschaft) on the spot, od. dessen deren
Versendung for export, der
Productpreis wieder steigt auf die in seiner
Lokalität gewöhnliche Höhe. So Interesse des
tenant to »agree«, während landlord kept within bounds
by the tenant’s right to pay the actual ⅕ in
kind. (81, 82)
Large European landowners: Obgleich die
englische Regierung bei inquiry found
»that the Native chiefs did not even claim any
proprietary rights in the soil«, gab sie dennoch in einigen
wenigen Fällen considerable tracts of crown Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!) lands to Natives as
private estates. Die Dutch erkannten an alle English grants u. alienations, aber seitdem
Bei Money,
S. 82: never granted away
Schließen
alienated nichts
mehr
von den
crownlands,
sondern only leased them out.
Die few Natives, die durch die
Engländer so in Grundeigenthümer verwandelt, traten in selbe Bedingungen
wie die alten European u. Chinese landed
proprietors u. ihre estates became liable to
sale for arrears of land tax or for mortgage debt; Bei Money, S. 82: The reckless and
extravagant habits of these Natives landowners have
Schließen die meisten Natives
gradually alienated most of their properties, u. jetzt nur noch ½ dozen
– out of the Preanger u. other Native
states
– who are still owners of land. Jeder Native kann buy any private estate
for sale, aber Dutch government discourages the
practice. (82, 83)
In Java
land tax on private estates nur ¾% on the
value of the property estimated every 3 years,
höchstens = ⅕ of the net
profits. Solcher light impost selten in Rückstand, u., when so,
realized by mild means. Kein estate kann verkauft
werden für arrears of land tax, bevor jedes andre Mittel has
failed. An absentee proprietor erhält full
notice eh so was sich ereignen kann. Kein estate verkaufbar for the default of others, also nur für its own
land tax. In Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen
Brit.
India dagegen variirt land
tax on the landholder von ½ auf ¾ der net profits des
estate, ausser in Bengal, wo Bei Money, S. 84: the
great improvement of the country under the perpetual settlement
is suspposed to have generally reduced the fixed land
tax
Schließen the fixed land tax durch das perpetual
settlement »is supposed to have been generally
reduced unter half the net income«.
Such heavy impost nur eintreibbar durch Bei Money,
S. 84: stringent measures
Schließen Gewaltmittel, u. the most general –
sale of the land for the arrears. Ist land
tax nicht paid by sunset of the last day for payment, and not afterwards
received, the estate is ordered to be sold.
Der Absentee kann ample funds seinem manager rückgelassen
haben od. die rents collected vom estate mögen mehr sein als
nöthig zur Zahlung der tax; hilft nicht; any neglect or fraud
des agent »loses the estate« eh proprietor weiss von der
Gefahr. Anfang des 19 Jhdts
das
revenue sale law much used in this manner by
unjust stewards, in collusion with the native clerks of the local
courts, u. viele grossen Bengalischen proprietors
thus robbed of most of their property. ([83,] 84) Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗This English
Behandlung des sacrosancten
Grundeigenthumsrechts!⦘ Ebenso die estates of
|104
co-sharers in Bei
Money, S. 85: India
Schließen (British) Ostindien sold for the
default of any one co-sharer, so long as the shares remain
undivided on the collector’s book; u. zugleich »the
impediments in the way of partitioning estates« so numerous,
dass nur ausführbar mit grossen Kosten und with great delay. (85) A revenue land sale also destroys
Bei Money, S. 85: all under-tenures but old peasant tenures
dating from last century, and rack-rent
leases
Schließen all undertenures
. (85) Bei Money, S. 89: The Indigo Planters
Association at the same time pointed out the practical remedies
for the existing evils. Some of their suggestions were embodied
in Act XI. of 1859
Schließen In Folge v.
remonstrances u. suggestions der Indigo
Planters Association Act XI of 1859
, which repeals the former sale laws u. reenacts its provisions,
subject to some new means of working it with less injustice. Absentee
can now secure his land from sale, through the neglect of his agent, by
depositing Gvt securities sufficient to meet
the demand for the land tax. Co-sharers u.
undertenants can protect their interests from forfeiture,
through the default of their co-sharers or landlord, by registering separately, and paying a separate
land tax on their respective shares or under-tenures. Aber dies wieder
cumbered mit difficulties by the usual fond
resource of Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Anglo-)Indian legislators, viz referring parties to a
civil suit; auch enterprise nicht encouraged by the necessity
of depositing available capital to obtain safety. (89)
In Java, wie in Bei Money, S. 90: in India
Schließen
brit. Ostindien
, liability of private estates to sale for the debts
of the proprietor. Dies natürlich passender für die
European u. Chinese landowners of Java, als
die ignorant u. reckless feudal chiefs of India. Dies law
eine Hauptursache des discontent mit Brit. rule unter the most
influential classes der Indian natives. Wenn a money-lender in India once gets the native
landholder into his books, his object is not to receive back the money
lent, nor even the high interest on it, but to make
it the means of buying his debtor’s land as cheap as possible, and
far below its real value. Treibt his debtor an that his izzut, or personal dignity, that mainspring of
native action, requires extra show and expense, u. at
the same time offers the means of supplying this extravagance. Should
the debtor propose to pay off the debt when the next rent comes in, the
creditor refuses the money, begs the debtor to keep it, or suggests
other ostentatious employment for it; leads so den poor flattered
landlord blindly into the net, exactly wie shown in the old comedies u.
novels, which portrayed an analogous state of
society in Europe. Unterdess
the several
loans, whith compound interest at 12%, and
monthly rests, run up in a manner that would have astonished
even Gil Blas’ Spanish noble who borrowed his own money
zu 20%. Money
(S. 91) bezieht sich auf den Roman „Histoire de
Gil Blas de Santillane“ von Alain-René
Lesage.
Schließen „au dernier denier cinq“. The play goes on in true 15th century fashion, till landowner so involved
that his Fehler der
Quelle (Money, S. 91).
Schließen
debtor creditor
knows he
cannot pay. Dann scene change changes u. the incongruous machinery of the 19th century is called in for the dénouement. The cringing creditor suddenly demands his money,
sues his debtor, and proceeds to advertise his land
for sale. He gives out among the native
community his determination to buy the estate, and that any one who bids against him he shall
consider and treat as his deadliest enemy. Er hat den advantage over all the other bidders, of not having
to deposit at once a large portion of the purchase-money, and,
as the debtor and his family have not the means of doing so, the creditor generally buys the estate at the auction
sale far below its value. If possible,
er kauft ihn for less than the orginal debt, so
that the debtor’s personal liability for the
remainder may be used as an engine for maintaining possession
against the ill will of the ruined landowner, and of
his old tenants and retainers. The whole object, therefore, is
to force the land from the debtor at the lowest
possible rate at which the creditor can avoid having his objected object defeated by being paid his debt. (90–92)
In Java the law helps the usurer nur to recover his money and nothing else. The debtor’s personalty must be first exhausted. Jeder article seized must be valued by both debtor u. creditor, or their agents, and the European civil servant, obliged to preside at the seizure, decides between them u. fixes ohne appeal the value of each article. The goods are put up for sale in such order as the debtor chooses to direct, but any article, for which the bidding does not rise to the estimated value, is delivered to the creditor in discharge of so much of his debt. When personalty nicht hinreicht, kommt Land dran. Hier wieder |105 the debtor directs into what lots the land is to be divided, and in what order the lots are to be sold; the value of each lot is estimated as the creditor has to take such of the lots at that value as fail to realise it at the sale. However inconvenient etc the possession of these lots may be to the creditor, he can of course sell them by private contract, so as to realize on the whole the amount of his claim. (92, 93)
Die European landowners nützlich in Java; have so raised the price of land there, that estates can hardly be bought to pay 4%. The purchaser looks to his own improvements, and to raising the value of the estate, by inducing emigration from government land, to bring the rental up to the ordinary interest for money, which in Java is about 8%. Die European landlords u. viele planters suchen to add to the population on their estates. Every landlord knows that any of his peasantry who choose to go over to his neighbour’s property can get land, buffaloes, and money at once u. er weiss that the peasants themselves know it. (93, 94)
No Middlemen in Java; während
Bei Money, S. 94: system […] we have
allowed to grow up in India
Schließen in Brit. Eastindia
system of subtenures or middlemen
– Putnee, Durputnee, Seputnee, Izara etc – who do nothing for the estate or its cultivators,
but each of whom lives on the difference between what
he pays and what he can underlet the same interest for – sind
the drones of society
[.] (94)
Im Preanger u. in Soerakarta u. Djokjokarta the ⅕
of produce is applied in the old way, d.h. partly to religion, partly to education, and partly to the support of the
Native chiefs, u. der peasant pays no more. Im übrigen
Theil des island, obgleich der peasant nur zu zahlen ⅕
to his landlord, ob Government od. private person, yet the priests and native chiefs generally exact some further
portion of his produce for religion u. education. Die
Dutch do not enforce the latter payment, Bei Money, S. 96: they wisel abstain from
forbidding it
Schließen verbieten es aber auch nicht. Im schlimmsten Fall this leaves, as
the Java peasant’s own, a proportion of his crop far
exceeding that retained by the Indian cottier. [95,
96]
Bei
Money, S. 97: but by 1826 the commotion caused by the Java war
with the Native powers reduced the revenue to twenty millions of
florins
Schließen
1826 Java war with the
Native Powers
; the greatly increased expenditure exceeded
the enlarged income (averaged 1817–1830 etwas unter
24 Mill. florins). Das great deficit caused by the
Java war, but the chief increase of expenditure arose v. den
more numerous and more efficient European instruments
required for the systems of justice and administration, introduced
by the English. The maintenance des
Engl. system necessitated an outlay incompatible m.
den existing resources des country. (97, 98)
| Nach Engl. Census of 1815: | Population f. Java u. Madura | = | 4,615,270. | |
| Dutch Cens. of 1826: | " " " | = | 5,403,786; | decimal increase von nur about 16%. (98) |
| Deficit u. Debt: | v. 1814 1817–1824 | considerable surplus of revenue over expenditure, | ||
| v. 1824–1833 | constant deficit. | |||
|
Von return der Dutch
Zusatz von Marx. Schließen (1816) –1833 |
altogeter altogether Ueberschuss v. Ausgaben über Einnahmen | = 37,700,000 fl. = £3,141,666. | ||
Dies deficit = about 1½ year’s income, was supplied by Holland u. thus formed the Java debt. Der Zins für diese Schuld, having to be sent out of the country, war a greater drain on the finances of Java als a larger amount of debt held in the island would have been. (98) Population u. revenue von Java waren beide fast stationär; increase of expense, constant deficit, yearly growing debt. In 8 years, zwischen 1825–1833, diese Schuld gewachsen von 0 to 1½ year’s revenue. The people were living in great poverty, with, in some places, a bare subsistence. Increasing deficiency in cattle and other means excited fears as to the future prospects of the country. Oppression by the chiefs, much violent and organized |106 crime among the poor. Notwithstanding the large increase of revenue, the Dutch East Indies seemed destined to continue a burden on the small mother country. (99)
| Average revenue of the Dutch East Indies per head | v. 1817–1833 | = | 7s. 1¾d. per annum, |
| ranging in different years | von | 5s. 5d. to 9s. 3½d. (99) |
Bei Money,
S. 101: The first vigorous effort to change this state of things
was made from 1827 to 1830 by Le Vicomte du Bus de Gisignies who
was sent to Java for that pupose in 1826, as the King of
Holland’s Commissiary-General; an office conferring on the
holder a power superior to that of Governor-General, and
absolutely untrammelled.Being a man of energy, and determined to
achieve his object, so far as the means he saw were adapted to
that end, Le Vicomte de Gisignies resorted to strong measures
for reducing the expenses
Schließen Um dem Misstand abzuhelfen, 1827–1830
[,] schickt
König v.
Holland
1826 als
seinen Commissary General, mit
dictatorial powers, den Le
Vicomte du Bus de
Gisignies
; dieser Bursch versuchts
durch gewaltsame reduction v.
expenses
, involving all officials,
European or natives, u. all branches of the expenditure – impairing
seriously the efficiency of both the military u.
civil service. Mit all dem
expenditure
immer noch > als income in 1830, Bei Money, S. 103:
General Van den Bosch. – At this juncture in 1830 it pleased
God, in mercy to a suffering people, to inspire the King of
Holland with confidence in apparently the wildest schemer of his
realm.
Schließen als König v. Holland den
General
van den
Bosch
1830 als saviour
auserkiest. [101–103]
The Culture System.
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen I.)
Untertitel
von Marx. Siehe das Inhaltsverzeichnis des Kapitels von
Money (S. 103) und den Absatz auf S. 113: Articles best
produced with and without European
Contractors.
Schließen (Articles best produced with European
contractors.)
So irrtümlicherweise Money, S. 104.
Van den Bosch reiste im Juli 1829 ab.
Schließen
Van den Bosch
left Holland in 1830
als
Generalgouverneur der
Dutch East Indies, nahm die
nöthigen funds mit sich, auch Anzahl of
young Dutch free from the prejudices of the colonial service.
(104) … His scheme to offer culture contracts on
liberal terms, and large advances of
public money without interest to European inhabitants of
Java; Hauptsache: to make the crown cottiers
plant such portions of the crown lands as were not required to
grow rice for their own subsistence, with the colonial products in demand in Europe, and
best suited to the soil; the profits of
these more valuable crops to be divided in such proportions
zwischen grower, manufacturer u. gvt, as to give
to the two former the larger share.
[104]
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 1)
Zwischentitel von Marx. Bei Money beginnt der entsprechend
betitelte Abschnitt erst auf S. 114.
Schließen
Sugar
Culture.
– Building Advance; jeder contractor credited in the books of a branch of the
administration, expressely created for the purpose, with a building advance of the amount required to
start his manufacture; erst calculated at 2 lacs
of florins copper od. 200,000 F. C. =
£.13,888. 17s. 9½d.; von diesen 2 lacs durfte contractor
draw was er brauchte meanwhile für seine family, nicht über 1500 fl. copper per mensem. Dies building advance made für 12 J., ohne Zins, but repayable by instalments of ⅒ in the
3d and every succeeding year.
It was to be applied by the contractor under Gvt. superintendence in
building his mill, bringing water to it as a
motive power, buying u. importing from Europe the proper
machinery; his machinery imported duty free; the special
culture department assisted in procuring machinery from Europe, gave
the contractors advice and information, supplied them with the best
works relating to their respective manufactures, and applied each
man’s building advance in a liberal spirit to the preparation of his
mill, as the contractor and his supervising official required. A
sufficient amount of the gratuitous labour,
furnished by the neighbouring peasants to Gvt., was put at the
contractor’s disposal for the first 2 years.
He took what timber and materials he required from gvt land for
nothing. His general supervision was facilitated by the gratuitous
use of the gvt post horses. He laid the advance out as he thought
best. (105, 106[)]
Yearly Advance.
Van den Bosch also undertook,
that, by the time the mill was ready to work, the surrounding villas villages should have a certain area planted with the crop to be
manufactured ready for cutting. About 400 bahus, or 600
acres Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (1 bahu = 1½ acres)
calculated to give full employment to the mill. Gvt was also to advance yearly beforehand to the contractor, without interest, the whole sum
required for the purchase and manufacture of the crop. These
advances were to be repaid to the Gvt in the produce of the
mill. At first the contracts required the manufacturer to
deliver to Gvt. the whole produce of his mill at
a fixed rate, about ⅓ above the cost price. Diese original contracts afterwards varied. It was
made optional with the contractor to insist on Gvt buying the whole produce of his
mill at the contract rates, or only to deliver to Gvt so much as, at the contract rates, would repay
the yearly advance and ⅒ of the original building advance.
|107 Die
respectable Dutchmen, denen van den
Bosch first offered his contracts, Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Money,
S. 107/108: estimated the amount of the produce on a given
area, and the cost of the manufacture at the old rates,
under careless cultivation and idle habits. These, added to
the unusually high price to be paid for the raw material,
were expected to raise the cost to the full contract rate.
The necessity of delivering to Government the whole
manufactured produce at the contract rates would, in this
case, of course leave the contractor no profit, while the
repayment of the advances in kind at that rate might even
cause the contractor a loss. Such considerations prevented
the respectable inhabitants of Java accepting the Government
contracts. The new contractors fortunately were not of a
calibre to make these calculations for
themselves
Schließen fanden:
nicht Kauscher, nicht »profitlich« genug, lehnten ab.
(107[, 108]) Die new
contractors waren daher »fortunately« nicht
»respectable«.
Bosch
rechnete auf stimulus given durch high
wages, with official encouragement u.
supervision; this would increase the material over which to spread the cost of
manufacture. Da no interest on the
advances, no commission to agency houses, no outlay for freight
or transport, hatte der contractor nur eine expense – the
cost of manufacture. (108) Bei Money, S. 109: such surplus would
cost the contractor nothing but time and
labour
Schließen In fact der Bursche zahlte nichts ausser
»time u. labour«
. (109)
The amount to be paid for the purchase of each crop was fixed, so as to make its cultivation more profitable than rice. The expenses of manufacture were estimated at a sum = the amount to be paid to the grower. And the contract-rate was fixed about ⅓ higher than the product of those two sums. The product of those two sums would be the yearly advance of Gvt for the cost-price of the whole crop, so that, if the estimates proved correct, the delivery to Gvt of ⅔ of the manufactured article at the contract rate would repay the yearly advance, leaving the contractor ⅓ of his manufacture for his profit. ([108, ]109)
Mode of carrying out the System. Die crown villages, whose situation u. soil seemed best adapted for the success of the enterprise, were selected …, amount of land required to be under rice, to provide for the wants of the surrounding population, was ascertained u. people told that this amount of rice land should never be intruded upon. (p. 109) They were ordered to plant ⅕ of their lands with the contractor’s crop. (110) A village which set apart ⅕ of its rice fields for the cultivation of a crop suited to the market of Europe, not requiring more labour than the cultivation of rice, was to be exempted from the payment of land rent. The village was further to receive any value above the amount of the remitted land rent which the contractor’s crop should turn out to be worth. Bad crops were to be at the risk of the Gvt, in so far, at least, as these should not be owing to want of zeal and labour on the part of the Javanese. And four men were to be told off to do the work of one. (110, 111)
Fand sich jedoch, that the remission of the land rent, in return for the contractor’s crop, would lead to an unfair taxation of the individuals composing the village community. Durch diese remission some relieved from tax without rendering any equivalent; nämlich those who, according to Javanese ideas, were above work and independent, having separate rice fields of their own which they cultivated by day labourers; die dagegen, turned out to work on the contractor’s crop – the poorer classes – would be the only members of the community on whom the tax of the whole village would fall. Dieser Theil des culture system daher nur carried into effect in two residencies, Madioen u. Kediri; wurden aber sehr bald auch hier fallen gelassen für present system, which is to collect the land rent from the whole village community, and to pay each man individually for his work on the contractor’s crop. (111) Unter diesem System the land rent on the whole of the village cultivated lands is still taxed, only at the old rate and in the old manner, as if all under rice as before. The price of the contractor’s crop, on the contrary, is fixed so high, that the money received for its growth on ⅕ of the village lands, must be more than double the land rent on the whole village lands. This leaves the villagers a large cash-balance in hand, after paying their land rent, besides the whole rice produce of the ⅘ of their land for their own consumption. It relieves them from the former necessity of having to meet the Gvt demand by selling part of their rice crop, probably at inadequate rates, or by borrowing money at exorbitant interest. ([111,] 112)
Culture system ohne contractors wo no manufacture of raw material required, od. wo treatment des product for export is easy enough to be carried out by the native grower. (112)
The native’s share in the culture system, both of labour and reward, was regulated by fixed rules plainly beneficial to him. His cultivation of the contractor’s crop was carried out under the orders and supervision of his native chiefs. The price for the contractor’s crop was arranged by him with the European officials. And till the crop was cut and carried to the mill, the contractor neither had nor was allowed to usurp other control over the cultivator, than to report to the officials such neglect or misconduct as he thought likely to injure the crop. (113)|
108Das
Cultursystem mit intervention of a
contractor wurde applied on the crown lands in
different parts of Java auf Zucker, Indigo,
Cochineal
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Cochenilla)
Thee, Tobacco. Die
gvt cultures of coffee, cinnamon
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Zimmet) u. Pfeffer have always been carried out by native labour ohne
Europ. contractor. Erfahrung zeigte,
dass
letztrer nützlich für Zucker, Tabak u.
Thee
; dass andrerseits Indigo u. Cochenilla hardly
require and cannot bear the expense of a Europ.
contractor. ([113,] 114)
Die
wichtigste culture – die of sugar. (l.c.)
Contract Sugar Culture. Price paid den villagers fixed auf 3½ fl. Kupfer for each picul of sugar produced from the canes grown by them; wurde expected that average yield = 30 piculs of sugar to 1½ acres (1 bahu) of canes; so hatten die villagers yearly 105 fl. Copper per bahu of 1½ acre, or £4. 17s. 9d. per acre. Den peasants erklärt dass die canes, sobald reif u. bevor cut, would be estimated as to their yield by the Taxation Committee, in selber Art wie der rice crop jährlich estimated für land rent; ferner sie should be at once paid 3 florins copper u. 50 doits per picul of the estimated yield; sobald their canes crushed, sollten sie receive a further sum of 3 fl. copper u. 50 doits for every picul of the actual yield above the estimate. ([114,] 115)
Suppose village had 100 bahus od. 150 acres of rice land; to be planted nun ⅕ or 20 bahus (30 acres) mit sugar cane. Giebt dies ⅕ 600 piculs, or 30 piculs of sugar per bahu, so – zu 3 fl.c. 50 doits per picul – dies would give 2100 fl. copper, to be paid to the peasants in cash by the Gvt contrôleur before the canes were cut u. which they might keep whether the canes gave the estimated yield or not. (115) the land under sugar to be taxed for land rent only as if under rice. (l.c.)
Vigilance u. active exertions der Europ. u. native officials secured by a small percentage to each on every picul of sugar made by the district; unter ihrer supervision die canes were carefully cultivated; nach einigen Jahren Erfahrung u. improvement, they yielded, on the best lands wo die Zuckermills zuerst etablirt, average v. 40 piculs per bahu, statt 30. Ausser obigen 2100 fl. copp., die die villagers erhielten als estimated yield, erhielten sie, 2 od. 3 months später, when the real yield was known, fernere 700 fl.c., as the price at the same rate of the extra 10 piculs per bahu above the estimate. (116)
Reift der crop nicht, od. ist er burned or washed away before the canes are ripe, and therefore before the estimation of the yield, the peasants get nothing for their labour. Bei Money, S. 116:
Self-interest thus teaches them
Schließen Hence die Burschen
taught to use care and caution to provide against
accidents. (116) Die villagers daher take active
precautions against the canes being burnt up for
want of irrigation, or washed away by the violent rains for
want of protection, u. in most cases mit Erfolg. (116, 117)
Die villagers further paid by the contractor for cutting the canes and carrying them to his mill; der contractor hat zu diesem Behuf Contracte zu machen unter supervision des contractor contrôleur, generally about 1 fl.c. per picul of the yield. So die villagers erhielten ferner v. contractor in cash on delivery 800 fl.c. for cutting and carrying the canes of their 20 bahus, at 40 piculs per bahu. Sie erhielten also, total:
| F.(lorin) C.(opper). | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| für growing, cutting u. carrying 20 bahus Zusatz von
Marx. Schließen (30 acres) of canes: |
Value at estimated yield | of 30 piculs | 2100 | |
| Value of surplus yield | of 10 piculs | 700 | ||
| For cutting and carrying, | at 40 pic. | 800 | ||
| Total | 3600 | Flor. Copper. (117) |
3600 fl. copper = 3000 fl. silver = £.250 for 20 bahus or about 30 acres of land. (118)
Die villagers’ culture wages variiren daher je nach yield von about 7 zu über 8 £ per acre. (l.c.[)]
Das
Dutch gvt zieht nicht ab die
Bei Money, S. 118: Land Tax. – The land rent as it is more correctly
named in Java, is the same as what is called the Ryots’ Land
Tax to Government in India.
Schließen
Land Rent ⦗so
richtig called die Land Tax in Java⦘ von den
culture wages, but most of the villagers doubtless pay it from that
source. (118)
Land Rent Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (resp.
Tax): calculated by having the produce of the village lands, when the March rice crop is ripe and before it is
cut, yearly estimated by the Taxation Committee; dies besteht aus European contrôleur, the native Chief
|109
of the district, the village chief, and a
certain number of Native mantries, or petty
chiefs. Diese examine the crop of the land
in the presence of the villagers, and calculate the number of piculs of padi or pari (rice in the husk),
and whether of 1st, 2nd, or 3d quality, which the
crop will give per bahu; average about 20 piculs
of padi per bahu u. ausnahmsweis bis 30 piculs. In Java
giebt the padi about ½ of its own weight –
in rice, in Indien
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (brit.)
selten mehr als ⅖ des padi. This padi is
valued at the market price in harvest time,
which, in the interior, generally von 2–3 fl. per
picul of first-rate padi, aber in
Nachba
rschaft
der towns will rise to 4 u. selbst 5 fl. per picul.
(118, 119)
| In 1854: | highest average produce of padi in any residency |
30.05 piculs per cultivated bahu |
| lowest | 5.22 " " " " | |
| The average all round | 17.14. " " " " | |
| Highest average price of padi in any residency | 4 fl. 80 doits per picul | |
| Lowest | 1 fl. 13 " " " | |
| Highest average price all round | 3 fl. 5 " " " | |
| Lowest " " " " | 1 fl. 113 doits per picul. | |
| In 1857: | rice produce all round | 17.09 piculs per bahu, |
| highest average price all round | 2 fl. 47 doits per picul, | |
| Lowest | 1 fl. 85 " " |
| Suppose: | of the 80 bahus under rice | 10 give per bahu | 30 piculs | of first rate padi, | worth 3 fl. per picul |
| probably: | 20 " " " | 20 " | of second rate " " | " 2 fl. 60 doits p. picul | |
| " | 50 " " " | 15 " | of third rate " | " " 1 fl. 80 " " " |
The 20 bahus under sugar are calculated as rice land, giving the same quantity and quality as the best of that village land really under rice.
| Pic Padi | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Village land rent account then: | 30 bahus | (10 Rice u. 20 sugar) at | 30 pic. padi per bahu | 900 | |
| 20 " | 20 " " " " | 400 | |||
| 50 " | 15 " " " " | 750 | |||
| Total produce of 100 Bahus | 2050 | ||||
| 900 Pic Padi | at | 3 fl. per | Picul | fl. | 2700 | |
| 400 " " | 2 fl. 60 doits | " | 1000 | |||
| 750 " " | 1 fl. 80 " | " " | " | 1250 | ||
| Total value of produce | " | 4950; | of this land rent ⅕, in money, = 990 fls. | |||
| (p. 119, 120) | ||||||
| In 1854: | cultivated area of rice fields on the Java crownlands | 1,712,312 bahus |
| Davon planted for gvt. under culture system weniger als 1/26, viz. |
63,868 bahus |
|
| Cultivated by the people for themselves | 1,678,444 1,643,444 " " | |
In 1857 the cultivated area of rice fields in the Java crownlands = 1,896,177 bahus od.275,797 acres more than in 1854, showing an extension of cultivation not far short of 100,000 acres per annum.
| In 1854 | the total landrent was | 8,617,972 fl. 33 doits, | or at rate of | 503 fl. | per 100 bahus on the whole cultivated area. |
| 1857 | 9,659,794 fl. 44 | od. " " | 509 fl. | (p. 120, 121) |
In
folgender
vergleichender Tabelle is
the rice produce of 100
bahus supposed same in amount u.
value in 1830, wie in 1857; in der That were amount und value
smaller in 1830; this makes the difference
zwischen old u. new systems smaller than it
really is; hence the benefit caused by the
culture system understated (p. 121), die Tabelle
Verweis von Marx auf die folgende
Seite seines Exzerpthefts.
Schließen folgende
Seite verte
:|
| 1830 | Pic Padi | Florins | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1830: | 30 Bahus at | 30 Pic Padi per Bahu: | 900 at fl. 3 | 2700 |
| 20 " " | 20 " " " " | 400 at 2 f. 60 d. | 1000 | |
| 50 " " | 15 " " " " | 750 " 1 f. 80. " | 1250 | |
| 2050 " | 4950 | |||
| Deduct ⅕ to be sold for land rent | 410 or | 990 | ||
| Left to Village for Consumption and saleone crop of Padi: | 1640 pics worth | 3960 | ||
| 1857 | Pic Padi | Florins | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1857. | 20 Bah. Sugar mit cutting and carrying at least Fl. Cop. 2700 | 2250 | ||
| 10 Bah. Rice, at 30 Pic per Bahu | 300 at fl. 3 | 900 | ||
| 20 Bah. ditto at 20 " " | 400 at 2 f. 60 d. | 1000 | ||
| 50 B. ditto at 15 " " | 750 at 1 f. 80 | 1250 | ||
| 60 B. same land, second crop of Tobacco | 1800 | 4950 | ||
| 1450 | 4950 | 7200 | ||
| Land rent paid out of the Sugar money | 990 | |||
| Left Village for Consumption or sale 2 crops worth | 4950 | |||
| Cash in hand | 1260 | 6210 | ||
Also 6210 fl. clear in 1857 gegen 3960 clear in 1830. (p. 122)
Under this new system, with such large yearly cash balances, villagers soon relieved von grip of Chinese money-lenders. The power to purchase gave rise to new wants, and the indulgence of those wants led to increased industry. (123)
Ferner: The idle months zwischen der
harvest in June u. dem sowing in November used to be the
period for regularly organized burglaries u. other violent crimes,
formerly as prevalent in Java as they still are in India. Employment
at good wages during those months secured to part
of the population in the manufacture of sugar at the mill;
rest of the population also thereby employed during the same period
on their own village lands. The water-course, made by the contractor to turn his own mill,
supplies them with constant irrigation not
dependent on the rains, and thus enables the
village lands to bear a double instead of a single
crop. The
mill also is a ready market for the village
produce, such as fuel, padi,
rattans
( ⦗
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen indisches Rohr, Rotang, malayan: rôtan, a plant of the genus Calamus⦘, bamboos etc, and for the village
manufacture, such as oil, pots, bricks,
wooden u. iron tools etc. (123, 24 124)
Die rice lands – i.e. der proportionate share of the ⅘ of the village lands to be planted with rice, allotted every year to each householder – sind separately cultivated durch jeden householder u. his family. Die yearly division u. allotment are made by the Koewoe od. village chief, with the help of the council of village elders.
Dagegen das ⅕ under sugar, which is changed every year, so as to let the same land carry sugar only once in 5 years, is not allotted, but the whole of the cottiers work at that by turns under the orders of the Koewoe. (124)
Culture Wages: When the canes are to be paid for, the money is taken to the place where the wedana (chief of the district) lives. Lists have been prepared beforehand for each village – so many bahus, estimated at so many piculs, at three F.C., 50 d. per picul, so much – so many villagers worked in the sugar canes (excl. the priests, the infirm, and those of rank above work) to divide so much, will get, per man, so much – and then seriatim the names of the workmen, with each man’s amount. The village is summoned, perhaps mit 5 or 6 other villages. (124)
The heading of the list, showing the calculation and the amount per man, is read out to the villagers in the presence of the assistant resident, the contrôleur in charge of the village, the regent in whose regency, the wedana in whose district, and the salaried mantrie in whose sub-district the village is situated, and of the Koewoe or elected chief of the village. Each man’s name is then called out, and the money is paid by the contrôleur into his own hand. The assistant resident has to report to the resident the whole circumstances of the payment of each village, with the names of each official present, and the name of the person by whose hand the money was paid to the villagers. (125)
Zusatz von Marx. Bei
Money, S. 125: I was much struck […] with the wisdom of the
Dutch mode of dealing with Natives.
Schließen Höchst charakteristisch
dies:
Obgleich each man’s money paid into his own
hand, it was notorious that the whole
sum was, on the return to the village, paid by the peasants to the village chief and council of
elders, who redistributed to it, according to the account kept by them of every
man’s daily work in the canes, or of the
supply of carts and buffaloes for the purposes of the sugar
cultivation. These latter are often provided by people of
rank or of age above work, whose names even are consequently not on
the Gvt list. (125)|
If any further payment to be made from the yield of sugar exceeding the amount estimated, the whole process is gone over again etc (125[, 126]) to the local officials given personal interest in the success; many of the official salaries are doubled by their percentages, obgleich der percentage universal, but very small, z. B. so many doits per picul. The aggregate forms a respectable sum. (126)
Copper Coin: Van den Bosch imported v. Europa viele millions of copper coin, in which the advances to the contractors for expenditure in Java were made. Dies hatte intrinsic worth v. nur 40 centimes, od. 8 d. per 100 copper coins called doits, aber Gvt made it a legal tender in Java at the rate of 120 doits to a silver florin worth 20d. Engl. Die copper coin avancirt von Gvt. an contractor u. paid by him to peasant, at that rate, the contractor repaying the nominal amount of the advance in sugar at the contract price. So der advance made by the Gvt. really cost it less than half the nominal amount of the advance. (127) Dies copper coinage had many of the advantages – in that state of society – of a paper currency. It was not hoarded, it represented a conventional value far above its real cost, war nicht constantly returned to Gvt. for silver. Had disadvantages of bulk u. leicht counterfeited u. the difference between its real value and that for which it was a legal tender in Java gave rise to smuggling, in the introduction of large quantities of the same inferior copper coin into the island. So a large circulating medium provided, suited to the wants der country; Gvt recieved the whole or any part of the land tax, or of any other payments, in the same copper coin at its legal rate. Später this inferior copper coinage called in u. replaced by copper and small silver coins of proper intrinsic value. ([127,] 128)
Contractor’s Profits: Der contractor
risked nothing ausser time u. labour.
Van den Bosch
foresaw that
the great benefit to the country would arise von der
extension des system by private enterprise; er wollte
zeigen dass liberal scale of remuneration to the
peasant consistent mit large and rapid fortunes to the
contractors. Er erlaubte daher dem contractor to pay in sugar, at such prices as to leave him a large share of
the profits der manufacture; he fixed the contract rate wozu the sugar to be delivered to
Gvt in the neighbourhood of the mill at 10 fl. copp. per picul. Dies = 13s.
10½d. for 136 lbs avoirdupois, od. just under 1¼d. per pound. Des contractor’s calculation made on expectation of 30 piculs of sugar to the bahu of canes;
the usual amount of land in each contract was
400 bahus
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (= 600 acres), divided among the different culture villages
attached to that sugar mill. At these rates, the contractor’s account:
| F.C. | Pic. Sug. | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| 400 Bahus, at 30 piculs of Sugar per Bahu | 12,000 | ||
| Yearly advance for canes, at 3 F.C. 50 doits per picul | 42,000 | ||
| Yearly advance for cutting und making, at 3 F.C. 50 d. " " | 42,000 | ||
| Repay ⅒ of original building advance | 20,000 | ||
| To be repaid | 104,000 | ||
| Contractor repays this by the delivering to Gvt at 10 F.C. per Picul | 10,400 | ||
| Estimated surplus for Contractor’s profit | 1,600. | (p [129,] 130) |
Der yearly government advance to contractor = 7 F.C. per picul of suggar sugar. The contract rate for delivery, being 10 fl.c. per picul, would enable him to repay yearly advance + ⅒ of building advance, u. machen considerable surplus for his profit. Die results für contractor wie für peasant sehr increased by the canes yielding 40 piculs per bahu statt 30. Des contractors account on the real product ion, dann so:
| F.C. | Pic. Sugar | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| 400 Bahus at 40 piculs per Bahu | 16,000 | ||
| Canes at 3 F.C. 50 d. per picul | 56,000 | ||
| Cutting and making (less per picul for a larger amount) 3 F.C. per Picul | 48,000 | ||
| Repay ⅒ of Building Advance | 20,000 | ||
| To be repaid | 124,000 | = | 12,400 |
| Real surplus for Contractor | Pic. Sug. | 3,600 |
(p. [130,] 131)|
112Diese 3,600 Piculs of Sugar, if badly made and sold at 12 fl. per picul, gave 43,200 fl. od. £ 3600; if well made u. of superior quality, sold at 15 f. p. pic. gave 51,000 fl. od. £ 4353.
In beiden Fällen hatte contractor bought ⅒ of his mill, worth £1381. 17s. 9d. Dies mit von £3600 bis £4353 cash surplus, made in all v. 5000 bis 5600 £ p.a. as his yearly profit for his time u. labour. (131)
Bei Money,
S. 131: It may be well conceived that, when this result of
the contracts became known, the Governor-General found no
difficulty in getting responsible persons to take any
further contracts he had to give.
Schließen Sobald dies Resultat der contracts bekannt
wurde, melden sich nun die »respectable«
philistines. As the advances to the original contractors began to
come in, by the sale of the produce
delivered to the gvt, der Gen. Governor able to
extend the contract sugar cultivation rapidly to the different parts
des island, where there was sufficient
population u. soil suited to the growth
of sugar. System not allowed to degenerate into mere investments for moneyed men, to be carried
on by managers; the contracts were made
personal to the contractor, and ceasing on his absenting
himself for more than a certain short period. Leave of absence to Europe, in case of illness, Gvt
appointing a substitute. Sale of contract to
any approved purchaser generally allowed to
contractor, and never refused to his family in case of his death.
([131,] 132)
Dies die terms der first sugar contracts, to last for 20 years, während deren die contractors large fortunes machten. Most dieser contracts jetzt expired, renewed for a further period of years for nearly same terms. Contractor has now to deliver etwas weniger als ⅔ of his sugar to Gvt. at 7½ fl. per picul = 8 fl.C. 75 d., statt zu 10 fl.C. per picul as before. Dies, zusammen mit various expenses for packing, forwarding, percentage to officials, commission to agents etc, all borne by the Gvt., raises the cost of the contract sugar to nearly 10 fl. silver per picul in the Gvt stores for export. Average cost in 1854 = 9 fl. 106 doits per picul, in 1857 exact 10 fl. per picul. (132, 33)
The remaining advances, if any, are paid in money from the proceeds of the remaining ⅓ of the sugar, which the contractor sells on his own account. Durch improvement in culture, namentlich auch der manufacturing processes, Zucker jetzt much cheaper produced so as to enable large profits still to be made on these terms, namentlich improvement in machinery, since the introduction of the culture system. Die mills, at first built, machinery bought, u. watercourse made for 2 lacs of fl. copper (= £13,888) jetzt generally worth 5 lacs od. £34,722. Dies improvement mostly made by fresh building advances from Gvt, repaid by yearly instalments in the same manner as the original building advance; diese mills jetzt the private property der contractors. (133)
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 2)
Contract Indigo Culture. Etablirt zu selber
Zeit wie die des Zuckers. It was limited to the surplus village lands above Bei Money, S. 135: the population’s
Schließen the people’s
requirements for rice. It was to be paid for by Gvt at a
price far more remunerative to the peasant than rice. All advances to be made to the contractor without
interest. And he to repay these advances
in indigo at contract rates, leaving him a large profit.
([134,] 135)
Alles Indigo produced on the crown lands is delivered to Gvt., theils weil die contract rate jetzt höher als Marktpreis in Java, so dass die contractors, übereinstimmend mit der power reserved to them, wälzen ihr ganzes Product auf Gvt., aber auch z.Th., weil grosser Theil der Indigo Cultur auf Kronland jetzt carried on by Gvt ohne contractors. Höhere Qualität des Bengal Indigo u. dessen rasches Wachsthum während der letzten 30 J. haben den Preis des Java Indigo reducirt, bis seine Cultur nur noch vortheilhaft fortsetzbar durch Verminderung der Produktionskosten; Java Indigo wurde so ein Artikel nicht »able to bear the extra cost of the contractor’s profit«. (135)
Indigo der blaue Farbstoff extrahirt von sap des Indigo leaf, wird made into the cakes, which form the indigo of commerce, durch an easy process. Sobald es nöthig wurde die Kost der Indigo production zu reduciren, gefunden [»]that the same indigo could be produced as well and cheaper without a contractor«. (135, 136) Gvt. verweigerte daher Erneurung der ursprünglichen Indigo contracts. |113 Wie die contracts expired, Gvt bought back the factories u. plant, u. carried on the indigo culture direct durch die crown peasants unter Aufsicht ihrer native chiefs. (136)
Independent Planters. Nachdem Kultursystem
etablirt in verschiednen Theilen der Insel durch
gvt. Vorschüsse, u. die large fortunes made by the
contractors had called forth enterprise, refüsirte Java Gvt. any further sugar or indigo contracts.
Independent planters then encouraged to settle auf crown lands in
districts wo das Cultursystem noch nicht introducirt.
Die
ersten unabhängigen crown leases granted für
Zuckercultur; diese leases did not
include any portion of the existing village lands, sondern
nur benachbarte uncultivirte crown
lands, obgleich diese ohne Zweifel sehr oft used by the
villagers für collection of timber od. other
purposes. Here a lease for 20 years to be
obtained of 300 od. 400 bahus of ground or more. Erst a rent paid to Gvt of one
picul of sugar for each planted bahu; später commuted to a
fixed yearly money payment von 6 fl. silver
per bahu, od. 6s. 8d[.] per acre; planter has in this
case to find his own capital u. machinery etc. Such leases erst
granted 1839 u. 1840, in accordance mit
der policy prevalent in Java vor
1830 u. in India bis jetzt.
([136,] 137) Das
Result has not been in favour of the independent
planters; Bei
Money, S. 137/138: Their leases do not yield by any means
such profitable results as the same culture under Government
contracts, although the rate at which they hold their lands
is comparatively so much lower. This seems chiefly to arise
from the want of official support among a Native population
[…] The high rate of interest also for the borrowed funds,
with which most of the independent plantations are carried
on, leaves but little surplus profit for the planter. These,
and especially the latter, are the great impediments to the
success of private European enterprise in India. The
concurrence of the same cause and effect, both in India and
in Java, seems to show that, undoubtedly true as are the
principles of free, competitive, unprotected, and
uncontrolled industry, in an advanced state of society with
great realized capital, like that of England, those
principals must be modified in their application to
countries with but little available capital, and to
semi-barbarous races of ignorant, idle, and suspicious
Natives.
Schließen die Burschen halten
ihre lands zu viel niedrigeren rates als die gvt.
contractors; aber they »want official
support«, wichtig unter der native
population; meisten von ihnen
carried on their business mit gepumptem Geld zu »high rate of interest«, leaving but
little surplus profit for the planter; speciell das letztre auch in Brit. India
der Fall.
(137,
38) In these leases of wild crown lands, the
rent of 6 fl. per bahu beginnt erst nach
einigen Jahren u. ist nur gradually extended to the whole of the
land rented. Länge of lease variirt von 20–40 J., je nach der time required by the proposed
new culture to yield produce. (138) Kein private planter
allowed to settle on Gvt. land in districts wo das Gvt. system of
cultures under contract is in operation, unless
he agrees to pay the ryots the same rates, u. treat them in
same manner, under the same Gvt. superintendence
and support. (139)
Verweis von Marx auf den betreffenden Abschnitt bei Money,
S. 140–142.
Schließen
Contrast of Java Culture
System with European Cultures in India (nachzusehn,
p. 140 sqq.)
In Java: »No contracts made on advances
Zusatz von Marx.
Siehe
Money, S. 149/150.
Schließen ⦗wie in Brit. India⦘ are
either allowed or enforced. Culture contracts are only recognized
when made personally before a European official and
registered … when registered, the specific performance of contracts
is summarily enforced.[«] (153)
The Culture System. II.)
Zusammenfassung
von Marx des Inhaltsverzeichnisses von Money,
S. 158.
Schließen
[II.)] Culture system by village labour
without a contractor; Fall für Caffe, Zimmet u.
Pfeffer. (p. 159 158)
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 1)
Kaffee:
Preanger Kaffee; – Preanger bis Anfang des 19t Jhd. Hauptsitz von Javas Coffeecultur; es ist dies
ein Bergdistrikt, inhabited by Sundanese, die nicht selbe Sprache
reden wie rest der natives. About Mitte
des 18. Jhd. wurden Holländer masters
des Preanger durch treaty: dieser
liess den native princes the gvt of their own country u.
the receipt der Land Revenue, unter Dutch protection; dagegen hatten
sie zu cultivate solche Anzahl Kaffeebäume
als Dutch should at any time require u. deliver the whole produce
dem Dutch gvt. zu 3 fl. 30 cts per picul.
Dies bis jetzt einzige Revenue derived durch Dutch von
Preanger district. Die
Sundanese regents betreiben die Kaffeecultur
vermittelst the gratuitous labour rent of their
cottier tenants, under Superintendenz der Dutch
officials. Den Kaffee deliver die regents in the
husk; das Dutch gvt hat Europ. contractors on the spot, with mills for
cleaning and sorting it. Der Preanger Coffee
yields dem Dutch Gvt den largest profit per picul, owing to
the small price paid for it; doch sein Quantum relativ gering
verglichen mit dem Kaffee grown in the conquered parts of
Java. (159, 160)
Anfang des 19 Jhdts Kaffeekultur extended to the different hilly districts of the crown lands in the interior. (160)
1808 kam
Marschal Marschall
Daendels
als Generagoverneur General Governeur des holl. Ostindiens zur Zeit als
Louis Napoleon
König v. Holland; Bei
Money, S. 160: proceeded at once to correct abuses in the
old Oriental fashion
Schließen ging
orientalisch zu Werk, hanging peculators, European u. native, over their own
doors without trial. (160) |114 Errichtete in Java, in
2 Jahren, all over the island admirable system of
roads – by forced labour, at a
great sacrifice of life. Jeder road is double, one for horse u. carriage
traffic, der andre for cart u.
cattle traffic; each is wide enough to admit 3 vehicles
abreast, and the 2 generally run alongside of each other, divided by
a bank, often with a well-clipped Hibiscus hedge upon it. The horse
road now macadamized, kept in as good order as any coach road in
Egld, is constantly attended
to,
every depression filled up with metal, as soon as, and only to the
amount, required. The chief part of the labour
rent furnished gratuitously by the people to Gvt is applied
to this purpose, and to the maintenance of the cattle road etc.
(160, 161)
Coffee Culture on the old plan, i.e. Daendels’ system. Jedes hill village, dessen soil suited to coffee, was obliged to plant on the uncultivated parts a certain number of coffee trees, generally about 1000 trees per head of family. Im 5t year after planting the produce was estimated, and the village required to deliver gratuitously, into the Government stores on the sea shore, ⅖ of the estimated crop, properly cleaned, sorted, and of first-rate quality. (161) In case of default, the village had to pay to Gvt the Java market price, fixed u. published once a year, generally about 25 fl. per picul, for so much [of the two-fifths] of the estimated crop as was not delivered by the end of December. Die andern ⅗ des crop were the villagers’ own property, at their free disposal. Das Dutch gvt. verpflichtete sich to pay the same fixed market price for every picul of coffee, above the ⅖, delivered into the sea-shore coffee stores, properly cleaned, sorted u. of first[-]rate quality. (162) Gvt wollte so das ganze Coffee product in seine hands bringen; failed utterly; it got the whole of the small amount of coffee grown near the stores on the sea-shore , aber nur kleinen Theil, weniger als ⅖ von dem far larger coffee produce of the interior. (l.c.) numerous mountain villages had nur bad communications mit den roads, u. in allen Fällen, the village had no joint machinery for the transport, even along the best roads, of large loads of coffee for great distances. (l.c.) Hence the coffee, badly u. carelessly cleaned u. prepared, was bought by any purchaser on the spot at very low rates; od. – u. dies was the general speculation up to 1830 – was exchanged for ½ or ⅓ of its weight in salt. (163) Salz – Regierungsmonopol in Java wie in Indien – wurde sold by Gvt at the salt-stores on the sea-shore f. 8 fl. per picul. Wurde hier gekauft durch speculators, who took it into the hills, tauschten es dort mit dem Hill people aus for 2 or 3 times its weight in coffee; erhielten so 2 or 3 piculs coffee, worth 20–25 fl. per picul, für 1 picul of salt worth 8 florins. (l.c.)
Das Gesetzt Gesetz, das gratuitous delivery von ⅖ des hill coffee crop erheischte, unerfüllbar wegen der difficulty des transport. Zahlung für diese ⅖, at the Gvt rate, gleichzeitig verhindert durch die low prices got for the coffee in the interior. Die hill villages daher, nicht able to discharge their coffee u. land tax, zahlten dem Gvt what money they could well afford, u. let the remainder fall into arrear. (l.c.) Die villages near the sea-shore coffee stores, being able to deliver the coffee without trouble for what was a very paying price to them, took pains in its cultivation, and in the cleaning u. sorting of the berry, and delivered their whole crop to the Gvt., ⅖ gratuitously, ⅗ at the rate of 25 fl. per picul. (163, 164)
Gvt erhielt so kleinen Theil des coffee crop in first-rate
condition, während der far larger part,
sent to Europe by its private purchasers, was dirty, broken u.
unsorted. Dies gab dem Java Coffee a bad name in
European market u. affected the price of
the good gvt coffee. Andrerseits die mountain
villages, getting so little benefit from the coffee, neglected nicht
nur its cultivation, sondern would have allowed their plantations to
become fruitless, if not for constant attention of the officials. –
Engl. Gvt. abolished in Java the
gratuitous delivery of coffee; die villagers, being no
longer under any obligation to grow coffee, and having little sale
for it, neglected the coffee gardens u. resorted to crops better
suited to the local market to raise money to pay the new land tax.
(164) |115 Nach return der Dutch Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (1816)
Daendels’ coffee system re-established. Bei
Money:, S. 164: This was hailed with pleasure
Schließen Wieder
selbe results mit Bezug einerseits
in
den coffee villages near the
sea-shore, who, though they had to deliver ⅖ gratuitously,
received 25 fl. a picul for the other ⅗, equal to 15 fl. a picul all round. Their
proximity to the coffee stored stores
saved these villages any considerable expense of transport, in which case … the
villagers preferred the coffee crop at these rates, as giving the
largest profit with the least trouble and without any on-lay outlay. Dagegen bei den
hill villagers des interior – same distance u. difficulty of transport
Zusammenfassung von
Marx.
Schließen etc selbe Resultate hier wie unter
Daendels’ [system]
vorher. (164, 165)
Coffee culture under the New System. Van den Bosch – while introducing the gvt. sugar culture, – tried to remedy defects of coffee culture: 1) by giving the villagers all over the island large profits from coffee instead of small; 2) by saving the villagers the transport, thus putting all on an equality; 3) by getting the whole coffee crop grown on the crown lands into the hands of Gvt., so as to have it all properly treated, and made of first[-]rate quality, thus »to rais raise its reputation in the European market[«]. (165, 166) to this purpose:
v. d. Bosch made roads into the centre of each mountain coffee district, and built coffee stores in the neighbourhood of each coffee plantation. Every hill village was required to plant on the uncultivated hill sides, in 4 years, 600 coffee trees per head of family, in regular gardens, and to mantain a sufficient nursery of young trees, to keep 600 trees per head of family in full bearing. Careful preparation der gardens u. nurseries, wie subsequent attention to the coffee trees, were secured by the monthly supervision of a European contrôleur, who also superintended the gathering of the crop, leaving the villagers to dry, clean and sort the coffee, and deliver it into the neighbouring gvt coffee stores at their own convenience. (166)
Price was fixed at 12 fl. per picul;
nähmlich by taking 15 fl. per picul on the whole
crop, as equivalent to ⅖ of the crop
delivered gratis, mit 25 fl. per picul
paid on the remaining ⅗. Von diesen 15 fl. per picul on the
whole crop ferner deducted 3 fl., as the
equivalent of the transport to the sea shore saved to the
villagers;
liess 12 fl. in cash net to the villagers
for every picul delivered into the coffee store
in their own village. Da
jedes Familienhaupt has the care of, and sells the produce from, 600 coffee trees, yielding about a picul
of good clean coffee per 200 trees, so jede Familie im
village averages für 3 piculs of coffee 36 fl.
net per annum, = about 6 months’ wages at the ordinary price of Java labour. Wenn
village besteht aus 100 families, erhält das village
jährlich 3600 fl. = £.300. ([166,] 167) Land
tax could not exceed 1000 fl.
jährlich on 100 bahus, the usual amount of rice
land cultivated by a hill village of 100 families
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (also 1½ acre per family). Wegen
des
low price of rice in the hills, land tax
wahrscheinlich nicht = 1/2 jener Summa, thus
leaving the village über £200 clear surplus cash in hand, neben
dem whole produce of their cultivated lands under rice
or other crops for their own consumption. (167)
The coffee plum, when ripe, is a red oval fruit, about the
size of a cherry, the stone or kernel of which
consists of 2 coffee beans, with the flat sides together.
The fleshy husk has to be removed, and the
coffee berries Dried dried, when a thin skin that holds the coffee beans together
breaks and peals peels off, and the coffee, after being winnowed, cleaned, u.
sorted, is fit for export or use. These various operations performed
by the villagers at no further expense than a
light wooden pestle and a bag of buffalo skin for
cleaning, and a few bamboo hurdles and rattan trays for drying
and sorting, all manufactured by themselves from materials at
hand. The
hill peasants thus Ausrufezeichen von Marx.
Schließen (!) grow and prepare
the coffee at no cost (!) but labour, and with
not even much of that. The coffee plantations in Java are made in
the tall jungle on the hill side, and
but little care is bestowed on them, further than
cleaning about a foot of ground round the stem of each tree
twice a year. This, and the plucking |116 of 600 trees,
easily done by each family without interfering with their ordinary
cultivation, and the women and children pound the coffee in the
buffalo bag, and sort the berries on the rattan trays, when not
otherwise employed. (167, 168)
Zur Zeit als van den Bosch den change machte, producirte Preanger about 30,000 piculs, rest of the island 220,000 pic. jährlich. Hiervon die 30,000 Piculs des Preanger u. ⅖ der übrigen od. 88,000 piculs, gut, zus. 118,000 piculs, worth 25 fl. per pic. gross, = near 3 mill. fl. Die andern ⅗ der 220,000 piculs = 132,000, schlecht cleaned u. sorted, nur werth 20 fl. per picul, zus. über 2½ mill fl. Hence Gesammtcoffeeprodukt v. Java damals = 5½ mill. fl. in round numbers od. unter ½ mill. £.St. jährlich. (168, 169)
1854 producirt Preanger – Bei Money, S. 169: though growing neither sugar nor coffee
under General Van den Bosch’s system
Schließen wo jedoch nisch
v. d.
Bosch’s system! – 243,554 piculs of coffee; der
rest der Java crown lands gave to
Gvt 840,310 piculs;
zus. 1,083,864 piculs, being superior
coffee, realised on sale in Holland 34 fl.
76 cents gross, giving gvt. 27 fl.
45 cts net per picul, excl. of freight
and expenses of sale. At these rates the value des
coffee produce in 1854 über 37 millions fl.
od. über 3 mill. st. gross u. close on
30 mill fl. or 2½ Mill. St. net. Yield v. Java Coffee daher 1854 mehr als 4mal so
gross u. about 6x
werthvoller als vor dem Cultursystem. (169)
Ausserdem received gvt in 1854, – 131,522 piculs, u. in
1859 1857
– 198,779 pic. of coffee cultivated by the
villagers on the crown lands in Sumatra on
the same principles as in Java. In good years the Java Gvt erhält so
von den crown lands in different parts of Dutch India
about 1 Mill. od. 1,200,000 piculs
of coffee, equal to from about 60,000 to 72,000 tons, all das exported
nach Holland for sale. Ausserdem after satisfying the
demand in the island, exports private trade
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (von private estates)
about 150,000 piculs; so:
| 1854: | Gesamt Coffee produce von Java | über 1,200,000 piculs | od. 1,457,142 cwts; dahingegen: |
| 1857–58 | das Coffee produce von Ceylon | (see Sir Emerson Tennant : „Ceylon.“ V. II ) | 424,700 cwts, Bei Money, S. 170: less than
one-third of the Java coffee produce for
1854 Schließen ⅓ weniger als Java coffee produce for 1854. (169, 170) |
There is the same official percentage on coffee, and on all other Gvt cultures, as on sugar. Dieselben European u. native authorities theilen unter sich, in selben proportions, 50 doits per picul of coffee delivered to Gvt in their several districts. The Koewoe, or head of the hill village, also gets a coffee reward, as his brother of the plains does for sugar; he receives 24 doits for every picul which the statement of the bringer shows to come from his village. (170, 171)
Coffee is packed u. transported at Gvt expense by private carriers, after public competition for a 3 years’ transport contract. (171)
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 2)
Cinnamon culture. Zimmt ist the peeled u.
dried bark of the cinnamon shrub; cinnamon
gardens cultivated for Gvt in 4 of the Java residencies by
village labour, and in 2 by hired day-labourers. The bark is peeled
u. dried by the villagers u. sold to Gvt. in same manner as coffee.
No monopoly as to cinnamon or any of the other spices. Spices not
grown by private individuals for same reason that prevents
Englishmen at the free ports and islands of Singapore and Penang
growing any but nutmegs. Seit Jahren spices one of the worst paying Oriental
crops; of late selbst nutmegs can
hardly be cultivated to a profit, while the cultivation of other spices entails a loss, the present
prices
being little
more than sufficient to pay for the collection
from wild spice trees in the jungle. (172) The cinnamon culture kept up
by Java Gvt. for the sake of the large wages
paid to the villagers in aid of their land rent. (173)
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 3)
Pepper Culture; grown for Dutch Gvt. in same
way as coffee u. cinnamon. Pepper Plant a
shrubby creeper
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (staudenartige Schlingpflanze),
cultivirt in Java in rows Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Reihen) trained over trellis-work
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Gitter (od. Gatter) werk)
oder posts, ähnlich wie Weinstock in Fkch. Die rows of
pepper-creepers oft placed zwischen den rows of coffee trees, u.
beide Artikel dann kultivirt, preparirt, u. sold at the neighbouring Gvt store by the same
villagers. Die Pfefferpflanze trägt kurze spike-shaped
clusters of berries, sehr ähnlich denen des holly in size u. colour.
Ihre Behandlung für export besteht nur in plucking, drying u. sorting them, during which they lose
their smooth red appearance, u. become dry u. wrinkled. (173)
III.)
Culture System by a Contractor with Day
Labourers.
i.e. on Java crown lands by contractors mit day labourers, statt village labour. Hierhin gehören: Cochineal u. tobacco plantations, wovon jedoch viele auch cultivated durch village labour wie Zucker, was bei tea plantations nur to a |117 slight extent in den Preanger Regencies stattfindet. (174)
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 1)
Bei Money,
S. 174: Cochineal Produce
Schließen
Cochenille
(Cochineal): Govt cactus culture for the production of cochineal is
carried on z.Th. durch European
contractors, sei es mit village labour wie Zucker od. mit paid day
labourers wie Thee, u. z.Th. durch gvt
selbst, sowohl mit village als day labour. Diese Cultur geht – wie die von Indigo – graduell über von Cultur mit Contractor to one without him, so
as to reduce the cost of production within the
average market price.
Cochenille die
bright red dye contained in body of an
insect living u. reproducing itself, in large numbers, on
the broad fleshy leaves of a species of very large cactus.
Die cactus plants arranged in rows; when peopled mit
dem insect look as if coarsely sprinkled mit hair
powder. Das insect ist schneeweiss, covered mit a small
downy
Schließen (flaumig) fluff Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Staubfeder), u. about the size u.
shape of a grain of barley. Die culture besteht nur in rearing u. watering the cactus, protecting the
insects by moveable mat roofs from being washed off the plants
by the rain, and in the proper period sweeping the insects
off the plants into trays, which are then put over an oven. The heat
kills the insects u. dries their skins,
preserving the red dye in their bodies, which are then
packed in bags for exportation. (174, 175)
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 2)
Tobacco
Culture.;
Taback allzumeist grown on the Java crown lands durch independent planters on lease from gvt;
kultivirt theils durch village labour, theils
durch day labourers. Die
Pflanze selbst so leicht bestellt wie
cabbage (Kohl), dem sie sehr ähnelt. Was aber beständige u.
intelligent supervision fordert, ist die Preparation für
den europ. Markt, sei es as leaf tobacco od. as cigars
– Taback meist sehr profitable article für grower; sein market price has turned out weit über the contract rate, so that none is
delivered to Gvt which can be avoided; zu dieser delivery
die independent planters nicht bound; u. selbst
die contractors haben ganz free disposal of
their tobacco produce on certain terms as to the repayment of the
Gvt. advances otherwise than in kind. [175]
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 3)
Quinine Culture; lately introduced by Gvt
Cinchona Calisaya, wovon best quinine
made. Nur noch ⦗damals⦘ one small garden of it in the hills near Bandong, at elevation v. 4600–4700 feet
über sea level. The plants obtained von Peru u.
Bolivia there reared under Dr. F. W. Junghuhn
, Inspector of
Natural
Physics, u. Prof. de Vriese,
Inspector of Chemical Experiments in Dutch India. Die
plants flourished well, just before our arrival in Java the first seeds obtained from them. Diese
seeds have been planted in various localities and at different
heights, so as to ascertain the soil u. elevation best suited to
them in Java. If they succeed, kann Java in wenigen Jahren supply East at a low rate with this
invaluable medicine, in quantities only limited
by the demand. ([175,] 176)
Zusatz von
Marx. Marx bezieht sich auf Geo[rge] Vasey: Report of the
botanist. In: Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture for
the year 1872. Washington 1874. S. 169−171 (Cultivation of
the cinchona). Dort, S. 169: The great medicinal importance
of the cinchona-barks […] have led during the past ten or
twelve years to attempts in many places to cultivate the
cinchona tree. […] The earliest experiments in this
direction were made by the Dutch, in Java, who commenced a
plantation in 1854, but from various causes their attempts
were at first unsuccessful. The principal difficulties were
the selection and cultivation of varieties which were poor
in the amount of quinine they naturally afforded, and errors
in cultivation with respect to soil, elevation, and
temperature. These errors have of late years been corrected,
and an account of the state of the cultivation of the
cinchona in Java, in 1868, shows the following number of
trees of different varieties then in cultivation: Of
Cinchona calisaya, 509,582; Cinchona succirubra, 27,578;
Cinchona condaminea, 28,874; Cinchona lancifolia, 573;
Cinchona micrantha, 386. British East
Indian experiments.
Marx besaß diesen Band selbst. Sein Exemplar, mit An-
und Unterstreichungen von ihm mit Grünstift (auch in der
zitierten Passage), ist überliefert (siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr.
1107).
Schließen ⦗Cf. U.
St. Department of Agriculture. Report. 1872 p. 169
sqq.
⦘ ⦗Ersten Versuche der
Holländer in Java 1854, schlugen
fehl durch errors in cultivation with respect to
soil, elevation, u. temperature. Nach Dutch Bericht von 1868 folgende
Anzahl Bäume of different varieties: Of Cinchona calisaya 509,582; Cinchona succirubra 27,578; Cinchona condaminea 28,874; Cinchona lancifolia 573; Cinchona micrantha, 386. Ueber die ersten
Brit. East India experiments.
ib. p. 169.⦘
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen 4)
Tea Culture:
Bei Money, S. 176: except on one or
two tea farms in the Preanger
Schließen Mit Ausnahme von Preanger, wo grown by
village labour, diese culture carried on by Gvt. Contractors
entirely with hired labour; die meisten tea lands taken from the uncultivated u. uninhabited hill
sides
; um
Arbeiter zu haben, muss contractor sie attract by paying high wages;
dies dadurch facilitated dass such day labourers
not liable to labour rent, even when they hold land under
the tea planters; ihre liability to Gvt. for
labour rent ceases when they cease to be direct Gvt cottiers. Da der tea planter kein
landowner, sondern nur lessee des Gvt., no labour
rent is due to him, but only the ⅕ of produce. Dies adds to
the inducement of high wages. ([176,] 177)
judgment u. experience nöthig for selection of a favourable site for a tea plantation; preparation des soil
u. Säen des Samens leicht; constant supervision u. high cultivation
required to secure the speedy u. healthy growth der plant; ebenso
skilled labour u. constant intelligent European management nöthig
für the subsequent process of making the leaves into tea, black and green. (177) Gvt,
das alle advances machte, imported but a few men from the teagrowing tea-growing districts of China, to give the first rudiments of
information. So numerous tea-plantations set up in different parts
of the hills in Java von 1835–1845, about
selbe Zeit wo
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (brit.) Ostind. Co. Theecultur in
Indien einführte. Der
Java contract tea planter ersetzt nicht nur
wie der sugar contractor the Gvt. advances in kind, sondern sells
his whole crop to Gvt. at contract rates. (178)|
In all new cultures Gvt takes the risk upon itself, as the only means of largely introducing a new cultivation. Wo such new culture turns out a superior article, the contractor only delivers to Gvt. so much in kind as will repay his advances at the contract rate, and sells the rest for himself at the higher market price. Wo unsuccessful, the contractor delivers the whole crop to Gvt at the contract rate, leaving Gvt. to bear the loss on resale at the market price. In Tea affaire, the power of selling the whole crop to Gvt is the only thing that has kept up the Java tea culture against the great losses with which it had to struggle. (178, 79)
The contract rates wozu der Java tea taken by Gvt. variirt mit den kinds of tea, aber jeder contractor has to deliver 50% des tea, in certain proportions of each kind of tea, both black u. green; 4 distinct kinds of black tea, von common congou to flowery pekoe, ebenso viele Sorten green tea; 50% des tea delivered müssen bestehn aus allen 8 kinds in certain proportions; die andern 50% mögen aus einer od. mehren der 8 Sorten bestehn in dem planter beliebigen Proportionen. (179)
Die grösseren Verluste früherer Jahre daher, dass tea
schlecht gemacht u. meist v. inferior quality; fand daher kaum a
market, bis
solcher
created for it in Germany, wo Bei Money, S. 179: the
Germans
Schließen die deutschen Hünd induced to buy it in preference to China
tea wegen der comparatively low rates wozu offered by the
Dutch Gvt. (179, 180) Nach u. nach auch bessere
Sorten gemacht; es kostet beträchtlich mehr
to make the leaves into green als in black
tea, dagegen the cost of making high or
low class teas is much the same; die difference in
den Klasses of either kind of tea chiefly consists in the quality of the leaf,
während die prices at which the Gvt.
takes the teas of different classes per lb. range v. 60 cts or 1sh. to 120 cts or 2s. Dadurch jedes Jahr
brought into the hands of Gvt. better made teas, and a larger
proportion of high class teas, which have thus gradually raised the
price in Europe. (180) Unterdess machten Bei Money, S. 180: the tea
contractors
Schließen die »Hünde« v. contractors large fortunes. (180) Das
cost of growing, making, and packing etc in
1857 about 49 cts per lb all round, nahm aber rasch ab mit dem increasing produce of the
area, während on the good plantations the
different prices received von Gvt. then averaged in the aggregate as
high as 85 cts or 90 cts per lb, in
consequence of those plantations delivering a larger proportion of
high class teas. (l.c.)
Meisten der
exististing existing contracts had lasted über 15 J. u. sehr wenige more to run
than 4 od. 5 J., dann die tea planters to be left mit den
tea plantations, paying a fixed rent to Gvt u. having to compete in
the Europ. market. (181) Obgleich diese contractors Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen – die kein Kapital
vorzuschiessen! – machten fortunes, verlor das Gvt on the tea, u. amount of their annual loss published yearly. Erst in
letzterer Zeit found that Gvt can net for the tea in Europe, after
paying all expenses, a higher price than it costs to make in Java,
u. dass selbst »the bad Java tea« can be grown for sale in the open
market at a large profit. Seitdem applications
for leases by independent planters are pouring in etc.
Jetzt tea produce in Java
Zusatz von Marx.
Gemeint
ist: vor dem Erscheinen des Buchs von Money (1861) bzw. zur
Zeit seines Aufenthalts auf Java
(1868).
Schließen (dies vor 1860) 2¼ Mill. lbs.
(181)
Bei Money, S. 182:
This has been the result of the Dutch system on a soil not
so well suited to the tea plant as either China or India,
but where from high cultivation and abundant labour, as well
as partly also from the absence of cold weather, the tea
crop yields more per acre per annum.
Schließen Java Boden nicht so gut für Tea
plant, wie China od.
Indien. Mr.
Fortune
averages the full yield in North West of
India at 300 lbs per acre jährlich;
in Java tea produce in 1856 beinah 700 u. in 1857 just
650 Amsterdam lbs, od. respectively 754
u. 706 pounds avoirdupois per bahu of 1½ acre, = 470–500 lbs per
acre. Seit 1858 improved cultivation u. use of guano haben den average noch
erhöht. Aber der Java tea has a strong
acrid taste, which prevents its being drunk in the island,
as the excellent Java coffee generally is. The
only market for it is Germany, wo Bei Money, S. 183: the
Germans
Schließen die deutschen Hünde by use acquired an actual relish for this
acrid taste, and now buy the Java tea, at moderate prices, in
preference to China teas. (182,
183) An unfortunate mistake |119 was made in the tea
contracts by omitting all stipulation as to quality (183), doch
scheint die universal bad quality u. acrid taste of the tea
from the several Java plantations in soil u. climate ihren
Grund zu haben. (l.c.)
Indian Tea
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Brit.)
[:] Ist of a higher market value
than the Chinese. In Kumaon u.
andren
neighbouring parts der Himalayas a wild tea
called, from the colour of its infusion, loll
tcha or red tea, made up by the natives there as an old
industry, not for consumption, but for export through Tartary to
some part of China, wo dem chines. Thee vorgezogen. (184)
Zusatz von Marx. Bei Money, S. 184:
our Indian system
Schließen In (Brit.) India Gvt
imported tea plants u. Chinese workmen, u. set up experimental
farms of a few acres each in different parts of Assam, Northwest Provinces u. Punjaub, superintended by Gvt officers with
none but an official interest in the spread of the tea cultivation
u. managed chiefly by discharged soldiers u. men of a like class.
(184) Doch success dieser experimental farms grösser als erwartet. (l.c.) (184, 185)
1840 large company got up by private enterprise, mit subscribed capital of £200,000 u. dieser die small Gvt tea farms in Assam made over. Verloren grösseren Theil ihres money durch mismanagement ihrer agents, peculation of all kinds; doch mit remainder dehnten sie die gvt tea farms over a large tract of country aus, now of about 4000 acres in Assam, blühn nun as Assam Tea Company … Einige few private tea planters, attracted by this Co’s success, have set up plantations in Assam u. in Cachor. (185) Die Experimental tea farms in North West Provinces u. Punjaub erst etablirt nach success der tea cultivation in Assam. Tea dort aber so superior, that it sold on the spot at first for 10s. per lb. Einige few Engl. während der letzten Jahre began tea cultivation in Northwest u. Punjaub. (186)
Assam Tea Co. machte in 1853 lbs. 370,669; in 1857 lbs 707,132, u. die private tea planters in India, in 1858 about lbs 300,000 – about 1 Mill. lbs per annum for the whole produce of the finest tea-soil yet known, developed by Engl. industry u. private capital, against 2¼ mill. lbs of tea per annum, as the produce in the same period of the bad tea soil of Java, developed by Dutch industry and Gvt capital. (186)
Bei Money, S. 235: After the old Dutch
East India Company had closed its two centuries of misrule
in 1798
Schließen
1598–1798 two centuries
of rule of the old
Dutch East India Co.
;
then von 1798
the colony passed over to the crown as
the property of the sovereign, and was governed by the King of
Holland through his colonial minister; 1848
new Dutch Constitution, wodurch the Gvt of old
Dutch colonies transferred von sovereign, personally, to sovereign
as head of the state, to be carried on „as regulated by law“. 1854 passed by King u. States-General of
Holland
„Regulations for the Government of Netherlands
India“. (235[,
236])
Spices in Java technically mean nutmegs
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Muskatnüsse),
mace Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Muscatblüthe)
(beide produce des nutmeg tree) u. cloves
.
Übersetzung von
Marx.
Schließen (Gewürznelken)
[.] (253) 1824 the former prohibitory laws gegen
growth of cloves abolished u. kein vestige mehr of the old system
etc. (254)
The tin produce of the Dutch East Indies mostly comes from the island of Banka on the east coast of Sumatra. It is mined by associations of Chinese under their own mining captains, with Gvt advances, and with the interests of the miners as carefully and minutely looked after as in the case of the cultures. (258, 259)
Area of Java u.
Madura, given in the colonial report for
1849, is 2,444.6 □ Dutch Geographical
Miles = 51,790 Engl. □ miles. England nach census von 1851 hat nur 50,922 Engl. □ miles Zusatz von Marx. Bei
Money, S. 266: Java and Madura may therefore be safely taken
as rather larger than England
Schließen (868 □ [miles] weniger als
Java) (p. 266)
| 1826 | Census gab Bevölkerung für Java u. Madura | 5,403,786. (268) | ||
| 1808 | (nach Marschall Daendels’ Estimate) | 3,730,000 | ||
| 1815 | (English Census) | 4,615,270 | ||
| 1754–1795 | (Result von Estimates verschied. Theile Java’s in „Le Moniteur des Indes“ ) |
3,559,611. |
||
| Von 1795–1826 | sind 31 Jahre; | giebt increase von 51% in 31 Jahren ; also doubling in about 60 years. |
| Aber 1855 | giebt: | 10,916,158, Verdopplung od. 100% in 29 J. (gegen Jahr 1826) |
| 1857 | nach „Colonial Report“ the population had risen to 11,594,158. (269)| |
| 1826 | Verhältniss der Java population zu area, | i.e. | per □ mile | 105. |
| 1856 | ⦗wo Bevölkerung (Colonial Report) = 11,290,450⦘ | per ditto | 218. | |
| 1857 | " " | 223. (p. 269) | ||
| The assumed population of Brit. India in 1856 giebt | per □ mile | 157. (l.c.) | ||
Das culture system raised the Java population also in 30 J. von ⅓ below to ¼ above our Indian standard. (l.c.)
Zusatz von Marx. Bei Money, S. 268: In
Java, on the contrary, the population is large and rapidly
increasing, though
Schließen Bien entendu: In Java, wie in Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Brit. India, the great mass of the people is irregulary distributed in dense patches mit intermediate wastes, over a wide extent
of country, and more than half the
cultivable surface is as yet uninhabited. (268) Zusammenfassung von
Marx.
Schließen (vgl. über Revenue
u. im Gegenstatz Gegensatz zu Brit. India p. 271
sqq.)
| 1857 the gross revenue = |
9½ Mill. £.St. Zusatz von Marx. Schließen (2 s. per rupee u. 12 fl. to £l.) |
| wovon | 3½ " " od. more than ⅓ net surplus. (272) |
The existing revenue of Dutch India may be divided into 3½–4 mill. [£] St., raised by the taxation of about 11 millions of people, at the rate of about 6s. 6d. per head;
4½–5 mill. £., derived from the profitable cultivation of about 1/26 of the crown lands in Java and Madura;
about ½ mill. £. v. tin mines of Banka, coffee of Sumatra u. spices of the Moluccas. (272)
Wether Whether considered as rent or as tax, the
land revenue is in both countries Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (Java
and Brit. India) a direct
compulsory contribution, as such more or less hateful to a
people in a low state of civilization. Indirect
taxes, on the contrary … seldom give rise to such feelings
among Natives, and least of all when levied in
their most objectionable form by monopolies. The peasant
who pays an extra halfpenny per lb for salt
from the retail dealer, in the interior of India, neither knows nor
cares whether such rise in price is due to
extra duty imposed by Gvt, or merely to the stock
of salt in the neighbourhood having fallen so far below the
demand as to make the retail dealers think they can levy this extra
price on the people. This latter occurs so often
in the interior of India, and the
absence of roads makes the prices of all articles, whether
taxed by Gvt or not, there fluctuate so
much, according to whether the local supply or the local demand
is in excess, that the effect of a slight
difference in duty is seldom practically perceptible to the
consumer. (278)
| In 1856 | the Java direct compulsory contribution | = | 1s. 6¾d. per head, out of a taxation revenue of 6s. 5½d., and out of a gross revenue of 15s. 2¼d. per head. |
| In 1856–57 | in India the compulsory tax | = | 2s. 8¼d. per head, out of a taxation revenue of 4s. 3½d. and out of a gross revenue of 5s. 0½[d.] per head. So, to raise a revenue relatively less than ⅓ that of Java, people of India subject to not far from 2x the amount of compulsory payment per head. |
In Brit. India the land revenue absorbs from ½ to ¾ of the landowner’s net profits u. v. ⅓ to ½ of the produce of crown lands in peasant occupation. Mehr als ½ – if we exclude the opium revenue paid by the Chinese consumer –; near ⅗ of the India receipts are direct land tax. ([279,] 280)
Bei Money,
S. 282: From the return of the Dutch to the introduction of
the culture system
Schließen Von
1816 bis 1830 (introduction of
culture system), the land revenue in Java
had risen von about 4 to about 8 mill. fl., this
varied von ⅓ to ¼ of the whole revenue. On the population of 1831 the land revenue of that year was 1s.
11d. per
annum head. Von
der introduction des culture system bis
1845, land revenue had risen to about 12 mill. of fl. Aber
in Folge des still greater rise
in the culture revenue u. in the
indirect taxes, the land revenue
had comparatively sunk unter ¼ der local und ⅐ der
Gesammtrevenue von 1845; on the
population of 1845 the land
revenue was 2s. 2¼d. per head. |121 In 1846 the land revenue was assessed more lightly u. from
that to present day allowed to remain about
stationary, trotz great increase in cultivated area u.
value of produce. ([281,] 282)
The form of yearly estimating u. assessing the land rent on the Dutch crown villages is maintained, so as yearly to assert the Gvt’s right as landlord of the crown lands. But the amount thus fixed as land rent on each village is generally only the same as for previous years. As this land rent is collected rateably from the villagers by their elected village chief, each man derives some benefit, from improvements and further cultivation, for which thus practically no further rent is paid. The Gvt land rent levied, though nominally ⅕ of the produce, is now unquestionably far less than that proportion of the yearly increase from the crown lands. The culture revenue has meanwhile increased enormously. 1857 the land revenues less than ¼ of the local, and then ⅒ of the whole receipts. On the population of 1857, the land revenue 1s. 6½d. p. head. (282, 83)
In Java unproductive Expenditure (for administration, army, justice, police) nur⅗ des whole, die directly reproductive (for public works, cultures etc) = ⅖ … this probably exceeds the reproductive expenditure of any other country in the world. (p. [283,] 284) (tables furnished to »Money« by Java Gvt distinguish unproductive u. reproductive expenditure erst seit 1848) Dagegen in Brit. India about 9/10 unproductive, ⅒ reproductive (public works). (l.c.)
The culture outlay was largest at first, when
not only the yearly but also the building
advances had to be made. Bis 1844 diese
expenditure kept in a separate account mit der
Dutch Trading
Co.
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(Maatschappij)
. Seit 1844 das
culture outlay made directly durch gvt.
Seit 1848 it is distinguished in the expenditure tables
supplied to me, and averages yearly about 2 mill. £., out of a total expenditure of
von 4½ to 5½ mill.
£
st.
yearly. ([285,] 286)
Dutch East Indian Debt. Bei
Money, S. 291: from the return of the Dutch
Schließen Von 1816
bis 1833 incl. the aggregate excess of expenditure over
receipts, excl. of the sums advanced by the Netherlands Trading Society
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(Maatschappij)
for the
establishment of the culture system came to 37,700,000 fl.; this difference,
being supplied v. Holland, then formed the real
debt of Java; 1838 dies debt reduced to 36 Mill. fl.; aber Java then
suddenly saddled mit a new debt of
200 Mill. fl. By the laws of 24 April
1836, 11 March 1837, 27 March 1838 u. 22 Dec. 1838 a new
East Indian Debt created of 236 mill. fl[.],
or £19,800,000. Von dieser Summe 200 millions fl.
were to bear 4% interest, which would require 8 mill. fl. yearly
payment. The other 36 mill. bore 5%
interest, requiring 1,800,000 fl. Total yearly
interest of 9,800,000 fl. so charged upon the revenues of
Java. Hiervon schuldete Java nur 36 Mill. to Holland. Die
200 mill. fl. were simply the part of the Dutch national Debt formerly born by
Belgium when united with Holland, and repudiated by les braves Belges on the separation of
the 2 countries. (291, 292) Zusatz von Marx, der sich auf den
Ausdruck bezieht, den Money einige Zeilen zuvor (S. 292)
verwendete.
Schließen Whereupon
die brave Dutch (Money
speaks of »les braves Belges«) relieved themselves of this extra
burden, by charging the payment of the Belgian
interest on the surplus Java revenue. (292)
Dies imposition als unjust charge on the colony opposed
besonders by
Kruseman
, Director[-]General of Finance; aber
van den
Bosch
, damals returned to
Holland, Bei Money, S. 292: directed his
energies to relieve the mother country of this extra burden.
He carried his point in this, as in other matters, against
all opposition
Schließen . (l.c.)
Von 1838 bis 1857 hat Java in der
That (nach Abzug des Yearly interest on the real
Dutch East-Ind. debt) overpaid an Holland Fl. 291,504,123, Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen über
£24,292,010. Dies overplus,
however, instead of being applied to pay off this Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Belgia-born) debt,
has been taken by the Dutch gvt as tribute from
the colony u. verwendt in making
railways in Holland and for other European purposes, wovon
Java nichts benefits. (292, 293) (293)
|
Ausser dem interest on the Dutch East Indian
debt there is also the interest on a
small residue of culture debt. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (Dies neue »Dutch« Räuberei) The
advances made by der
niederl. Handels
Maatschappij for the introduction of the culture
system, their yearly supply of funds to carry it on, and their
charges for selling the culture produce in Holland, were
regulated by the so-called consignment
contract. Der account dieser advances u. of the
Co’s commission and charges on sales, was kept in Holland, u. nur
die balances, either of advances or repayments, were
entered in the Java revenue tables. The amount of the
advances averaged about 13 mill fl., more than 1 Mill. £.,
jährlich v. 1832 to 1844.
Hiervon the larger portion borrowed during the first few years, for
the introduction of the culture system, u. less for the later years
of that period. The company repaid to themselves
their advances in certain proportions, agreed on in the
consignment contract, by retaining so much of the
sale of proceeds received by them on account of
Gvt. Letzteres Bei Money, S. 295: it is said not to
have been unusual […] to borrow
Schließen pumpte aber occasionally
von der Co. to supply the immediate necessities of the state. 1844 accounts were adjusted when a
balance of about 10 millions of fl.
found owing by the Gvt in Holland to the society. Dies balance, by the laws of
6 March u. 23 Nov. 1844 converted into a permanent loan of that amount charged against the
colony
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!), the interest at 4½% to be
paid out of the colonial revenues. 1849
charter der Co. renewed für weitere 25 J. u. interest reduced to 4%.
Durch weiteres arrangement in 1853 Zins weiter reducirt auf 3½%. Bemerkung von Marx.
Schließen Und notabene – this
balance did not arise from payment on account of the colonial
but of the home administration
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen ! (295, 296) Verweis auf die am Ende des Bands
eingeheftete „Comparative and Relative Table of the Revenue
and Expenditure of Netherlands India from 1817 to
1857“.
Schließen (Sieh Tabelle Ende dieses
vol. I)
[296]
Trade.
Als landlord des greater part of Java erhält Gvt. large
proportion u. in some articles the whole of the produce von
den
crownlands crown lands. Dies exported to Holland u. dort sold by the Handel Maatschappij for
account and risk of the Gvt. (304) Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Bei Money,
S. 304/305: There is no complaint in the island as to the
mode of Government’s obtaining that produce as landlord, but
it is accused of a grasping spirit in not contenting itself
with the landlord’s profits. The demand is that the state
should sell its produce to the merchants in Java for private
export, like other landowners, instead of itself taking the
merchant’s profits as well as the landlord’s.
amis du commerce: Bemerkung von Marx. Marx greift hier
eine Wendung auf, die er und Engels in der „Deutschen
Ideologie“ benutzt hatten: „Ebenso kann man das Alterthum
insofern als idealistisch fassen, als die Alten in der
Geschichte den ‚citoyen‘ repräsentiren, den idealistischen
Politiker, während die Neuen zuletzt auf den ‚bourgeois‘,
den realistischen ami du commerce hinauslaufen […]“ (MEGA
I/5. S. 194/195; siehe auch S. 215.9 und
S. 231.27). Vermutlich hatten sie die Wendung von Charles
Fourier übernommen (MEGA I/5. Erl. 195.1).
Schließen Dies ennuyirt die
merchants in Java, die gern
den Export als »private
export« für den »private profit« der amis
du commerce hätten.
(304, 305) Das ganze gvt produce – save the very small part
sold in the Bei Money, S. 305: island
Schließen colony
– is exclusively exported durch die
„Nederlandsche Handel Maatschappij“; sind
mere agents for gvt; ist a chartered joint-stock co. mit limited
liability, besitzt large capital u. has its
head office u. direction in Amsterdam u. its principal factory in
Batavia, with agencies at the chief ports in Java u. other parts of
Dutch India. (305)
Diese Co. etablirt in Amsterdam 1824; ihr ursprüngliches Capital 37 mill. fl., über 3 mill. £. St.; dies 1827 reducirt auf 24 mill. fl. u. 1835 auf 23 mill. Die erste charter der Co. war für 25 J. m. Zins von 4½% ihr garantirt von Wilhelm I , der selbst einer ihrer principal shareholders. Anfangs sie nicht erfolgreich. In 1827 part u. 1830 the whole of the guaranteed interest had to be paid by the king; aber seit van den Bosch sein Cultursystem in Java errichtete, fortwährende prosperity derselben. Die advances to start and work the culture system, zum Betrag v. about 3 mill. £., made to van den Bosch durch diese society, at 4½% garantirt durch den Staat. Für diese avances die Compagnie appointed the sole agent of the gvt. in buying u. importing in Java alle gvt supplies, u. in exporting the gvt produce v. Java u. selling it in Holland. Diese advances der Co. on a running account repayable out of the proceeds of the culture system u. consequently discharged mit interest in a few years. ([305, ]306)
The private trade of Java unrestricted wie in India. Ebenso growth u. manufacture aller articles frei ausser Opium u. Salt, die gvt monopolies in Indien wie in Java. Import of firearms u. ammunition verboten. (nur importirbar für sporting purposes, under guarantees as to their disposal and use) (p. 306, 307)|
123Was coffee angeht, so zahlt Gvt immer nur noch 12 fl. per picul, während solcher coffee jetzt 30 fl. worth in Batavia. ([307,] 308)
Java Import trade fast vervierfacht, während population nur verdoppelt seit 1825. Wird imported treasure added to the merchandize, so die relativen proportions der imports zu Bevölkerung 5s. 1d. per head jährlich f. die 5 years ending 1850 1830 , 7s. 9d. per head f. die 5 years ending 1855 u. 9s. 1¾d. per head für 1857. ([308,] 309) Largest increase in europ. Product, namentlich linen u. cotton goods; population verdoppelt in letzten 30 J., aber verzehrt 7× mehr linen u. cotton goods als früher. (l.c.)
Java Exports: versechsfacht jährlich während selber Periode. (309) Addirt man den exported treasure hierzu zu merchandize, so die relative proportions of exports to population 4s. 6d. per head jährlich für 5 J. ending 1830, 11s. 9d. per head jährlich f. 5 years ending 1855, u. 15s. 2¾d. per head f. 1857. ([309,] 310) Entsprechend Steigen v. shipping u. tonnage während selber Periode. (l.c.)
1857 exports über 8½ mill. st. u. imports nearly 5½ mill. £; hence on 11½ mill. of the Java population, import of merchandise = 46,780,033 fl. at the rate of 6s. 8¾d. per head u. export of produce für 99,902,198 fl[.] at the rate of 14s. 4¼d. per head. Inclus. of specie, imports u. exports together at the rate £1.4s. £14s. 4½d. per head. (311)
Export nähmlich > als import, weil ⅓ Bei
Money, S. 311: is avowedly tribute to Holland paid by
Java
Schließen als
Tribut an Dutch fliegt. (311)
Relatively to population Java trade mehr als
3 times larger than the Indian
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Brit.) ist. [(]p. ( 313–318)
Japan Trade; galt als bedeutendste
Branch des Dutch colonial commerce; Bei Money, S. 318: is of very
inconsiderable importance compared with the rest of their
Eastern traffic
Schließen ist in fact »enorm« unbedeutend. (318)
vol. II
Java u. Madura getheilt in 25 residencies, die hinwiederum composed of 78 regencies. (17)
Criminal justice mostly affects Natives in the lower ranks of life, while civil justice deals chiefly with the interests of large landed proprietors and moneyed men. Causes of complaint, arising from civil regulations, thus arouse the more powerful, who, in a low state of society, and particularly under foreign rule, are the really dangerous classes. (51)
Malay „running a muck“. (p. 138)
The conversion of Java from the Hindoo to the Mussulman religion completed in 16th und 17th centuries; aber unlike the converted Hindoos of India, the Java Mussulmans have not retained any of the Hindoo caste prejudices. (139, 140)
In the East the European identity of the lowest classes
and the labouring classes does not hold good. Birth is there the
real distinction to which employment is only a
corollary. In India
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (Brit.)
the labouring peasantry include the highborn and proud
Brahmin and Rajpoot, and all the intermediate grades down to the
lowborn and humble labourers of the vile and contaminating castes. In Java also there is a great distinction of birth
between men whose wordly worldly positions are equally
low
in a European point of view. In India, however, it
is generally the better born among the peasantry who seek military service,
whereas in Java the native ranks are recruited
almost exclusively from the low born. (140)
Bei Money, S. 152: The militia is not called
out during the four wet months, but parades once a week during the
eight dry months.
Schließen 4 wet, 8 dry months. (152)
It is to
be hoped that the necessity of the crisis Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Indian
insurrection⦘ will excuse in the judgment of history, the Acts passed by the Indian Legislature in 1857
, under which powers of life and death,
without restriction of procedure, without record of evidence, and without
appeal, were sown broadcast over the land. These were
indiscriminately given, not only to official, but to unofficial
Englishmen, till but few knew who had and who had not such
authority.
… in
some cases, the absence of appeal and the immediate execution of the
sentence, together with the general confusion, enabled these capital powers to be usurped with impunity, and to be
exercised equally without authority and without truth. Even among those directly appointed by Gvt, some … most
unfit to be entrusted with such responsibilities, … applied them without
discretion … abused them most grossly. Men are pointed
out by name, whose first application of their new authority was to hang
their own creditors, and whose conduct … the cause of certain
influential Natives preferring the chances of rebellion to the tender
mercies of such interested judges. (161, 162) But the great evil was the concurrent exercise by civil and military
authorities of the summary |124 and unguarded judgments
generally left to the soldier. Civilians daily
sentenced Natives to immediate execution alongside of and in addition to,
the summary disposal of suspected rebels by drum-head drumhead courts-martial under military law. No sufficient provision was moreover made for the military judgments.
The officers of the newly arrived
English regiments, of course ignorant of the language of the
natives, were often without the means of repairing their own deficiencies.
The frightful spectacle was then seen of English officers
summarily judging and hanging Natives, on the mere proof of their
having been found in a particular place, without even being able to
understand the frantic appeals of their victims. … men … saved from the
halter at the last moment, by being accidentally recognized as the servants
of other officers, or as attached to some neighbouring regiment, and whose
loud assertions to that effect had been previously unheeded, because not
understood. Every human feeling stands aghast at the mockery of military
justice on a wretch … where the judges do not understand the criminal’s Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗i.e. angeblichen⦘ language, and
remain ignorant of even the substance of the defence proffered; or where the
forms of justice are prostituted to inflict death on
such charges as „winking rebelliously,“ or „mutinous demeanour.“
(162, 163) It was doubtlessly doubtless partly to prevent such scenes that a young
civil officer, with a knowledge of the language, was attached to
each body of troops, to whom was given uncontrolled and
unencumbered power of life and death. But the remedy was worse than the
disease. The Iron Duke defined
martial law to be the absence of all law … It is
the evil fate of war, necessarily more general and indiscriminate in a civil
war of white and black races … Aber the common sentiment of civilized
mankind is outraged, where equally hasty and often unjustifiable sentences
are passed by civil officers without control or appeal, and followed by
summary execution without time for reflection or repentance. (163, 164)
The climate in the low lands round the coast is about as hot as at Madras, without much variation in temperature at any season, except that the rather hotter days and colder nights of the 8 dry months are exchanged for about the same amount of muggy heat through the whole 24 hours in the 4 wet months. … aber delicious temperature of the hilly interior, bathed in perpetual spring, producing buds, flower, and fruit indiscriminately throughout the year. (187, 188)
The direct powers granted to Europ. and Chinese landlords over their peasantry are small ⦗diese private estates mostly situated in the districts round Batavia⦘, but their indirect powers are large. The landowner pays yearly to Gvt ¾ of one % on the total value of his estates, estimated every 3 years, and is solely entitled, but at the same time limited, to the ⅕ of produce and ⅐ of labour due from the peasant. He … entitled to appoint, with the approval of the resident or assistant-resident, a Native police officer or chief of the estate, with Native subordinates in each village, all of whom he is further bound to pay. The chief of the estate, and his subordinate village mandors, have the same small police powers and duties as the wedana and mantries on the crown lands, and exercise those powers under the orders of the Native demang, or head police officer. This functionary is appointed by Gvt, and holds a somewhat analogous position and powers, in the districts composed of private estates, to those of the regent on the crown lands. The villagers on the estate also elect their village chief, who is confirmed by the landowner or his manager, and can be by them dismissed for misconduct, in which case the villagers must elect another. The landowner himself has no power of punishment whatever, but sends his people up to the resident for any misconduct which he thinks deserves punishment exceeding the Native police officers’ power to inflict. ([184,] 185) Die Chinese landlords … harsh and exacting masters, though, unlike Native landlords, they improve their properties. (195)
»when When … a new cottier tenant comes to settle on the property, it is customary for the landlord (Europ.) to lend him sufficient money to build his cottage, as well as the usual outhouses wherein to store his crops and to stall his cattle, and also to give him a pair of buffaloes, a plough, and a cart, which gift becomes absolute after he has cultivated two years on the |125 estate. The loan is repaid without interest by instalments …« (p. 217) The landlord is induced to make these advances, for the purpose of increasing the number of cottiers on the estate, and of getting so much more of it brought into cultivation, when he receives his ⅕ of the extra rice crop, and one man’s additional gratuitous labour rent, applicable to cultivation of such improved crop as the landlord grows on the home farm for sale or export. (l.c.) The agreement made between landlord and tenant before the crop is cut, as to the number of piculs which is to be the landlord’s share (⅕), can be set aside by the tenant, if the crop is intermediately injured, on his giving notice to his landlord to content himself with the ⅕ of what crop actually remains. The tenant has … to deliver his landlord’s share of the crop at the manor grange, free of expense, except when the crop is cut down by the villagers, as previously explained; and the village chief is made responsible that the tenant does not remove his grain and defraud his landlord. In like manner, the peasant’s labour rent includes his going and returning, and involves payment by the landowner, if the scene of labour is beyond 5 pauls, = about 5 Engl. miles – from home. (218, 219)
Any agreement for rent made for more than one year, or without reference to the actual crop of the year, is strictly prohibited. This prohibition of the form of rent most common in Europe, and most approved of by political economists, is in Eastern countries a careful precaution against a form of contract in which the improvident Eastern Peasant always gets the worst, whether with European or Native landlord, and against the same peasant’s consequent dissatisfaction thereat. At the same time the small fixed proportion of the landlord’s share gives the cultivator all the previous knowledge necessary to regulate his cultivation and outlay.(219)
There are no leases, but every tenant whom a landlord allows to settle on his property is a lease holder leaseholder, on certain fixed conditions, for the area which the landlord allows him to occupy. This does not derogate from the exclusive right to the soil belonging to the landowner, who cultivates as much of his estates as he pleases for himself, with his peasants’ labour rent and mit day labourers, who acquire no leasehold by such cultivation. (l.c.)
Forced Labour. Besides the ordinary day labourers,
the landlord – whether Gvt or
private landowner – is further entitled to
require the cottiers on his estate to work for him as much as he
pleases, but only on the condition of paying each man the highest
agricultural Bei Money, S. 220: wages
Schließen labour of
the district. This is only real forced
labour in Java, and the only point on which the landowner there has
any but a strictly limited power over the cottier peasantry of his estate.
The labour rent extending all over the island causes
no perceptible dissatisfaction, but the forced labour
beyond the ⅐ excites bitter feelings if persisted in. Both the labour rent and the forced labour are applied on
private estates, to the cultivation of those crops which the landowner is
growing on the spare land for his own profit, except so much of the labour
as is required for the gardos, and for the maintenance of
the roads near the estate, both which the landlords have to keep up
from the labour rent. ([219,] 220) If a landowner chooses
to exact forced labour from his cottiers, and thereby to create discontent
among them, the Dutch officials … take (nur) care that the landowner
complies with the law, by paying the highest agricultural
wages for such forced labour, and … meet the peasant’s complaint by
saying that the landowner is only exercising his right … and that the
cottiers must submit or withdraw from the estate. (221)
Ausser [in] den residencies
round the north-western end of Java, keine private landed
proprietors. Im rest des island Government the landlord; there the
relation between the natives and the non-official Europeans limited to the
cultivation of ⅕ of the village land, either for
the contractors or – for planters
on lease of crownlands, but not under advances from Gvt.
Contractors u. planters alle under the same restrictions, in the treatment
of the Natives, wie private proprietors of land, aber mit further check
that, as they cannot appoint a chief of the estate or mandors with any power
of |126 punishing the peasants, their only remedy is by complaint
to the contrôleur or resident. The unauthorized, or
as they have been called, the outlaw courts, held
daily by every planter and Native landholder in
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Brit.) India, for the punishment of
his peasants, are unknown in Java. On private
properties, the landlord or manager, the Native chief of the
estate, and some of the village chiefs, sometimes hold a kind of imitation
landraad for the trial of petty offences, but limited by the legal powers of punishment vested in the chief of the
estate. The numerous small complaints which in India are brought to
the planter’s or Zemindar’s court, go in Java to the village chief, to the
local salaried mantrie, or to the wedana, only the last of whom can fine to
3 florins, but all of whom have powers of conciliation and prevention, which
answer most purposes of these small cases equally well. The contractor or
planter in Java has no legal judicial authority, and is not allowed to usurp
and wield illegal powers of the kind. (226, 227)
Many planters of course express a wish that Gvt would make them owners of the land they cultivate, or would at least give them the landowner’s privilege of appointing a chief of the estate, and of requiring the ⅐ of gratuitous labour rent. Such powers will not be conceded to them, for the Dutch statesmen known know that the great safeguard against the abuse of such powers is the owner’s interest in maintaining the value of his estate, which is of course less strong in a mere planter or contractor for a limited period, than in the absolute hereditary proprietor. But … large parts of the crown lands will probably soon be converted into private property, when the planters and contractors will obtain those rights together with the interests which tend to prevent their misuse. (228, 229)
The generality of Chinese and other foreign Orientals live among their own countrymen in and around the capitals, mostly combining their industrious habits as artisans with the universal trade of usury. (235, 36)
Benamee System
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen
(in Brit.
India)
means a peculiar contrivance for getting the
benefits and credit of property, and avoiding its charges and liabilities.
It consists in one man holding land, nominally for
himself, but really in secret trust for another, and
by ringing the changes between the two, by sometimes setting up the one, and
sometimes the other, as the real owner, relieving the
land from being attached for any liability personal to the
proprietor. This system dates from the Native rule, when it was
resorted to as a protection against violence. The estate was then
generally taken in the name of some powerful man,
whose nominal ownership was itself a sufficient safeguard against
spoliation;
jetzt
motive for benamee – sale of land for private debt. (261) Of late years
the nominal proprietor has frequently claimed the
estate as his own u. wo no secret trust deed sehr
difficult to resist the claim. Andrerseits secret trust
deed
Bei
Money. S. 262: is liable to discovery when the nominal holder is
being set up as the real proprietor, and is therefore but seldom
resorted to
Schließen gefährlich, at as its disclosure leads to unpleasant consequences to all concerned
etc. Daher present mode: to take the estate in the
name of some female member of the real owner’s
family, living in his house and under his control u. daher weder
likely nor able to turn against him, or to incur liabilities
dangerous to the estate. (262) Bei Money, S. 264/265: Sale of land and loss
of power are the chief and peculiar complaints of the old Native
aristocracy, and of the large Native landowners, but they as well as
the people suffer from the common grievances of bad police, strange
and tardy justice, an inadequate number of local officials, and an
entire absence of good roads throughout the greatest part of this
gigantic empire. Excessive land tax is also one great cause of
complaint by all who hold directly under Government, whether as
landowners or as peasant cultivators
in Brit. India: Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen
Sale of land and loss of power, the chief and peculiar
complaints – in Brit. India – of
the old Native aristocracy, and of the large Native landowners,
während sie excessive land
tax ⦗entire absence of good roads, bad police, strange and
tardive justice etc⦘ theilen mit allen who hold directly under Gvt
as landowners or as peasant cultivators. ([264,] 265)
In Bengal, the land tax was
fixed at a certain sum for ever with the large Native landholder Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (?) on each estate, including wild lands; this
formerly a large proportion of the landowner’s rent, now generally sunk to
about ⅓ of the net profits. In dem North
West, land tax is settled entweder mit landholders od. mit
den peasant representatives of village communities for
30 years, when to be readjusted, and wild land, since broken up, will be
subjected to a fresh tax; proportions here: ½ the
cottier’s produce, u. ⅔ of the landowner’s net profits. In Madras a perpetual land tax
fixed mit dem peasant cultivator on each tilled field; |127
proportions vary mit der class of land v. ⅓
to ½ the gross produce. In Bombay wie in Madras land
tax settled mit cultivator for each tilled field, proportions same as at
Madras, but liable to readjustment after 30 years. (267, 268)
The Java peasant is even lazier than the Indian one, but, while his necessities are supplied by his share of the village lands, his large receipts of money under the culture system induce him to comply with the persuasion of the Native officials, and to invest it in breaking up new land by his family or by day labourers, of which he reaps the whole produce, land rent free for 5 years, and afterwards retains ⅘ of the profits for himself. The result in Java is, that wild crown land is being now brought into cultivation by the peasants, as fast as the increase of population enables this to be done, and Gvt. receives a corresponding benefit. (284, 285)
Verweis von Marx auf Moneys Ausführungen ab S. 291 in dem Abschnitt
„Peasant’s rent to landholder“ (Money, Bd. 2,
S. 287–296).
Schließen Cf. über Bengal landed
affairs p. 291 sqq.
|
John B[udd] Phear: The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon. London 1880.
Schließen
Sir J. Phear:
„The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon.“ 1880.
Nummerierung von Marx.
Schließen I) Modern Village Life in
Bengal.
Bei
Phear, S. 3, Fn. 1: This with the six succeeding sections, almost as
they now stand, appeared as an article in the July and October
numbers of the Calcutta Review for 1874.
Schließen (Bis wo das
Gegentheil angezeigt, das Zeug
Abdrucke v. Artikeln in Calcutta
Review
f. 1874, July and
October numbers.)
Umschreibung von Marx. Bei Phear, S. 3: In an attempt to describe
for English readers a type specimen of an agriculural
village
Schließen Was der Mann beschreibt, ist »agricultural village«
im Deltaic Bengal; von
den sea lines der Sunderbunds on the South, to the curve,
which, passing through Dacca, Pubna, Moorscheedabad Moorsheedabad, forms the lower boundary of the red land of
the North, the whole country ist Bei Phear, S. 4: almost perfectly level
alluvial plain
Schließen
almost perfect alluvial plain
; exhibits generally large open spaces, oft very large, limited to the eye by heavy
masses of foliage. Diese open spaces, during the height of the South-West
Monsoon, more or less covered with water, at the end of the rains by green waving swarths of rice, u. in dry season to a
large extent fallow ground, varied by plots of the different cold weather
(rabi)
crops. (3, 4) Fast no roads,
ausser a few trunk roads of communication zwischen
the capital u. district towns, sonst only irregular
tracks, sometimes traversable by wheels, along the balks (or ails) which divide
and subdivide the soil into small cultivated patches or khēts. Die wenigen
sonstigen roads sind
kachha kachcha
, d.h. unmetalled, Bei Phear, S. 4: and are pretty nearly useless
except in the dry season
Schließen ausser in dry season. (West
Bengal – (im Gegensatz zu Deltaic Bengal – relatively high land) liegt ausserhalb des Delta below the
Ghats
ghāts
, something like roads through and about the large villages,
obgleich oft not fitted for wheel traffick. p. 4)
Als main roads for locomotion u. carriage of goods
dienen innumerable
Bei Phear, S. 5:
khāls
Schließen khals
(canals),
branching out from Hooghly, Ganges, Pudda, Megma etc
rivers, intersecting the country in all directions. (5) Ob
das village placed on the high bank of
a
Bei Phear, S. 6: khāl
Schließen khal
(the banks meist of bare, greasy mud, high enough above the water) or is
situated inland, it invariably stands on relatively elevated ground above reach of the
water während Regensaison u. fast
hidden, in the midst of a jungle; diese villages
zugänglich von jeder Seite across the
Bei Phear, S. 6:
khēts
Schließen khets
by passing
along the dividing (ails) balks. No trace of street
Bei Phear, S. 6: or of any
order in the arrangement of the houses […] in them
Schließen or any arrangement of the houses in
them. (6)
Each dwelling is a small group of
huts, generally four – a homestead. The site of the group a carefully levelled platform, raised somewhat above the general elevation of
the village land, roughly square in figure, and containing 800–1000 □ yards
in area. The huts made of bamboo
Bei Phear, S. 7: or of
bamboo […] plastered over with mud, sometimes of mud
alone
Schließen and plastered over with mud, sometimes with mud
alone, the floor of the structure
also of mud being again raised above the level of
the platform; each hut is one apartment only, about
20 feet long and 10 or 15 feet wide, commonly
without a window, side walls low, roof
Bei Phear, S. 7: high peaked
Schließen highly peaked, thatched with a jungle
grass, the eaves
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Dachrinnen) project considerably, thus
forming low verandahs on the back and front of the
hut. Diese huts (mostly 4) der homestead are ranged
on the sides of the platform, facing inwards, and though they seldom touch
one another at the ends, yet they do in a manner shut
in
Schließen berühren sich selbst, shut aber gewissermassen
in the interior space – the
house-space (uthān).
⦗Ist Hof space \ Ist quadrangle⦘ Hier spielen die Kinder, seeds
are spread to dry, the old women sit and spin etc (7, 8)
Die
principal hut hat oft ausser der Thüre
which opens on this interior quadrangle a second door and
well kept verandah on the opposite side opening on the path, by
which the dwelling can be best approached; this is the baithakhāna (sitting room) wo strangers or men not belonging to
the family, received; u. sehr oft auch das Schlafzimmer der male members der family; the
mood mud floor of the hut or verandah, spread mit a mat, reicht dazu hin etc.
Die
hut which faces the baithakhāna is appropriated to the women and children; eine der 2
andern huts contains the chula (mud fireplace),
serves as kitchen; endlich die
4te Hütte ist a gola (store-room for grain[)]
. In einer der huts, sei
es in quadrangle or outside, ist der dhenki u.
die Hütte heisst dhenki ghar;
dhenki ist a very large pestle Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Mörserkeule) and mortar Übersetzung von
Marx, der sich dabei im Wort geirrt hat. Soll sein:
Mörser.
Schließen (Mörtel) dessen main purpose to husk Übersetzung von
Marx.
Schließen (enthülsen) Reis. Der Soll sein: Mörser.
Bei Phear, S. 9: mortar
Schließen Mörtel gewöhnlich ein Gefäss
ausgehöhlt of a log of wood u. is sunk in the ground; die pestle
ist ein Hammerkopf, auch aus Holz, eines horizontalen Hebe bar which works on a low post or
support u. dessen anderer arm is depressed by 1 or 2 women applying their
weight to it; sobald sie Bei Phear, S. 10: this arm
Schließen ihren Arm
loslassen fällt der Hammer, pounds the paddy in the
mortar u. durch Wiederholung dieser Operation the [husk of
the] grain is rubbed off. Paddy, the
grain [of] rice, gleicht etwas barley, u. must be husked
before eaten. Der dhenki attains its object surprisingly.
(8–10)
Ist die Familie better off als on average, so mag die Hüttengruppe der homestead mehr als 4 Hütten enthalten, |129 one or more, der bullockshed, gola od. selbst dhenki-ghar situated ausserhalb des quadrangle, perhaps in front of or near to a corner. (10–11)
The homestead platform generally surrounded irregularly by large trees, wie mango, pīpal, palms. In small clearings among these a few herbs u. vegetables are grown for family use in the curry (diese small vegetable plots meist wenig mehr als irregular scratchings in the midst of low jungle undergrowth; nothing like a garden, no flowers); das whole area or compound belonging to the homestead marked off from its neighbours, generally, very obscurely, by most rude metes and bounds, sehr selten a neat fence; die Weiber halten den hardened mood mud floor des housespace house-space , der principal huts u. verandahs sehr clean, often adorn the front wall des baithakhāna mit grotesque figures in chalk; in der Regel remainder of the homestead compound in a most neglected dirty state. Der modern Bengali wenig Begriff of neatness, ist absolut unfähig, unassisted, of drawing a straight line or an evenly curved line; the traces left by his plough, the edges of his little fields, the rows of his planted paddy etc like inked spider legs across a sheet of paper. (11, 12)
The ordinary agricultural village of Bengal is a closely packed aggregate of such homesteads … more or less concealed among the trees of their compounds; hier u. da waste land in the shape of unoccupied sites for dwellings; auch tanks or ponds of water in the excavations, which furnished the earth for the construction of the homestead, plat-forms platforms etc. (12)
Bei Phear, S. 13: These tanks
Schließen Diese Teiche (Weiher) od. Bassins oft
rich in all sorts of abomination (wimmeln alle mit
fish), overhung mit jungle, and surface covered with shiny
pond[-]weed; hier the people bathe, cleanse their body cloths, get their drinking
water, catch fish in them. (13) In Bengal jeder pool of water swarms with fish, small or great; the very ditches, gutters and hollows
dried up for months, on the first heavy downfall filling them, turn out to
be complete preserves of fish. (l.c.) Manchmal has a
fortunate or wealthy ryot a tank attached to his homestead all his own, to
which his neighbours have no right to resort. (l.c.) Bei Phear, S. 14: maidān (green). Siehe das Glossar von Phear,
S. 293: Maidān. – An open grass-covered
space.
Schließen
maidān (green
bewachsen)
Das
land tilled by the cultivators of the village, i.e.
the bulk of the inhabitants, is a portion of the
lower[-]lying plain outside and
around the village. Die
family of the homestead – consisting of a father and
sons, or of brothers or of
cousins – cultivates von 2 to 10 acres in
the whole, made up of several plots often lying at some
distance from each other. Die men gehn zu ihrem Work at
daybreak, plough on shoulder, driving their cattle
before them along the nearest village path which leads to the open; manchmal
they return at noon for a meal and a bath in the tank u. gehn dann wieder
aus for their work; öfter aber bleiben sie bis afternoon, having some food
brought [to] them about midday by the women and children.
(14[, 15]) One man and his young
son (still in his boyhood) with a plough and a
pair of oxen will cultivate 3 acres (u. so
[on] in proportion), perhaps more, with
the aid received in reaping etc. No purely Bei Phear,
S. 15: agricultural labouring class as we English know
it
Schließen
agricultural class wie in
England.
Small cultivators u. die überflüssigen Hände
einer Familie arbeiten spare times for hire on their
neighbours’ land; in some villages, wo
die
occupation of a caste, z. B. the weavers caste,
naturally died out, the members forced to earn their livelihood by manual labour, arbeiten
u. a. auch auf Land for wages. Bei
Phear, S. 15: For the harvest
Schließen Für den
Herbst
ist oft besondres
arrangement made. The paddy grown on land in one
situation reift oft später od. früher als paddy
grown under slightly different circumstances ⦗Crops are known by
designations drawn from the months or seasons in
which they are reaped or gathered, as Bhaduwi,
Kharif, Rabi; u. diese respectively depend upon
the season of sowing.⦘ u. so small gangs of cultivators from one village or
district go to help the cultivators of a distant village to cut their paddy,
this assistance being returned if needed. The remuneration received for this work is usually one bundel bundle out of every five, or out of every seven, that are cut.
The foreigners build a mat hut for themselves in the harvest field u. nach
geleistetem Dienst carry home their bags of grain.
(15, 16)|
Grosse uniformity of life etc in all the component classes of a village. (16)
Das House des wealthier or more influential man ist
manchmal
pakha
pakka
or brick-built (aber Plan wie bei bamboo homestead) generally out
of repair and partially broken down. Er hat zahlreichere Kleider u. better
blankets; seine cooking ustensils u. die
sehr wenigen other domestic articles sind vielleicht
of Brass statt Erdenwaare,
seine hukhas
Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 291.
Schließen (hukha od. hookha a form of pipe for smoking tobaccoo tobacco) of metal or even silver mounted
statt einer Cocosnussschale, seine Weiber tragen
reicheren u. zahlreicheren Schmuck. Er hat vielleicht a wooden gaddi (takhtaposh[)]
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears
Glossar, S. 291 (gaddi) und S. 294 (takhtaposh).
Schließen (gaddi = a seat, takhtaposh = a low platform or sitting
place) in his
receiving room, on which he and his guests or clients may sit crosslegged cross-legged, slightly raised above the earthen floor. Hat vielleicht
a richly carved statt a plain sanduk (strong box)
for the custody of his valuables, or a plurality of them. Sonst both
households gleich primitiv; food rice in some form or
other and curry
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (mit Currysauce bereiteter Ragout) u. dies eaten by
taking it out of the platter or off the plaintain leaf with the fingers.
(17, 18) Zu Haus u. while at work most men go naked,
ausser the dhoti (loin cloth) u. Kinder bis 7 od.
8 Jahr meist absolut nackt. (18) Wealth zeigt sich
by the expenditure of money at family ceremonies,
wie bei marriages, bei shraddhas (funeral obsequies) u. readings of national and
religious epics, the Bhagbut,
Rāmāyan Rāmāyana
etc. Bei shadis
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 294.
Schließen (
shady
shádi
= nuptial ceremony) u. shraddhas the cost is in the purchase and
preparation of offerings, presents and payments to Brahman priests, presents
to, and the feeding of, Brahmans generally. For the readings, the Brahman
narrator (kathak) paid very highly u. he u. his
audience oft maintained for several days by the employer. Then certain
religious festivals are kept annually by such
families as can afford it, Kalis’ in Kartik (October),
Saraswati’s or Sri Panchamis’ in Magh
(end of January), and ceremonies in honour of
Durga
commonly performed by
well[-]to[-]do people. (19, 20) Th The
Social Respect commanded by wealth, meted out
in Bengal very much according to the mode or degree of magnificence with which these semi-public family duties (in fact spectacles) are performed. (20)
Women all sehr superstitious etc, do all the menial work
of the household, even when family of the better classes; go daily
to the tanks to fetch water, gives opportunity for gossip etc, Bei Phear, S. 22/23: their down-sittings and
uprisings, walking, sleeping, eating, drinking, may be said to be
subject to the arbitrary control of spiritual agencies; and a
numerous body of astrologers finds employment and a not despicable
means of living in the interpretation of the phenomena, by which
these supernatural governors show their will or intention to be
discovered
Schließen
astrologers live in all
villages als Auguren zur Deutung aller phenomena des
täglichen Lebens, gelenkt durch supernatural governors. (spiritual agencies) (21–23)
Der
Boden worauf die homestead stands
u. the small surrounding compound, is hired of a superior holder; a common
rent is rupee
Schließen Re. 1, 1–4, 1–8 p.a. for the
homestead plot u. etwas weniger für das
attached piece. Die
Buildings, die die homestead bilden,
gewöhnlich constructed durch tenant, gehören ihm; zieht er fort, so
kann er die Materialien mitnehmen od. verkaufen; dies ein Grund, warum mud, mat u. bamboo
dwellings the rule u. pakka (brick-built[)]
houses) the exception. The largest mat hut of a
homestead kostes Rs 30–50 to build entirely anew;
the chulha (cooking stove) is made by the women of
mud. The dao (bill-hook, Übersetzung von
Marx.
Schließen Spitzhaken), as a tool the Bengali’s jack-of-all trades, is
got from the village blacksmith for a few annas. The plough-handle des
cultivator prepared almost for nothing by the
ryot himself, perhaps mit assistance des village
carpenter, u. its toe is shod with iron by
the village blacksmith for 1 rupee. ⦗Plough is a most simple wooden
tool ohne Eisen ausser the pointed ferule at the
toe; gleicht genau in shape a thin anchor;
one claw goes into the ground at such an inclination
that the other is nearly vertical and serves as as a handle for the ploughman; the shank is the plough-beam to which the bullocks are attached. There
is no share coulter or breast; the pointed end only stirs the earth, does not turn it.
The whole so light that a man easily carries it over his
shoulder.⦘ An average pair of bullocks obtainable for Rs 20, u. the price der few earthen pots and pans of various sorts –
constituting the necessary ustensils for household purposes – may be
reckoned in pice. (23, 24) So klein das
accumulated capital des villager’s u.
selbst dies oft due to the mahājan.
Zusatz
von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292/293.
Schließen ⦗Mahājan = merchant, moneydealer money-dealer
– one who makes it his business in the villages
to advance money and grain to the Ryot on the
pledge of crop⦘. (24) Extreme
|131
poverty of by far the largest
portion, i.e. the bulk of the population in
Bengal (the richest part of India
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen !) seldom rightly apprehended by the English
people. The tropical climate
u. the tropical facility of producing rice admit of
life and a certain low type of health being
maintained on a minimum of means. 7 rupees a month a
sufficient income for support of a whole family; food the principal item of expense, u.
probably one rupee 8 annas a month in most parts of
Bengal sufficient to feed an adult man u. 12 annas a woman even in a
well[-]to[-]do establishment. Die
villagers, die cultivators,
have mostly sufficient rice of their own growth for their
home consumption; the little cash they
require is the produce of the sale of the rabi (cold
weather[)] crops)
. Die andren villagers buy their
rice unhusked (paddy) from time to time in small
quantities, u. alle so ihr Salz, Taback (wenn sie
ihn nicht selbst bauen), gurh
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 291.
Schließen (coarse sugar of date tree etc, hardened into a
cake – molasses), oil, masala Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 293.
Schließen (spice, seasoning)
fast täglich at the general
dealer’s (modi) shop. (25) Für
Kaufen, wie of curry spices, the pice or
¼ anna (1 anna = 1
/16 silver rupee), the lowest piece struck by the
Mint, nicht sufficiently small u. cowries
Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 292.
Schließen (Kauri a small shell
(cypræa)
used as money) at the rate of about 5,120 to the rupee universally employed to
supplement the currency. (26)
In a large village 3 or 4 modi’s shops. (Sells auch
liquid articles) Zusammenfassung von
Marx.
Schließen Beschreibung solchen
shop’s. (25–28)
Hāt or market held in most villages twice a week;
meist a tolerably open part of the village site; meist keine stalls for the protection of the sellers
or their goods; when so simply long narrow lines of low shed roofs covering a raised floor, supported on
bamboo posts, without any side walls. (28, 29) Zum hāt bringt der producer his spare paddy,
muster-seed mustard-seed
, betel-nuts, sugar-cane, gurh-treacle gurh treacle
, his chillies, gourds, yams; the
fisherman his fish, the seedcrusher his oils, the old widow her
mats and other handy work, the potter his gharas
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears
Glossar, S. 291.
Schließen (= a necked, narrow mouthed, earthen
vessel) u. gamlas
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears
Glossar, S. 291.
Schließen (gamla = open earthen
vessel), the hawker
his piece[-]goods, bangles etc; the town trader’s agents u. the local modis come to
increase their stocks, the rural folks to supply
their petty wants, all gossip, not a few stay to
drink. (not rare this accomplishment in India) Each vendor sits crosslegged cross-legged on the ground with his wares set out around him, u. for the privilege of this primitive stall he pays a
certain small sum or contribution in kind to the owner of
the hāt, Bei Phear, S. 30: who is
generally the proprietor, in the peculiarly Indian sense of zamīndār, of the rest of the village
land.
Schließen meist der Zamīndār. (proprietor of the rest of the village
land)
Die
profits derived from a popular hāt sufficiently considerable [relative] to the
ordinary rent to induce a singular competition on the part of the
neighbouring Zamīndārs; jeder will set up a hāt,
verbietet den ryots Besuch der andern, Bei
Phear, S. 30: If orders to this effect fail of success, resort is
sometimes had to force, and so it happens that the holding of hāts
has become fraught with danger to the Queen’s peace, and the
legislature has found it necessary to give extraordinaiy preventive
powers to the magistrate
Schließen führt oft zu Keilereien. (29, 30)
Ist das village, or any substantial portion of it, inhabited by Mussulmans, dann a masjīd (mosque) in it; of brick, wenn a member der community defrays the cost of erecting it, meist of mat and bamboo; the mulla, who officiates there may be a tradesman, or modi, gifted with a smattering of Arabic sufficient to read the Koran; ist in theory chosen by the mahalla (Muhammedan quarter), aber praktisch the office hereditary, remunerated durch small money payments made bei marriages u. other ceremonies. ([30,] 31)
Patshāla or hedge school;
along a village path a group or of 10–20 almost naked children, squatting under a pīpal tree, near a
homestead, or even under a thatched verandah dazugehörig, engaged in marking
letters on a plantain or a palm leaf, or in doing sums on a broken piece of
foreign slate, od. even on the smoothed ground before them – the indigenous
means of educating the rising generation.
Instruction
here given gratis, for contrary to an oriental’s social
and religious feelings of propriety that learning of any sort should be
directly paid for; der teacher an elderly Brahman: Guru Mahasoy; eigentlich soll er nur
Brahmanen u. andre twice[-]born classes unterrichten, thut’s aber faktisch
für outside classes für reading u. writing the
vernacular, arithmetic etc;
gelegentlich verbindet ein modi mit seinem shop auch dies business mit Bezug |132
auf die children squatting under the eaves of his shop hut. –
Der instructor erhält bei special events in der family
v. den parents of his pupils small presents of
rice or dāl
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 290.
Schließen (= split peas, or any other split pulse), or even a piece of
cloth, ditto when an urchin achieves a marked stage in his
progress. (32, 33) A Brahman [guru] gets in addition his share of the gifts to Brahmans, so serious an
item of expense in the celebration of the many festivals obligatory on a
well-to-do Bengali. (34)
In parts of Bengal noted for Sanscrit learning, wie Vikrampur u. Nuddea etwas Aehnliches gleich einer old[-]fashioned Engl. grammar school sometimes met with; a turn of the village path brings you to a Tol; dort in half open mat shed sit crosslegged cross-legged on the raised wood mud floor a dozen Brahman youths decently clad, mit Sanscrit manuscripts on their laps, learning grammar; each remains 2 or 3 or even more years at this monotonous occupation, wie transcribing sacred rolls, until he is able to pass to the home of deepest learning, Nobodweep. Master of the Tol a Brahman Pundit who in obedience to to the Hindu principle not only teaches but maintains his scholars, (34, 35), personally stets poor (35). Er u. seine disciples leben v. den Gaben der richer Hindus in neighbourhood; während 2 Monaten Ferien besucht er sie der Reihe nach, u. never leaves a roof ohne Honorar von 1 Rupee, 2, selbst 20 je nach wealth of his host. (35, 36)
One or more specimens of the Byragi and his female
companion – coarse licensed Bei Phear, S. 36: mendicants
Schließen beggars of a
religious ascetic order Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen (aber meist lose
Vögel) in den meisten villages; in seiner homestead
one of the huts a thakurbāri
of Krishna
(an incarnation of
Vishnu) wo die members of
the very numerous sect of Boistubs od. Vaisnabas (Vishnubites) on certain festivals lay
their offerings. The Byragi ist der minister einer
der sects which owe their origin to the great reformer
Chaitanya
about 300 years
since. (36, 37)
The homestead of the goāla, or
cowman, wovon several in a village, wie die
seiner neighbours, ist cultivator wie most of them.
Bei
Phear, S. 37: Probably
Schließen Meist the cowshed
[will be] actually brought up to the
uthan
uthān
and fill one of the sides. Die
cows tiny little animals often not more than 3 feet
high u. miserably thin. Are kept tethered close,
side by side of each other in the open shed, there fed
with dried grass, wetted straw, ausser when under the care of a boy
they can on the waste places about the
village, and on the fallow khēts pick up
what they find. All Hindus – if they can afford it,
consume milk; after rice and
pulse (dāl bhāt) it [is]
the staple food of the people; keine Butter noch Käse; der
gaōla
goāla
verkauft nicht nur Milch in raw state, sondern compounds auch
die various preparations of it, thickened; eine davon dahi gleich a mass of thick clotted cream (with all
the fluid portion omitted), is daily hawked about from homestead to
homestead by the goālas in earthen gharas, carried scale[-]fashion, or bahangi
Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 289.
Schließen (a bamboo furnished with cords at each end, by
means of which luggage is carried slung across the
shoulder), suspended von den
2 extremities of a bamboo across the shoulder. (28, 29 37, 38, 39)
Blacksmith’s shop: a thatched shed, with old iron and new of small dimensions lying about in
confusion. Im centre
des mud floor is a very small anvil, close to the
fireplace, welcher a hole
sunk in the ground. The nozzle of the very
primitive bellows is also let into the ground. The headsmith, sitting on a low stool or on his heels, works the
bellows by pulling a string with one hand while with a tongs in the other he manipulates the iron in the fire, and then,
still keeping his seat, turns to the anvil
[whereon] with a small hammer in his right hand he
performs the guiding part in fashioning the metal, and an assistant also squatting on his heels follows his lead with a
larger hammer. The hammer heads are long, on one
side only of the haft, and unbalanced by any
make[-]weight, and the anvil is exceedingly narrow; yet the blows struck by both
workmen with unerring precision. The villagers brauchen
nur wenig in the shape of iron work; a few nails, the toes of the
ploughs, cultivating hoes (kudalis) billhook or cleaver
(dao), the bonti
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 289/290.
Schließen ⦗a broad sickle-shaped knifeblade, fixed vertically into a heavy wooden stand.
In use, the stand is held firm by the feet, and the fish, vegetable,
straw or other article to be cleaned, sliced, or cut up, is with the
hand duly worked against the concave cutting
edge thus made fast.⦘ of
domestic and other use (fixed curved blade), all diese articles made or
repaired by the village blacksmith. His stock of Iron is mainly English
|133
hoop iron bought at the nearest town by him, or for
him,
which has come out to India in the shape of bands round
the imported piecegood bales. (39–41)
»Professionals« im village: not seldom the kabiraj or native doctor (of the Vaidya caste),
trägt seine Pillen in paper packets in a tolerably large bundle (cover with within cover) in the end of his chadr
Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 290.
Schließen od.
chadra Chadar
(a sheet, or
cloth) mit sich herum; many of his
pills, compounded after receipts of antiquity, excellent specifics; der kabiraj macht vorher in jedem einzelnen Fall
bargain, z. B. Re 1 od [Rs] 2 f. die ordinary
medicine mit 2 or 3 visits in an obstinate case of malarious fever. (41,
42)
Astrologer, fast in jedem principal village; ist an Acharjee (Lugu Acharjee), but of a somewhat low class of Brahman, whose business is to paint the thakurs (idols) u. die various traditional representations der deities; to prepare horoscopes etc. Andre paint pictures in water colours for decorative use bei great ceremonies performed by the richer families; keine Perspektive, aber outline u. colour well depicted on the flat; many together of these men work together on a given subject for monthly pay of Rs 20–30; meist aber each prepares his pictures at leisure in his own home u. presents them when finished to some rich person, wofür er meist ample remuneration erhält. (42, 43)
Gottesworship bei den Mohammedanern congregational u. personal; the masjid, public preaching, united prayer u. adoration offered by individuals collected in congregations die characteristic features. (43)
Bei den Hindus der Cultus domestic u.
vicarious; the family idol, daily service
u. worship des idol performed by a priest for the
family, and the periodic celebration of ceremonies in honour of that manifestation of the deity which the family adopt adopts, wie for the deceased ancestors’ souls,
die principal ingredients. Unter den wealthy Hindus the hereditary spiritual guide, the hereditary Purohit
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 294.
Schließen (family priest) and the
service of the jewelled thakur form the keystone of the joint family
structure;
u. die poor folks of a country village Bei Phear, S. 44: make the best shift they can to worship God under
the like family system
Schließen dasselbe in ärmlicher Form. Jeder respectable household
that can afford the small expense has a rude thakur,
or image of its patron deity placed in a separate hut of the homestead u. a Brahman comes
daily to perform its worship u. service; die
village purohits – belonging to a lower cast caste
of imperfectly educated Brahmans – an extremely ignorant
set of men. In some district districts mostly foreign to the village, coming there from a distance,
residing in it for a few years, then return home for an interval, providing
a substitute or vicar während ihrer period of absence;
erhalten remuneration in the shape of offerings u. small fees, haben pretty
good livelihood by serving several families at a time. Bei Phear, S. 45:
With
Schließen Wie die andren Brahmanen they come in for a
share of the gifts distributed by wealthy men bei family ceremonies u.
festivals. Grossentheils purohit erblich; stets so
bei families of social distinction; diese haben mehre spiritual guides
exclusively for themselves; the guru (spiritual
instructor of the individual who gives him the mantra
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen = a passage from the Veda,
a prayer
),
der
higher class purohit who is a an Acharjee u. conducts the periodic puja
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 294.
Schließen (Poojah = Worship)
festivals of the family in addition to
the ordinary purohit who performs the daily service
of the thakur. (44–46)
The mass of the ryots who form the population of the
village too poor to have a family deity; müssen sich
begnügen part der audience zu bilden bei religious festivals celebrated by
their richer neighbours, u. den annual pujas
performed at the village mandap
Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen (an open[-]sided roofed structure or
building) on behalf of
the community. (46)
Mandal – Zusatz von Marx aus Phears
Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen the village
headman; the chaukidar
– Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 290.
Schließen the village watchman, or constable; the barber, u. the washerman auch noch wichtige Personnages, ebenso carpenter, potter, weaver,
fisherman; jalkar-wála = Zusatz von Marx
aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
Schließen one who has a
right of fishing; pith-worker etc. [47]
Zemindar and Mahājan.
The wooded dwelling area (des village) is skirted by waste or common land of very irregular breadth u. beyond this again comes the cultivated land of the open plain (māth). Up to a certain line – of immemorial origin but ordinarily well ascertained – all the land both waste u. cultivated, reckoned outwards from the village, belongs to the village (als possession); on the other side of the line begins another community land. In Theilen von Bengal wo portions der country in a state of nature the limits des village territory include jungle u. sonst unappropriated land. (48, 49)
The village and its land als Ganzes heissen a mauzah. (49) Dies Land des mauzah cultivated in small patches by
the resident ryots on payments of dues, according to the nature of the soil, and the
purpose of the cultivation
, to the Zemindar; they are most commonly variable and capable of
adjustment from time to time zwischen Zemindar u. Ryot, (50) Bei Phear, S. 51: To
the English observer it is very remarkable at first to find that
the land belonging to the village is, with extreme minuteness of
discrimination, classified according to characters attached to
it by custom, and having relation to data which are not all
concrete in kind
Schließen are classified mit extreme
minuteness according to characters
attached to the land by custom, not all
concrete. (51) So:
Sali – land wholly submerged während period of rains – of different grades; Suna, not submerged, also of different grades;
Nadki, land for which rent is paid in cash per bigah; Bhaoli, land for which rent paid in kind, part of the produce; – ebenso Bhaoli: land for which rent is paid in cash per crop per bigah,
Bhiti – raised houseside house-site land. (51) Khudkasht, lands which the residents of the village are entitled to cultivate;
Pahikasht – land which outsiders may cultivate. (52)
Diese characters adhere almost permanently to the same
land; for each village a recognized rate of
rent (nirkh) properly payable according to them. When the occupation, wie meist der Fall mit Sunaland, on an utbandi-jama
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 295.
Schließen (rent according to the land
actually tilled, when land tilled
one year is allowed to lie
fallow the next) u.
die cultivation is by alternation of cropping u. fallow,
zahlt der Ryot nur so viel von jeder Sorte of lands as he actually
tills. In most villages by far the larger portion of land is
Khudkasht. (52)
Also the open lands des village divided up among the resident ryots in small allotments, oft consisting of several scattered pieces, generally comprehending land of various qualities – rarely über 10 acres in Total u. oft viel weniger, … Zahlung der Rente durch each ryot to Zemindar nach shifting scale, depending upon more or less of the elements mentioned. (53)
| Description of land | Quantity | Big. Cot. | Rate |
Amount of rent. |
||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Big. Cot. | Rs. | As. | P. | Rs | As | P. | ||||||
| Sali, | rice land, | first quality | 2. | 10. | 0. | 4 | 0. | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 | |
| ditto | second qual. | 1. | 1. | 0 | 3 | 0 | 0 | 3 | 2 | 2 | ||
| ditto | third qual. | 0. | 7½. | 0. | 2 | 4 | 0 | 0 | 13 | 10 | ||
| Bamboo | 0. | 6. | 0. | 15 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 8 | 0 | |||
| Waste | 0. | 2. | 15 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 2 | 4 | |||
| Homestead | 0. | 1. | 0 | 20 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | |||
| Compound | 0. | 1. | 0 | 15 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 12 | 0 | |||
| Excavation | 0. | 5½. | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 8 | |||
|
Zusatz von
Marx. Schließen Total |
4. | 14. | 15 | 0 | 11 | 0 (285) | ||||||
Marx’ Zusammenfassung
der Ausführungen von Phear, S. 285/286.
Schließen In extenso füllt diese Geschichte (285, 286) 40
u. oft mehr Parallele Columns, mit column for arrears etc.
(286) Matter of
fact that the Bengal ryot [is] little
disposed to move u. for generation after generation, from father to son,
the same plots of land, or approximatively approximately so, remain in the hands of the same
family. (53)
The zemindari is an aggregate of many entire mauzahs. (54)
Die jährliche Rente meist gezahlt in 3 or 4 kists (instalments) die collection dieser Rents nur |135 ausführbar durch an organized staff , commonly called, both individually and collectively, the zemindar’s, or zamindari amla; besteht gewöhnlich aus:
einem Tehsildar (collector of the rents; if the zemindari is large, one Tehsildar collects für je 3 or 4 mauzahs.)
In jedem village od. Mauzah a Tehsildar’s
kachari kachahri
, Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 292.
auch called: Marx' Worte.
(wie hier):
Bemerkung von Marx.
Schließen ⦗(auch called »Cutcherry«
nämlich a court or office where public
business, or the business of a zemindar’s
estate (wie hier), is
done)⦘; dort the zamindari books and
papers relative to the village collection collections made up and kept. Bookkeeping von Hindus
carried to an almost absurd extent of detail; would be tedious
to describe all the books kept in due course of
the
kachhari kachahri
business; the principal
of them are: 3 or 4 books genannt
Chittah chittha
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
Schließen
(Memorandum – name of
a business book used in the management of a Zamindar’s property,
in which measurements and other like
information are entered); dies
ist in fact a numbered register in various ways
and in minute detail of all the small dags, or plots
into which the village lands are divided, the measurement of each, its situation, the quality of the land,
the ryot who cultivates it etc, the last of them
being the khatiyan
Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 292.
Schließen (an account book of the nature of the
ledger), or ledger, which gives
under each man’s name all the
different portions of land held by him, with their respective
characteristics. The jama bandi a sort of
assessment paper made up for each year, with the view of showing for
every riot ryot, as against each portion of the land held by him, the rate at
which it is held, according to quality or crop, and also to exhibiting
the total amount which in this way becomes due from him, and the
khists
kists
in which it is to be paid; and the jamawasil-baki (resuming the principal statements of the jama bandi) – Zusatz
von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 291.
Schließen an
account paper showing simultaneously the full rent, the amount
collected, and the amount of arrears, in respect of an estate,
village, or district.
A Bengali account book is formed by sewing together with a cord any number of very long narrow loose sheets at one of their ends, and when it is closed the free ends of the sheets are folded back upon the ends which are thus bound. (55–57)
The Gumashta
Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 291.
Schließen (Gomashta) ⦗generally agent, one who carries on business for
another⦘ u. Patwári: Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 294.
Schließen ⦗one who keeps the
collection papers of a mauzah, and
commonly also makes the collections of the village⦘, or similar offices, whatever their
different names in different districts, are charged with keeping up the
kachhari-books
kachahri-books according to the varying circumstances of the ryots’ holdings;
haben daher das ganze Jahr durch Zusatz von Marx. Bei Phear, S. 58: It will
be seen at once that persons charged with the functions of these
zamindari amla have much temptation to use the opportunities of
their situation to their own advantage.
Schließen (als spies des Zemindar!) a sharp eye
upon the ryots’ doings. As a rule
Bei Phear, S. 58: they
Schließen diese Burschen selbst
belong to the class of village ryots u. sind selbst cultivators. Findet
sich hence that the plots in their hands are the best
in the village; ihr »proper work« verhindert sie selbst to
cultivate u. they are »supposed« to pay other
ryots tilling the soil for them; Bei Phear,
S. 58: but it is too frequently the case that they manage
somehow to get this done gratis. And they are by no means
ignorant of the art of obtaining the offer of gratifications
when they require them.
Schließen sie mogeln
meist dass dies gratis geschieht;
erschleichen u. erpressen sich auch »the offer of
gratifications«. In so weit dies office hereditary, dass generally the son
succeeds the father; aber das meist nothwendig, weil selten mehr als 1
od. 2 andre unter den villagers das für dies Geschäft nöthige
Quantum v. Lesen u. Schreiben besitzen. (57–59)
Der Zemindar ist der »superior lord« der ryots
(»subjects«) both by habit u. feeling glebae
adscripti; Bei Phear, S. 59:
They would be entirely at the mercy of the zamindar and his amla
were it not for another most remarkable village
institution
Schließen seine Authorität u. die
seines amla in Zaum gehalten
durch den mandal
(gewöhnlichste Bezeichnung, wechselt
aber mit District), the village head man,
mouthpiece u. representative der ryots des village in all matters
between them and the zemindar or his officers. Der
Mandal cultivator wie die übrigen
ryots, keineswegs der reichste unter
ihnen; sein offen office in theory wählbar, in fact
fast invariably von father to son u. so
hereditary aus selbem Grund dass alle occupations u. employments in India hereditary.
Er muss hinreichend lesen u. schreiben u. die Zemindari
accounts verstehn können u. Bekannt bekannt sein mit den
customary rights der villagers; erhielt nicht
directes emolument, aber die ryots helfen ihm v. Zeit zu Zeit
gratuitously in his cultivation, zahlt oft
auch geringere Rent als die andren ryots. Der mandal u. a few of the elder
men constitute the village panchayat,
by whom Bei Phear, S. 60/61:
most of the ordinary disputes and quarrels
Schließen the most ordinary disputes u.
quarrels are
adjusted. Zusatz
von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293/294.
Schließen ⦗Er erklärt Pancháyat a body of five caste
men, villagers or others, who deal [with] and settle disputes relating to
caste, occupation etc.⦘ In more
obstinate cases the mandal and the parties go to
the zemindar or his representative the náib
Zusatz von Marx
aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen ⦗Deputy or representative – the head officer or
steward representing the zemindar in the management of large
zemindaries⦘ or gumashta, for discussion and |136
Bei Phear, S. 61:
arbitration
Schließen representation. So ohne die theuren public courts
viel Justizadministration in den rural districts of Bengal
abgemacht. (59–61)
Residirt der Zemindar im Dorf, so oft
der
barber who shaves the members of his family, the
dhobi who washes for them, the head darwan (porter) and other principal servants –
sind hereditary, haben portion of village land
zu relative relatively low rent or rent free; der dhobi u.
barber have the right to be employed at customary rates of pay by all the ryots; oft carpenter u. blacksmith
in gleicher Lage; der hereditary watchman
(chaukidar) erhält sein Land
rentfree
rent free
; ebenso Brahman priest, whether of the
Zemindar’s family, or maintained for the village pujas etc. (61, 62) Kommentar von Marx. Bei Phear, S. 62: We
have thus before us, in the Bengal village community, a social
structure which, for want of a better term, may in a certain
qualified sense be called feudal. The principal features can be
summed up as follows: – At the bottom is the great mass of
hereditary cultivators of the village lands (ryots); at the top
the superior lord entitled to rents and dues from these
cultivators (zamindar); next to him, and connected with his
interests, come those who constitute his fiscal organisation
(amla) and his privileged servants;
on the other side, again, are the representatives and officers
of the village, and by the union of both elements, so to speak,
is formed a court leet which when occasion requires disposes of
any topics of internal friction by the autoritative declaration
of custom and usage.
Schließen (dieser Esel
Phear nennt die Constitution des village feudal)
Ausserhalb dieser Village Constitution der
Mahājan, der village capitalist.
Der village ryot muss periodisch Geld auslegen; z. B. a Hütte der homestead neu zu bauen or to
repair, Pflug od. anderes Instrument zu machen, Paar bullocks zu kaufen,
Saat für Aussaat nöthig, endlich Reis für sich u. Familie, several kists of his rent to be paid before all his
crops can be secured and realised. Im western part des Delta
reichen seine savings selten hin to tide him
ganz über die Periode die verfliessen muss bevor
seine jährliche Production einkommt. Muss also
zum Mahājan gehn for money and for paddy as he wants them.
Gewöhnlichste Transactionsweise zwischen beiden Seiten: das
paddy for sowing and for food, u. auch andrer Saamen, wird geliefert unter
Bedingung dass er sie returnirt +50% in quantity Bei Phear, S. 64: at the time of
harvest
Schließen zur Herbstungszeit
; Geld
andrerseits to be repaid, auch at harvest time,
mit 2% per Monat Zins entweder in Form von Equivalent of Paddy, reckoned at Bazaar
prices, or in cash at the option of the
lender. Als security für Execution dieses Uebereinkommens nimmt
der mahājan häufig Hypotheke
auf des ryot’s future crop u. er hilft sich
selbst to the stipulated amount on the very threshing floor, in the
open field.
([62,] 63, 64)
Bei Phear, S. 64: The
zamindar, who at first sight appears to fill the place of an
English landlord
Schließen Der
Zemindar – dieser falsche engl.
landlord – merely a
rent-charger; der
ryot a field-labourer, living from hand to
mouth; der
mahājan, der das farming Capital liefert,
die Arbeit zahlt u. allen Profit einsteckt, ist
ein stranger, having no proprietary interest in the
land; a creditor only, whose sole
object is to realise his money as advantageously as possible. After
setting aside in his golas
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 291.
Schließen ⦗gola = a hut, meist
circular in form, in which grain is stored.⦘ as much of the produce come to his hands,
as he is likely to need for his next year’s
business, he
deels deals with the rest simply als cornfactor, sending it to
the most remunerative market. A thriving mahājan
may have a whole mauzah or more under his hand –
and yet he has no legitimate proprietary status in
the community, while those who have – the
ryot … and the Zemindar … for different reasons are apparently
powerless. (64–65) Hence x)
der unprogressive character of an
agricultural village,
so beschrieben by a young zemindar,
Babu Peary Chund Mookerjee
Beng. Soc. Sci. Trans. vol. IV, sec. 4,
p. 1.
„A husbandman of the present day is the primitive being he always Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) has been. With a piece of rags rag round his loins for his clothing, bare feet, a miserable hut
to live in, and a daily fare of the coarsest description, he lives a
life … unruffled by ambition. If he gets his two meals and plain
clothing he is content with his lot, and if he can spare a few rupees
for purchasing jewellery for his wife and children, and a few rupees
more for religious ceremonies, he will himself consider himself as happy as he can wish to be. He is the greatest enemy of social reform
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗? wäre nicht enemy of getting himself the
rent he pays to Zemindarees Zemindars, old or joung young!⦘, and never dreams of throwing off the
trammels which time or superstition has spun around him. He will not
send his son to school for fear
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗and a very just one, too!⦘ of being
deprived of his manual assistance in the field; he will not drink the
water of a good tank because he has been accustomed to use the one water of the water one nearer to his house; he will not sow a crop of potatoes or
sugar-cane because his forefathers never did it; he
will allow himself to be unmercifully fleeced by his hereditary
priest to
secure the hope of utter annihilation after death … the ryots
too poor
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!), too ignorant, too disunited among themselves to effect … improvement.“ (65–67)
Domestic life.
Wealthy enterprising zamindars sehr selten im Mofussil
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 292.
Schließen ⦗[
(
]
or Mafassal) =
the country as opposed to the town; the subordinate as opposed to the principal⦘. The Hindu |137
gentleman of the Bengali village, the landed proprietor of the locality, Bei Phear, S. 68: may have an
income
Schließen had income
von Rs 100 to Rs 200 per
Jahr höchstens; nicht immer a pakka
house; his property is probably a share of the village, or of several villages
together, held on some tenure; his net
income = dem
remainder of the collections he has made from the
ryots after he has paid the jama
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 291.
Schließen ⦗od. jamma = the
aggregate of payments made for land in the year – the total rent⦘
of his tenure to his superior
or to the Government, as the case may be. (68, 69)
Bhadra-log, Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 289.
Schließen respectable
well[-]to[-]do people, who are not Brahmans [70];
Andar Mahal
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 293.
Schließen ⦗das Wort Mahalla = a division of a town, a quarter⦘, the portion of the house or homestead
allotted to the female members of the family,
which strangers and non-privileged males are not allowed to enter.
[72]
Ashan = a square piece of carpet; thāl a metal plate or dish; pān = a betel leaf. [72, 73]
Tiffin = a refreshment; Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 289.
Schließen
bau = young married
girl; bári = Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 289.
Schließen a dwelling house,
homestead. [73,
75, 76]
Universal habit in Bengal prevalent in all classes for the members of a family to live
joint and to enjoy the profits of property
jointly. z. B. in Ryot’s family: nach
Tod des Vaters, seine Söhne, früher dependent members of the
family living in the same homestead and assisting the father in the
cultivation of his jot
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292.
Schließen (= jote = both the land which the cultivator
tills, and his tenure of it),
continue [to live] in same homestead, cultivating the
same jot, but now as owners. Manchmal tragen sie
ihre Namen collectively ein statt dessen des Vaters in
das book of the zamindar’s kachahri; manchmal the dead man’s name remains there unaltered.
Jeder brother, with his wife and children, if
possible, occupies a separate hut in the homestead, u. so oft
nöthig für dies purpose, an additional hut added to
the group. (76, 77) Die brothers by law entitled to
equal shares of inheritance in the whole of any
heritable property they have thus taken in common, and each has
a right at any time to compel a partition.
Stirbt einer der Brüder, his sons, wenn
er keine hat, his
widow
, step into his place and represent him
in all respect respects. (77) Generation auf Generation
fortgehend würde dies a complex
distribution of undivided shares hervorbringen; aber bei ryots kommt’s rasch zu End the smallness of the
original subject rendering the aliquot parts insignificant. Eh es so
weit, die
jüngereren jüngeren members der family give up or
sell their shares to the others u. suchen sich
andre Beschäftigung. Ist das
jot inheritable in its nature, so die
jointly living members of family actually divide the
land unter einander according to their shares and cultivate separately. So
das
Land in some villages subdivided into absurdly small
plots u. this evil has a natural tendency to increase. (78)
In wohlhabenden Familien mit bedeutenden Besitzungen sei es in Handel od. in Zamindaries u. other landed tenures, the state of „jointhood“ dauert gewöhnlich lang. The whole property managed by one member of the family called the „karta“, meist das älteste Individuum der ältesten Branche; theoretisch responsible to the entire body of joint-co-sharers, jeder von denen kann einsehn die family books of accounts u. papers regularly kept in a sort of office (daftarkhana) by the family servants; selten jedoch one interferes, bis quarrel, dann fought out mit acrimony, partition effected and accounts insisted upon. As a rule the co-sharers content to be supported in the family house, out of the family funds, each getting, as he wants, sufficient small sums of money for ordinary personal expenses. Das money saved nach disbursement of the general family u. proprietary expenses, is invested by the karta in the purchase of some addition to the joint property; das Geld required for extraordinary family ceremonies or religious performances commonly raised durch den Karta in the form of a loan charged on the common property. (78–80) Dies domestic community oft sehr numerous; erstens die co-sharers, Brüder, Neffen u. male cousins deren fathers’ shares have devolved upon them u. die widows or daughters of co-sharers, verstorben ohne Söhne oder Enkel; zweitens: the mixed class of dependent members – wives and children of existing co-sharers, wives and daughters of former co-sharers (whose shares went to sons) and individuals labouring under any infirmity disqualifying them from inheriting. In Calcutta u. selbst im Mofussil Beispiele von Familien v. 300–400 Individuen, incl. servants, living in one house. Meist zählt die family 50–100. (80, 81)|
138deorhi ⦗entspricht der French conciergerie; nämlich in entrance passage of old family house, oft auf beiden Seiten a raised floor mit 1 od. 2 open cells worin die darwans (doorkeepers) sit, lie u. sleep, in fact dwell.⦘ [82]
Puja dalan: die verandah, deren chief purpose to serve as a stage for the performance of religious and domestic ceremonies. [83]
Shámiana
Zusatz von Marx
aus Phears Glossar, S. 294.
Schließen (Tent cavas canvas
stretched horizontally across, as a covering,
from side to side of a quadrangle, or from top to top of poles,
firmly fixed in the ground – awning.)
[83]
Thakurbāri, chamber where the figure of the family deity (thakur) resides u. where its daily service u. worship is performed. Weiber dürfen nicht selbst worship the family idol or any visible thakur, ausser der clay figure of Siva made for every[-]day worship. The Shastras forbid to women and Sudras all knowledge and use of sacred texts. [84]
Hat die Familie 3 or 4 generations, removed von dem common ancestor, erreicht, so there several heads of branches; diese branches settle themselves by stirpes, in separate parts of the house under their own heads; … manchmal die Separation so complete that the portion of the house allotted to each branch is parted off from the remainder of the house by blocking up of doors, and by the opening of a separate entrance. Each group as a rule messes by itself, and every adult member of it has a room to himself in which he lives, all the female members together in the inner apartments, commonly called among Europeans the Zenana. All the branches usually keep joint with regard to the worship of the family deity. Und selbst wenn the branches sever in everything – i.e. in food, worship, and estate – the same family deity is commonly retained by all, and the worship conducted by the different branches in turn, each turn proportionate in duration to the owner’s share in the joint property. z. B. if family in its divided state is represented by 4 heads, 2 brothers, and their 2 nephews, sons of a 3d brother deceased, the turn or pallas of worship would be respectively 4 months, 4 months, 2 months or and 2 months or equimultiples of these. (85, 86)
Nur in Calcutta u. andern sehr large towns the family swarm continues in the family hive at such dimensions. Aber in country villages, wo des Zamandar’s Zamindar’s family sich maintained for many generations, much about the same thing occurs. (86)
Zusatz von
Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen
Maidán, an open
grass-coverd space; mandir
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen a temple; mandap
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 293.
Schließen an opensided open-sided roofed structure, or building.
Majlis an assembli assembly. Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 293.
Schließen
Mohant the
superior of a math (an endowed temple
od. shrine; máth dagegen, the
open arable plain, forming the cultivated land of a
village.)
Zusatz von Marx aus
Phears Glossar, S. 291.
Schließen
Gaddi, a
seat.
Grave and Gay.
inordinate love of spectacles. (89) Drinking to a considerable extent. »In a portion of the Veds the delights of intoxication are dwelt upon, and some of the tantric writings [are] devoted to the encouragement of drink.« … tarí, spirit made [from] many sort sorts of saccharine juices, especially from the juice of the tarí palm, u. made largely in every village by crude native methods, is evidently of purely home origin. (90)
Bengali of all ranks like gambling; cards u. dice the common form prevaling with the middle classes. ([90,] 91)
In Bengal 2 distinct sects under the Muhammedans, Sunís Sunnís u. Shias; both a good deal given to observances u. practices of Hinduism; the Bengali Musulman is nothing but a roughly converted Hindu. In den besten u. fruchtbarsten Theilen des Delta das mohammedan. Element über 60% der Bevölkerung, im rest of Bengal Proper ists 30–40%; in einigen districts die villages ganz mohammed. od. ganz Hindu, aber more commonly hat jedes village sein Mohammed. quarter u. sein Hindu quarter. (91, 92)
Viele sects auch unter den Hindus[,] (92) pretty universally in the rural villages Boistobs (mit immense number of varieties u.
subdivisions), Saktas, Sivas, Ganapatyas etc.
(93) Die chief development der
Boistobs – deren
Vishnu
ist the
Brahma
Zusatz von Marx aus Phear, S. 36.
Schließen (Krishna
eine seiner incarnations)
[–] originated mit
Chaitanya
, who
preached purity, meditation, and the equality of all
men, without distinction of sect or caste, before God. And a
certain freedom from caste trammels and disregard of religious
observances, with an appreciation of the importance of conduct, still
seem to characterise the sect. The Boistobs have been, and even now are
being, recruited from all castes, but taken
together in all their varieties … are commonly
reckoned as a sort of caste by themselves etc. (94)
Die Saktas vielleicht die majority der village inhabitants; jetzt in a great deal united mit den Saivas, die upon Siva (the Destroyer) look as the primary and more exalted form of Brahma u. die Saktas speziell verehren die divine nature in its activity, the female forms of the supreme deity, as Dúrga od. Kalí; der Sivaite u. Sakta worship |139 in a marked degree a worship of dogma, gorgeous ceremony, u. bloody sacrifices etc. Die Boistobs den Saktas gegenüber »Protestanten«. (94, 95)
Der monastic order is celibate u. in great degree erratic u. mendicant, hat aber anchorage places u. headquarters in the maths (Ursprünglich Bedeutung von math scheint Cell oder Chamber wie von Eremit); heutzutag typisch math ist an endowed temple or shrine mit a dwelling place for a superior (the Mohant) u. his disciples (Chelas); das endowment der math entweder result of a private dedication, oder aber of a grant by an aready already existing wealthy math, gegen die es in gewissert gewisser Art Subordination bleibt etc. (96–100)
In
einzelnen Fällen the Mohants, either by decline
from the strict path of sanctity originally marked out for them, or even
in prosecution of the founder’s purpose
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗für die
Stiftung, nicht für die
einzelnen Mönche⦘, make the acquirement of
wealth by trade their great object. Sehr viel instances davon
in the
northwestern-parts north-western parts
part der Bengal presidency, wo numerous trader Mohants of
great wealth and influence to be found.
(p. 97)
A shrine (dargah) of some holy Mohammedan fakir oft to be met with on the wayside, with the hut or homestead of its keeper near at hand. Passers-by of all creeds and denominations throw in their cowries and pice. (101) In a large village will be a mandap, i.e. a spacious open-sided covered-in room, wo die village púja festivals celebrated u. other village gatherings (as in a vestry room) occur; manchmal ist’s pakka structre structure, meist of bamboo u. thatch; ist usually kept up by the Zamandar Zamindar. (l.c.)
Rural crime.
Dakaiti
Zusatz von Marx
aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
Schließen ⦗Dakait one of a gang
of robbers⦘ or gang robbery ( Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen
anglice
: dacoity.) ( Bei
Phear, S. 102: The badmashes or bad
characters of two or three adjoining villages are, to a certain
extent, associated together.
Schließen
badmashes = the bad
characters of a village;
[102]
pitara: Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 294.
Schließen a wicker work
or other slightly-constructed box of peculiar shape) (p. 102–105) Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Phear,
S. 105: the police may sometimes be found waging a warfare
against dákaiti which is very characteristic
Schließen
Verfahren (charakteristisch!)
der
Polizei.
(105–107) Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen Das Gericht.
(108–110) Mookhtar = law agent. [108]
Mord for vindicating family honour
Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen (relates to womankind). (111–115)
Purely agrarian outrage more common than any
other. »A strong sense of vested right unprotected by
the arm of the law leads in India as elsewhere to the endeavour
at vindicating it by violence.« (115) Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen Krakehle
(blutige) unter den Ryots selbst.
(115–118) Affray of the Zamandar’s Zamindar’s people on den Mandal. (headman of the
village) ⦗A
mauzah had been sold in execution of a
decree, a stranger had purchased it; der
new Zamandar Zamindar takes measures for enhancing the rents of his ryots;
war successful at obtaining kabulyats
Zusatz von
Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 292.
Schließen ⦗kabulyat = the counterpart of a pottah or lease,
nämlich given by the tenant to his
landlord⦘ at increased rates
from several ryots, aber der mandal des
village, dessen example most influential, sturdily held out and
led the opposition. Gegen ihn schickt der
Zamandar Zamindar seine Bei Phear, S. 118: peons and
adherents
Schließen retainers, with the view of capturing him and
carrying him off. ( Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen Endet mit Mord v. ein paar Leuten; aber Mandal Sieger
p. 118, 119)
p. 119–120. Andrer case wo die Ryots gegen
den
Mandal weil er zu sehr die Seite des
Zamindar in certain matters nehme; therefore resolved in „committee“
that he should be punished and warned, lassen
ihn durch einige »charged« Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen damit dch prügeln durchprügeln. (wobei er †) (120, 121)
Faction fight zwischen den Ryots verschiedner tenure-holders. (p. 121, –123) Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen (Todtschlägerei)
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 291/292.
Schließen
Jangal (Jungle) = a
wood, any tract, large or small, wo das natural growth
of trees, bushes, and vegetation undisturbed.
Zusatz
von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 289.
Schließen
Bhát = boiled rice; bigha a landmeasure; in Bengal = about ⅓
acre; Arhar = kind of pulse (cytisus
cajan) grown for food.
Administration and Landlaw.
Siehe Phear, S. 3,
Fn. 1: This with the six succeeding sections, almost as they now
stand, appeared as an article in the July and October numbers of
the Calcutta Review for 1874. – Anscheinend hat Marx den Hinweis
bei Phear missverstanden. In der „Calcutta Review“ war auch der
nächste Abschnitt (VII), „Ways and Means“, abgedruckt
(S. 369–373).
Schließen (Dies der letzte Abschnitt (VI) dieses Buchs,
der schon vorher in
Calcutta
Review
gedruckt.)
Bei
Phear, S. 124: A zillah district in Bengal, which is sometimes
roughly compared with an English county
Schließen A zillah district in
India, fälschlich compared to an Engl. county
, umfasst
area von 2–3000 □ m. u. has population von
Bei Phear, S. 124: of say
from one to two million souls
Schließen
2 millions
f.i.,
während County of
Suffolk, z. B., hat nur area v. 1,454 □
m. u. population of some 360,000. Alle
European officers of a Zillah höchstens a dozen, ⦗wovon ½ about kept by their duties at
the Zillah station⦘, viz. 1 magistrate,
1 and collector mit 3 od. 4 joint
assistant u. deputy magistrates, 1 district and sessions judge, 1
small court, or subordinate judge, 1 superintendent of police, 1 assistant
superintendent
of police u. 1 medical officer.
([124,] 125)
⦗Selten »has one of them a real command of the vernacular language«. (126)⦘
No taxgatherers in India Bei Phear, S. 128, Fn. 1: This was written
before the imposition of the license tax.
Schließen (save those recently
introduced, mit der
imposition of a license tax); all
taxes sind land revenue, stamps (needed for
every proceeding in a court of justice or public office or copy of any
paper filed in a court or office or document of agreement or receipt
etc), customs u. excise
(die
tari u. Salz für Ryot
vertheuert). Kürzlich Steuervermehrung
durch imposition of a road cess, a
small rateable addition to the rent of each
ryot, which he pays to his rentreceiver rent-receiver, dieser an Government. (128, 129)
A portion of the rent, every cultivator of the soil pays for his plot, goes to Government as land revenue; es bezieht about 20½ Millions £St per annum in the shape of land revenue. (133)|
140
Zusammenfassung von
Marx. Bei Phear, S. 133–135: The collection of the revenue and
its payment to Government was effected by officers who, in later
days were, in Bengal, generally called zamindars, each being
responsible only for the revenue of the zamindari, taluq, or otherwise
named district, of which he was certainly the fiscal head.
Whether […] he was regarded by the people as the proprietor, in
any degree, of the zamindari, or whether
he himself looked upon the land of the zamindari as belonging to him personally, are
questions which, perhaps, cannot now be satisfactorily answered.
[…] For the moment it may be asserted positively that the
zamindar never did before the Permanent Settlement (and that he
does not to this day) stand towards the ryot in the position
which the English landlord occupies relative to his
tenant.
Schließen Vor dem Bengal settlement of 1793
der Zemindar bekanntlich nur Steuercollector, nicht
landlord.
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Bursche Phear says: »The area
of his
Zamandari zamindari
covered large districts of country and was reckoned
not by in
bighas but in communities of
men – mauzahs.« Seine »money proceeds«
wurden nicht »spoken of as rent,
sondern als jamas (collections) of the included
villages«. Seine assets were »made up of the jamas of the sub-tenures,
and the collections of the villages.« (135) The
zamindar’s village kachahri (schon vor
den Engländern) was an office in
each mauzah, with a headman, an accountant, and a field
officer. (hatten die früher beschriebnen duties der
jetzigen Collectors etc. des Zemindar) Die
kachharis kachahris von je 5 or 6 mauzahs, je nach deren size, were supervised by
a superior officer, say a Tehsildar, who had his own kachahri,
with its books and papers, either duplicates of, or made up from those
of, the mauzah kacharis kachahris
. Die collections effected by the officers of
the village
kachhari
kachahri
were handed over to him, and he passed them to a next high
officer. So the moneys arrived at last at the Zamindar’s own
kachhari
kachahri
; out of them he paid the Gvt revenue due from his Zemindari,
and kept the rest for himself. ([137,] 138)
Each middleman was so the apex and head of a structure precisely like the principal structure in form and constitution, nur mit a smaller basis. A slight disturbing force might serve to detach it and leave it standing by itself, or to put it into an appendent condition. (139) (See also: Hunter: „Orissa“) Lang vor den Engländern the original simplicity of the Zemindari system lost; there were Zemindaris u. taluqs of several orders and designations paying revenue directly to Gvt; innerhalb derselben wieder subordinate taluqs u. tenures converted from the condition of being parts of a homogeneous collecting machine into semi-independence, u. zahlend in that character a recognized jama directly to the superior kachhari kachahri statt to send on to it in ordinary course their respective collections. ([140,] 141)
(By u. by) jeder subordinate jama-paying »mahal« or tenure wurde bald a miniature zamindari, worin gewisse jamas were taken in lieu of collections, and the remaining collections were made by the old machinery. Waste Land grants or concessions were also the origin of taluqs, both dependent and independent, and so, too, jaghir grants for services. (141, 142)
Innerhalb des village selbst – mit Bezug auf die occupation of land – an analogous process
came into operation. The principal persons of the zemindari amla and the headmen of the ryots (mandals), or
others of influence, and privileged persons such as Brahmans, often got recognized as holding
upon fixed and favourable terms larger
portions of the village lands than they could or did cultivate.
These … they sublet, wholly or in part, and so
arose varieties of »jots« u. ryottee[-]tenures.
(142) Vor der legislation of 1793 die
middle tenures, wie sie damals existed, depended
for their maintenance upon usage, and the
personal power and influence of the holder. The ryottee[-]tenures u. jots
ditto regulated by usage, the arbitrament of the
village panchayat u. the
Zamindari amla; alles customary,
involving nothing of personal proprietary right.
(142, 143)
Zusammenfassung und Kommentare in Klammern
von
Marx.
Schließen Die Verwandlung – durch
die English rogues and asses – der Zemindars in private
proprietors machte eo ipso (wenn auch nicht in Idee
jener asses) all intermediate interests
zu rights in land,
u. the owner of any such interest could encumber the land or alienate it
within the limit of the right; seine ownership selbst konnte wieder
die complex Hindu joint-parcenary
form annehmen. (147, 148)
A middle tenure or interest below the revenue[-]paying zamindar is essentially the right, on payment of
the proper jama to a superior holder, to make
collections from the cultivators of land and to take the jamas from subordinate holders within a specified area. (148) The middle tenure of every
degree is thus in a great measure an account
book matter, and is very completely represented by the jamabandi paper. Will the owner of such a
property benefit a child or a family connection, so kann er’s thun by
making him a mokarari
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 293.
Schließen (= that which is fixed or established – permanent)
grant, in some form, of a
portion of his collections. (149) Allzumeist the tenure of the
grantor himself amounts only to a right to a
fractional share of the rents, etc, and then his grant Zusatz von Marx. Bei
Phear, S. 150: But not only may a tenure-holder make a grant of
this nature to some one whom he desires to benefit
Schließen ⦗made to child
etc⦘
will pass a fraction of a fraction. (149–50) Such a tenure holder mag auch make a grant
dieser Art to a stranger in consideration of a bonus
or premium. Er mag’s auch thun um to ensure to himself, in the shape of the rent reserved on the subject of
grant, the regular receipt of money wherewith to pay his own
jama. Oder er mag, by way
of affording security for the repayment of a loan of money made to
him, temporarily assign to the lender unde under
a zar-i-peshgi ticca his tenure right of making
collections. In these or similar modes, the
Bengali tenure-holder, proprietor,
zemindar
|141
Bei Phear, S. 150: (however he may be
designated)
Schließen (whatever else the name) is obliged to deal with his interest
when he wants to raise money, or to confer a benefit; Bei Phear, S. 150:
(excepting that of out-and-out sale of the entirety of his
interest, to which he rarely has recourse if he can avoid
it)
Schließen veräussert er also nicht ganz u. gar the entirety of his
interest, wozu er nur selten Zuflucht nimmt, wenn er’s vermeiden
kann – so klar that in each instance he creates a fresh set of proprietary rights.
(150)
Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Phear,
S. 149 und 151.
Schließen Was ferner a middle tenure
or right of land als Gegenstand of joint ownership
angeht, so z. B. eine ganze share of a
village (oder of any number of villages) sei = 16 annas (= 1 Re.); nun habe
einer a fractional share, say a 9½ annas share; dies kann statthaben in 3 od. 4 verschiednen Formen. Es kann bedeuten,
1): the tenure holder has a mokarari
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (permanent) right to the rents and dues
arising out of a specified portion of the area of the
village which is separated from the rest by metes and bounds;
and bears to the entirety the proportion of
9½ : 16. Oder: 2) in certain parts of the
area covered by the grant he has a sole
right to the rents, and in other parts
to a fractional portion only, so arranged that
in the whole he gets 9½ out of 16 annas of the entire profits of the area etc. Meist
incidental to his right, dass er das ihm Zuständige can collect by his own officers at his own kachhari kachahri
; vielleicht hat er aber auch nur das Recht
to draw his fractional share of the net
collections made at a
joint-kachari
joint-kachahri
belonging, so to speak, to several shareholders. (151, 152)
Aber der owner dieser mokarari tenure of 9½ annas of
property usually a joint-family, or a
group of persons representing an original joint-family: alle Glieder
solcher Gruppe haben jedes seine eigne share in the
tenure, which, although existing in a state undivided from the
rest, is capable of being assigned to a
purchaser separately from them. Ausserdem, very often, each member of the group can, as between himself
and his shareholders, insist upon having an actual
partition of the subject of tenure. Sobald dies geschehn wird
er by himself separately entitled to a fraction
z. B. der 9½ anna tenure; sage zu ⅙ derselben; dann seine besondre share of the rents and profits accruing from
the area covered by the tenure, subject of course to the
payment of the superior rent or jama, is ⅙ of
9½ annas = 1 anna 7 9 pie. So das
mauzah selbst, the unit
in terms of which the zamindari calculated,
comes to be divides divided into small portions; u. der rent[-]receiver who stands to a particular ryot in the position of zamindar
kann sein u. ist oft a very small man indeed. z. B. der ryot may have to
pay the whole of his rent to the patwári of the
1 anna 7 pie shareholder, or to pay 1 anna 7 pie out of 16 annas of his rent to him,
and the remainder to the other shareholders separately, or in groups; or
he may have to pay the entirety of his rent to
the
joint-kachari
joint-kachahri from which each shareholder will get his share on division.
(153, 154)
This system of sub-infeudation and subdivision of joint-interests, accompanied by severalty of right, prevails universally throughout Bengal. (154) Daher beispiellose complexity of landed interests u. keiner hat ein Interesse improvements des land zu machen. (l.c.)
Unter diesem System die locally resident zamindars generally small shareholders of subordinate tenures, deren means nicht greatly superior to those of the well-to-do ryots. (155)
Die lands of a village broadly unterscheidbar in
2 sets: the ryottee lands (the bulk of the
village area, the village lands) einerseits, u.
andrerseits the Zamindar’s Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗in letzter
instance der dem government revenue-paying Zamindar⦘ Land, ziraat, khamar, nijjot nij-jot
or sir-lands
Bei Phear, S. 156: or whatever they may be
termed
Schließen (auch noch andre terms dafür). (155, 156) In Bengal heisst das
erstere Land meist the ryot’s »jot«. (156) Wenn
dieser wieder sub-lets, so his lessee derives everything from him and
goes out of possession with him whenever he goes Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen (erhält also nie a sub-tenure properly so
called). (157) By legislative
enactment, actual occupation of the same land for a period of
12 years confers upon the ryot (if he has it not otherwise, by custom
etc) a personal right of occupation on payment
of a fair and reasonable rent; and occupation for 20 years at a uniform rate of rent generally confers a right of occupation at that rate. A very large number of ryots in Bengal have in one way
or another acquired permanent rights of
occupancy in the land which they cultivate, but the remainder, a larger number,
merely occupy, on payment of the rents and dues which usually
have been paid to the Zemindar’s kachahri in
respect of their land; meist
much less in
rate than rents paid by agricultural tenants in Engld. Zemindar kann theoretically verlangen
was ihm gutdünkt before the commencement of every year, u. turn this
class of ryot out, if he does not agree, but seldom does so.
(157–58)
On ziraat, khamar, nij-jot, or sir-lands Zamindar
kann das Land auf eigne Rechnung bebauen, or put in
cultivators on any terms which they agree to
accept; sie sind seine tenants, er ihr landlord im Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (europäischen) ordinary sense of the word; hier hat
der Zamindar unqualified ownership in land … – in ryottee lands the use
belongs to the ryots. (158–59)|
In einigen Theilen Bengal’s, jots od. ryottee interest in considerable tracts of unclaimed unreclaimed jungle, or otherwise waste lands, have at times been granted, of a perpetual character, upon insignificant rents; das land afterwards sub-let to cultivators. In solchen Fällen nicht zu unterscheiden between the jot-dar u. an ordinary middle-tenure-holder middle tenure-holder. (159)
Ways and Means.
Bei Phear, S. 161: The imperfection
Schließen Fast absence of the means
of intercommunication between village and village, and between one
portion of a rural district and another. (161) there is not a stone, or anything
harder than clay, to be found in the soil of the delta; and the
floods of the rainy season break down, and sometimes almost obliterate,
such roadways as have not been expensively constructed by skilled
engineers. (161, 162)
The vehicle vehicles in use for the carriage of goods are boats, the heads of men and women, little
tiny bullocks, and bambu carts of very rude
construction; when well-to-do people travel they are carried in
palkis and doolies,
or go by boat. In the dry season the men, the bullocks, and
the carts can and do go anywhere. The local traffick usually takes place in detail of very small quantities. The dána
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar, S. 290.
Schließen (= grain) or
other seed is trodden
out by the bullocks at the khaliān almost on the plot where it is grown.
⦗In some districts wie in Chota Nagpore, a rude handflail is used for thrashing grain⦘; and
both the grain and the straw are very easily carried to the homestead on
the heads of the various members of the ryot’s family. The surplus produce, if any, of the ryot which does
not go to his mahajan passes in little items to
the nearer hāts, and so becomes diffused over
the neighbouring mauzahs, or is carried on
further to the larger hāts, the mahajan u. the modi
affording the only village depôts. The larger hāts again, or local
centres of country produce trade, are commonly
situated on roads or khāls. The produce trader here, by his
agents, gathers in the result of his scattered
purchases, and sends it away in carts or boats; and thus the
outflow takes place very evenly. (163,
164)
It is
often said, on occasions of scarcity or famine,
that the stream will not reverse itself when
necessary. (164) Aber
die Sache die: As long as the ryots are
able to pay the requisite retail price, the village mahajans u. modis will
succeed in keeping up their their stocks, Bei
Phear, S. 165: whatever the local deficiency of
crop
Schließen
whatever the local
deficiency may be. (164, 165) Aber wenn season of
scarcity
approach approaches sind beide, mahajan u. modi »inactive«. They know very accurately the
extent of their clients’ and customers’ means. Der
mahajan naturally enough declines to increase
his stock at great cost to himself, when his clients
are already hopelessly involved in debt to him; u. der
village modi for like reason will not lay in a
stock at abnormal prices to retail it to those who cannot pay for what
they purchase.
This state of things would be completely changed
if neither the mahajan nor the village dealer
had reason to doubt the
ability of the ryot to pay a remunerating price for imported
food. (165) It is the occurence of pauperism
in the ryots, when a certain price of food-stuffs is reached,
which throws the ordinary machinery out of
gear. (166)
Bei Phear, S. 166: It
is not the purpose of these pages to discuss a question of
political economy. But it may here be added that in times of
scarcity the action of Government does not always appear to have
been directed immediately to this object.
Schließen Was aber in times of scarcity the Government activity betrifft etc ⦗paralysirt diese sich selbst to a great
extent, dies der sense of the »Kohl« of Phear, aber sehr richtig
dies.⦘ Was thut
Gvt in emergencies of this sort? Errichtet »relief works on a large
scale, where great numbers of people«, drawn from
their homes, are massed together within limited areas; grain in cosiderable
quantities ist transported from the outside
to certain local centres, for the support of those engaged on
these works and for the distribution so far as practicable by the hands
of the local committees. (166) Die
preparations des Government für dies unusual
work
themselves very greatly hinder ordinary traffic in
rural lines of route;
boats and carts etc, have to be collected – even
impressed – in all directions, and become
locked up for days and weeks, before they are actually wanted,
damit sie certainly ready when needed. So, nicht nur
while gvt is importing, sondern long before it commences to do so,
private enterprise is left
without a vehicle. (166, 167) Die
Govmt method of proceeding hat direct tendency
to remove the pressure upon the village mahajans
u. modis u. to make the
market which they supply noch unsichrer, indem das
Gvt draws away as many persons as possible, u.
zwar die
ablebodied able-bodied rather than the infirm, from their
homes, u. wirkt ebenso by supplying grain. – As soon as Gvt
announces its anticipation of a famine and its intention to take
extraordinary measures of prevention, all natural
effort at the village end of the system ceases. (168)|
Peon (for Piada) = footman (inferior servants of a Zemindar or landholder); Sandúk or sinduk = a wooden chest;
Ryot = – Raiyat, originally a subject, jetzt peasant;
Rabi od. Rubbee = The March or and April period of the year; the harvest season of the crops sown or planted after the cessation of the monsoon rains in September or October of the preceding year.
Táluq = a dependency; Tehsildar or Tahsildar, one who collects rents or revenue.
Top, od. tope, od. topu – a grove of fruit[-]bearing trees.
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Zu bemerken dass
Tári od. tádi vulgarly
toddy the juice of palm tree, fermented or
unfermented; auch spirit made v. other sources.
[294, 295]
Ueber die Means der agricultural families in
Eastern Bengal: s(?)
ie
h(?)
Memorandum, dem Phear zugestellt von
Baboo
Ram Sundar
Basack
, of Dacca. Phear
giebts in »Appendix«, Note A
| Classes of Ryot. | House. | House-hold Ustensils | Sinduks. | Charpoys. | Clothes incl. Kantha u. Pillow. | Ornaments. | Articles in Cookroom. | Gola articles. | Cattle. | Ploughs. | Daos etc. | Boat. | Total | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 1st class | Rs. | As. | P. | Rs. | As. | P. | R. | A. | P. | R. | A. | P. | R. | A. | P. | R. | A. | P. | R. | A. | P. | R. | A. | P. | R. | A. | P. | R. | A. | P. | R. | A. | P. | R. | A. | P. | Rs. | As. | P. | ||||||||||||
| 162 | 8 | 0 | 22. | 0. | 0 | 12. | 4. | 0 | 1. | 0. | 0 | 18. | 8. | 0 | 45. | 0. | 0. | 3. | 0. | 0. | 95. | 0. | 0. | 80. | 0. | 0 | 8. | 0. | 0 | 5. | 0. | 0 | 25. | 0. | 0 | 477. | 4. | 0 | |||||||||||||
| 2nd class | 112. | 8. | 0 | 15. | 8. | 0 | 3. | 8. | 0 | 1. | 0. | 0 | 10. | 8. | 0 | 30. | 0. | 0 | 3. | 0. | 0 | 45. | 0. | 0 | 40. | 0. | 0 | 5. | 0. | 0 | 3. | 0. | 0 | 15. | 0. | 0 | 283. | 0. | 0 | ||||||||||||
| 3d class | 35. | 0. | 0 | 10. | 0. | 0 | 0. | 12. | 0 | 1. | 0. | 0 | 5. | 8. | 0 | 11. | 0. | 0 | 3. | 0. | 0 | 25. | 0. | 0 | 20. | 0. | 0 | 3. | 0. | 0 | 2. | 0. | 0 | Bei Phear, S. 284:
… Schließen vacat |
116. | 4. | 0 | ||||||||||||||
| Last class | 25. | 0. | 0 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 290.
Schließen
Charpoy = a frame of wood, having a web of tape or cord
stretched across it, and resting upon 4 short legs.
Dao billhook or cleaver.
Ist class of ryots; cultivate 15 bigas and upwards and have a family of 1 or 2 brothers u. 4 or 5 grown-up sons. Ihre Zahl sehr gering.
II class〃〃; cultivate 8 or 10 bigas, mit about 3 or 4 male adults in the family. Ihre Zahl > als die der first class. Ein ryot hat oft no other adult male in the family to assist him, but capital enough to employ labourers, gehört dann zu 1st od. 2nd class.
III class〃〃 4 or 5 bigas, have 1 son or brother or nobody to assist them (können daher nur 4–5 bigas bebauen). Bilden die Majorität.
IV class: a large number; haben 1 or 2 bigas of land, sustain themselves u. family mainly by working for other others on hire; sind labourers more properly than regular cultivators. 275, 276
| Ist class | haben generally 4 thatched houses in good condition to inclose the
quadrangle together, mit 3 or 4 out-houses
to serve as the dhenkighur
Zusatz von Marx aus Phears Glossar,
S. 290. Schließen (dhenki a pestle u. mortar chiefly used to husk and clean rice), cowshed u. gola. Das Haupthaus unter den 4 inclosing the quadrangle costs generally Rs 30 or 40, the labour being supplied by themselves. Die other houses kosten generally about Rs 20 or 25. Cost of house erection für such a family daher Rs. 150 or 175 Rs. |
| IInd class | ausser den 4 des quadrangle nur 1 od. 2 outhouses; ihre value altogether Rs 100–125. |
| IIId class, | has 1 or 2 houses with a cow-shed cowshed, or 1 or 2 single thatched houses to serve as kitchen, dhenkighur etc. Der value dieser houses Rs 30–40. |
Die values hier estimated at cost of erection; if sold in good condition fetch generally less, variirt aber (sale price) mit condition, situation, demand etc.
Ist class ryot has generally a brass kalsi (kalsi = a large water pot) 3 or 4 lotahs (lotah or pali = tumbler), 4 or 5 thalas (plates), 1 or 2 batis (bati = 1 cup), 1 boughna (brass vessel) or 2 iron pans. The quantity of brass forming these ustensils about 12 or 15 seers; when bought the cost per seer von Re. 1, 8a. to Rs 2; when sold the price varies von 12a. (annas) to Re. 1 4a. per seer. On the whole the value of these ustensils = Rs 20. – The iron basins and 1 or 2 china plates in the case of Mahommedans, u. country earthenware pots and dishes to be valued at couple of rupees.
Baskets u. other ustensiles utensils made of bamboos or cane-work, wie jhakee, dalli, kula, dalla, katta u. dhama, or measure of capacity, may be valued at 1 Re.
Bei IInd class ryots the total quantity of brass about 8 or 10 seers = Rs. 8, 12, or 15; the other class of utensils at Rs. 2.
A IIId class ryot has generally 1 or 2 brass lotahs (tumblers), 1 or 2 thalas, sometimes a boughna; quantity = 5 seers, about = Rs. 8. Die earthen u. bamboo utensils same as in 2 nd class, for the want of brass utensils to be supplied by these.
Unter Ist class ryots haben
nur wenige anything like the sinduk, stets in the house of a trading
class in the village. Preis = 15–20 Rs.
Statt der regular family sinduks haben
die ryots dieser Klass Klasse meist one small chest of mangoe or other
inferior wood, and 1 or 2 petaras
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (od. pitara (see
oben)) constructed of matted cane, zu price von Rs. 2 to 4
(die petaras kosten ebensoviel[)]. |145 Ausserdem haben meiste Ryots od. deren
females 1 or 2 small wooden or tin boxes to keep
cash, ornaments od. other valuables. Price davon
1½ Rs. Gesammtvalue dieser chests, boxes etc = 6–8 Rs.
IId class families haben generally 1 petara and 1 small box or 2, about = 3 or 4 Rs.
IIId class ryots haben höchstens jhaels or small petaras in some cases, v. Price = about 1½ Rs.
The general custom to keep the valuables hidden in earthenware pots kept under the ground or outside.
Mit sehr wenigen Ausnahmen haben die Ryots keine chowkees or charpoys etc. Statt dessen
different spreadings on the floor, at night for the bedding. 1 Re. for each family … average value of spreadings
for all Bei Phear, S. 279: classes
Schließen sects of ryots. All ryots use chhalas or gunny bags to sit upon, which are, when occasion
requires, used also to hold grains.
Seats of various kinds made of bamboo slips, canes, and splinters of betel-nut tree, and of small planks called peera or low stools; so small in size that they can hold only one man on each. [276–279]
Each ryot male or female has 2 dhutees of coarse Manchester cloth for ordinary use while out of work about 12 feet long and 3 feet broad. In well[-]to[-]do families haben ausserdem namentlich die females country sharees u. zenana coats, and men chaddars, manchmal peerans. Für die Wintersaison haben elderly men u. women chaddars of thick cloth, while at work they use very narrow and short gamchas or worn out clothes turned into smaller size. No difference among the different classes as to the clothes possessed by a family ausser so weit soweit dies depends upon the number of individuals in each. Der average value of clothes belonging to each individual male u. female, about Rs 2.
Dhutee: a piece of Manchester cloth, known in the bazaar as longcloth or American drill; Shari, a piece of cloth put on by women having borders of different colours; Chadars or sheet – a piece of American drill or long cloth measuring about 9 feet in length; Peeran or shirt, a coat newly introduced into fashion of American drill or longcloth. Gamcha or napkin, a piece of cloth short in breadth and length. Kantha, quilt stuffed with rags.
In Ist class (ryot) family, of 12 persons, 4 of whom may be left out of consideration, in consideration of the different persons wearing the same clothes, the value der clothes = Rs 15 or 16; In IId class of about 7 persons, wo 3 persons may be left out for same reason, average value of clothes = Rs 8 or 9; in IIId class families of 2 or 3 individuals, clothvalue = Rs 4 or 5.
In addition to these Rs 3, 2, and 1 may be taken as the average value of leps (quilt), kanthas, and pillows belong belonging to a family of Ist, IInd, and IIId class ryot respectively.
Ornaments: adult males use none; boys have sometimes brass or silver bangles for the hands and mandulees or patta to hang from the neck; women use ornaments of various kinds made of gold or silver and sometimes of brass, als da sind:
Nath, a ring for the nose; Besar, an ornament hung from the nose; Dana beads for the neck used by Hindus, but very seldom; Kalse ornaments for arms; Balla = bangles; Mul or kharu-anklets; Churi, bracelet used by Mahommedans; Hasli, a large ring round the neck. – On the whole, the value of ornaments belonging to a Ist class family = Rs 40–50. (Women whose husbands are living, when Mahommedans use churi of silver or of lac, u. when Hindu a pair of shell bracelets.) für IInd class family about Rs 30, für IIId class family about Rs 10 or 15. [279–281]
Im cookhouse kaum article ausser pata (a flat stone) und puta (a stone mullar muller) for grinding condiments in addition to brass and earthen pots. So: Ghotee, a brass or earthen water-pot; Raing, an earthen pot used in cooking rice; Patil, an earthen basin used in cooking curry; Shara, an earthen cover for a pot; Jhajree, an earthen vessel for straining water when washing rice etc; Hatta, an iron or wooden ladle or spoon used in cooking; Bowlee an iron tongs used in catching pots when warm; Tagaree, a wooden bowl for holding things cooked.
Diese, zus. mit dhenki, ukti u. mosal (a large wooden mortar u. pestle) to be valued about 3 Rs. for each family.
Ryots keep generally, according to their circumstances, a quantity of rice, mustard etc, for consumption during the year, and seeds for next year’s cultivation; the value for 1st class 90–100 Rs, 2nd class Rs 40–50, 3d class Rs 25. [282]
Cattle: Ist class family 8 or 10 cows and bullocks, manchmal a couple of goats or sheep; in case of Mahommedans a number of fowls; IInd class family 4 or 5 cows, u. a IIId class 2 or 3; the value of cattle for Ist Rs 70, IInd Rs 40, IIId Rs 20.
Instruments: A Ist class family besitzt about 8–10 ploughs u. 3 or 4 harrows, valued at Rs 8; for IInd u. IIId class respectively value der ploughs Rs 5 u. Rs 3.|
146A Ist class family hat generally 3 daos, 4 or 5 kachees, 2 kodalees or spades, 1 khuntee (a digging hoe) u. an axe: Gesammtvalue Rs 5; IInd u. IIId class selben articles in less numbers, of value of Rs 3 u. Rs 2 respectively.
Boats: Ryots living in low lands
u. fields etc, watered by annual inundation, and on river side,
have generally a dingee (a small boat) of value of
Rs 10–30. Ausdruck von
Marx.
Schließen Dieses Luxus
»instrument« nur bei Ist u. IInd class ryots, sehr
selten bei IIId class.
The large IV class hat im allgemeinen a single house, a brass lota or thalla, or a stone or wooden plate and cane or bamboo basket etc, and nothing in the way of a sinduk or charpoys; 1 or 2 mats and kanthas and pillows and a couple of dhutees, a plough, a harrow, a dao, a kodalee, a kachee u. manchmal a cow or 2; value des ganzen Krams in average may be estimated at Rs 25. [282, 283]
Kodál or Kodáli: a hoe, by means of which the work of the spade, the shovel, and the hoe alike is done.
Kathak: a professional story teller; one who recites traditional poems etc.
Láthi, or Láttee: a stick or bludgeon, usually of bamboo, heavily ringed and feruled with metal; Morha, a stool.
Mulla or Mulána: one who has charge of the village mosque, Mahommedan schoolmaster.
Kachcha: Raw, crude, immature, incomplete; Pakka: ripe, mature, complete.
Nirkh, a standard or customary rate, as of rent, etc.
Pálla, a turn
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Reihe die an einen kommt) as of
worship, or enjoyment of property.
Dhoti: the cloth worn round the loins; Bhát, boiled rice;
Ghát: the landing slope, or steps, on the bank of a river, or of a tank; the pass up a mountain or ridge of hills, sometimes the line of the hill itself.
Jágir, Jághir, a service tenure of land or revenue; Jalkar-wála, one who has rights of fishing. [289, 291–293]
Diese Angaben entnimmt Marx der „Introduction“
von Phear, S. LII.
Schließen Folgt nun die 2te Abtheilung v. Phear’s book über Ceylon. Dieser Bursch residirte 10 Jahre
in Calcutta; lebte in Ceylon 1877–79.
Das 3d
Paper (Evolution of the Indo-Aryan Social u. Land
System) was read 1872
durch den Burschen vor der Bethune Society of Calcutta.
II) The Agricultural Bei Phear, S. 171:
Community
Schließen Economy in Ceylon.
Arabische Nummerierung der Abschnitte von
Marx. Phear hat die Abschnitte auch in diesem Teil römisch
numeriert.
Schließen 1) The Village Economy.
Island of Ceylon = a Pear; the circular portion of the Pear occupied by a mass of mountains rising manchmal to 7–8000 feet, bordered at its base with a margin of lower land which continues to the coast on all sides. (173)
The New North Central Province, constuted constituted on 6. Sept. 1873, for administrative purposes, covers the mid-island portion of the Northern plain … interminable jungle in a state of nature, dotted very sparsely with tiny specks of yellow-green cultivation mit some few pools of water or tanks … the surface nicht absolutely flat, sondern mit considerable undulation an einigen Stellen, an andern broken by low ridges or rounded bosses of gneiss. In der Regel die pools seem by origin nur accumulations of water in natural depressions of the ground as have no outlet sufficiently low to drain them … aber their depth u. size in most instances artificially increased durch an earthen bund or embankment, thrown across the lower side of the depression. In den drier seasons des Jahrs, as the water bulk shrinks back towards the bund, i.e. towards the deeper side, it withdraws from the greater portion of the tank space, so that the jungle is enabled to flourish there (as it also does on the embankment itself) eben so vigorously als überall sonst in the surrounding tracts. Daher schwer den tank zu sehn, selbst wenn man in seiner Nähe. Und when der tank voll, much of it closely resembles a circuit of flooded forest. (173–75)
Anuradhapura, the classic city of the Mahawansa, für 7–800 Jahre die metropolis der successiv regierenden dynasties ruling over the larger portion of Ceylon, dann für eben so lange Zeit left to decay, is sehr nah dem Mittelpunkt der neuen Provinz. Ihre nachträgl. Bevölkerung (1871 nur 16 to □ m., the inhabitants of the rural villages u. the modern bazar counted together) für sehr lange Periode, bis lately, preserved by the remoteness u. inaccessibility of its situation v. disturbing action of foreign influences of [any] kind, daher dort a »living specimen typical« sehr primitiver agricultural economy u. civilization. (175–6)
Die
People are Singhalese u.
class themselves mit den
Kandyan or highlanders
im Unterschied v. den low-country Singhalese
Bei Phear, S. 176: who
border the coast on either side
Schließen who border on the coast of either
side; sehr verschieden
von den comparatively slight-limbed, black-complexioned Tamils, who constitute the population of the
Northern portion des Island. (176, 77) Die
Singhalese language belongs to the |147
Aryan group, apparently sprung from a root
closely allied to the Sanscritic prakrits of Northern
India; aber die
Singhalese people haben Aussehn das
hindeutet auf intermixture of an Aryan mit some other, yellow[-]tinted, coarsely[-]built, ethnic element; sind broadshouldered broad-shouldered, deepchested deep-chested, muscular, with a pronounced calf to the
leg, like all Mongolian peoples, unlike
the Aryans of India; schlagendste peculiarity –
excessive hairiness of both male and female. Dies findet sich nicht bei den
best bekannten mongolischen Stämmen; aber die
Ainos, a Turanian race on the
extreme east of Asia, possess this extraordinary capillary
development in noch höherem Grad. (177–78)
The Tamil inhabitants der Northern Province, sind ununterscheidbar von their brethern brethren of the mainland of India, with their slight build, black skin, thick lips, open nostrils, coarse hair; they belong unmistakably to the Dravidian race. (179)
Bei Phear,
S. 179: Naturally enough
Schließen
Exceptionally
, auf den
Grenzmarken der Tamil u. Singhalese districts, to be found low caste villages, wo no pure type of either
kind Bei Phear, S. 179: preserved; but these
are exceptional.
Schließen preserved. (l.c.)
Ausser der distribution der population des Districts by agricultural villages Fälle of petty u. often ephemeral bazars sprung up at convenient places along the highways – gradually as these have been opened out through the forest, perhaps never kept by the Kandyans, sondern nur durch low country Singhalese, Moormen, or Tamils. (l.c.)
Controlling element des village – the
paddy tract or paddy field which is itself
»a function of the supply of water«. (179,
180) Meist das field attached, or
appended to, a tank u. ist oft strikingly tiny im Verhältniss zum size des entire tank; es wird irrigirt by the flow of water passing out from the tank through a masonry culvert
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Abzugskanal)
piercing the lowest part of the retaining bund
u. öfter noch through a breach or cutting made in the bund itself u.
die
Lage (the lie) des Feldes so, dass the
outflow of water can be made to flood the whole of
it in a succession of flats, to the
lowest and most remote from it; the line of soil surface from
side to side being almost always horizontal
throughout. Je nach dem local Character des ground hat das
field more or less irregular shape, with its
longer extention stretching away from the tank bund. Sonst ist es a simple clearing in that universal jungle prevailing
on all sides, selbst bedeckend the actual bund of the tank, and
very much of the tank bottom itself. (180[, 181])
Jedem Feld entspricht a gama or village, i.e. group of homesteads wo die cultivators live; selten hat a village mehr als ein field; die Gruppe steht im Jungle neben dem field, obscured by trees, and next the bund; exhibits gewöhnlich no order of arrangement. Die einzelne homestead, wenn ihr owner well to do, a low, thatched, mud-wattled hut, of perhaps 2 unlighted rooms opening upon the diminutive veranda, deren floor die earth platform der hut, u. deren roof its projecting eaves; in front dieser hut small, mud-plastered attawas, or roofed cylinders of wicker-work, raised upon supports for storage of grain. (ist equivalent der golas of Bengal) Auf einer Seite steht ausserdem a large open shed, with its little loft for cattle (if the cottier has any), implements, curry grinder, rice pounder (the dhenki of Bengal), etc. Under the back eaves of hut auch a place for ploughs, the surface-smoother, harrows etc. Abutting upon the little homestead’s curtillage curtilage, or partially enclosing it, – a garden or loosely cultivated plot for fruit trees, condiments, curry vegetables (sāg of Bengal) etc; the whole meist ill kept and neglected; die different homesteads der village group von einander getrennt durch irregular, ill[-]defined, muddy tracks. (181, 182)
An Spitze a territorial head, wird in
diesen modern days
Bei Phear, S. 182: though the term does
not seem to be in all respects accurate
Schließen (fälschlich!)
»proprietor des village« genannt; er Nachfolger
des primitive chieftain; er mag jetzt die
Krone
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (engl.) sein, or a religious foundation, or a private Singhalese gentleman.
(182)
Das
village field, or paddy
tract, divided into portions by parallel balks drawn across it from
side to side at right angles to the line of water-flow; each
such portion hereditary share of some one person
or family resident in or belonging to the village. The principal portion or share – genannt Mottettuwa (Ziraat in Bengal) gehört dem head des village; alle andern shareholders hat haben
Bei Phear, S. 183: to the head
Schließen dem Burschen to make some contribution of produce in kind, or to render him some defined and specific service,
domestic or agricultural. Dies distinction of tenure – produce
in kind oder aber service –
entspricht genau den raiotti (Ryots) u. lakhiraj conditions |148 of holding in
Bengal. Nur der Unterschied: In Bengal
die
raiotti holding (holding by contributing of
share of produce) is the prevalent form u. lakhiraj holding die exception; in Ceylon the holding by rendering of service nilakariya is (or rather was) all but universal,
and the other the exception. Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Dies beweist, dass Ceylon form die primitivere; denn
der Dorfälteste or villagechief war kein landlord,
hatte keine »rent« zu beziehn, wurde abgefunden durch
»services«⦘ In Bengal the service or of the lakhiraj holding stets free u.
honourable, such as that of the priest, doctor,
watchman etc; in Ceylon that of the nilakariya is usually menial. (183, 84)
Meist a plurality of villages have a common head, u. früher the household
establishment of a wealthy native chieftain kept up by turns of menial service discharged by villagers,
drafted from the many villages in due order upon the footing of their
land tenure obligation. Jetzt the service tenure
has so to say become freehold
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (?). But where a Buddhist Vihara, or temple, is
the head or proprietor of the village, as happens frequently in
the North Central Province, the personal service which in this
instance takes special forms, such as
Schließen Wo a Buddhist Vihara, or temple, was oft in
der North Central Province, der personal
service der hier special forms bekleidet, as:
maintaining illuminations, thatching or doing
other repairs to the pansala (the Buddhist’s priest Buddhist priest’s residence) etc, noch in vollem Gange. (184, 85)
Die administrative organization, zur Perception der services für das head of the village, bestand aus 1 or 2 officials, the Gamerale (the village man), the Lekham (writer or accountant) etc. Some of the more wealthy of the shareholders in the village field, probably by reason of being by family origin of the same blood with the chieftain, hold their share by the service of filling hereditarily one of these offices, or of yielding hospitality to the head of the village, when he comes, or to any other visitors whom the village receives. (185–86)
Einige dieser services bestehn in doing smiths’, carpenters’, dhobis’ work or even that of the doctor (Vederale). Im village selbst diese persons paid in their turn by their fellow villagers for their professional or artisan’s functions, either by labour done for them in the tilling of their shares of the village field, or by a quota of the paddy on the payer’s threshing[-]floor, measured out and delivered when the harvest completed. Other service consists in supplying the village head mit oil, betel-nuts, honey from the jungle, game etc. (186)
Viel
wichtiger the combined action on the part of the
villagers for their joint benefit, necessitated by the exigencies of cultivation under the primitive
conditions obtaining in the North Central Province, and indeed
allgemein in Ceylon, z. B. fencing the village field
every season against the wild animals of the jungle which surrounds
it; kein einzelner shareholder könnte unaided execute the whole
work; u. wenn ein Riss (Mangel, flaw) in it irgendwo so ist every shareholder’s plot open to invasion; jeder shareholder
so direct interessirt in this work, has to bear his
portion of it in
proportion
to his share in the field. Ebenso wenn a
breach im bund Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Damm) to be filled up, or some
repair to be done to it, dies done by all the shareholders jointly furnishing out of their
families or dependents, each in due proportion,
a continual supply of labour in successive relays
until the work is done. (187)
Obgleich jeder shareholder in the village paddy field, hat erbliches Recht in his plot u. right of cultivating it exclusively, dennoch
Bei Phear, S. 188:
the primitive method of cultivation
Schließen
the mode of cultivation
which
is generally pursued connects him … in almost every step of his tilling with his neighbours,
above and below, either in a dominant
or a serviant character. Der
Process der Zubereitung u.
clearing the soil for the seed sowing or planting, of killing the weeds and keeping them down, and of
promoting the growth of the paddy plant, is
from beginning to end in a large degree
effected by the aid of successive submersions of the
plot, which have to be varied as regards the depth of water according to the process and the stage of it.
Commonly 3 prolonged submersions in the course of tilling, and 7
shorter ones during the growth of the
plant. Da die
submergence of a relatively lower plot generally
means the submergence of the plots above it,
while the paddy plant cannot be depended upon to
grow equally fast in all the plots, hence,
damit kein risk of one
shareholder’s operations destroying the young plants of his
neighbours, usual rule dass the shareholder of at the lower end of the field should commence the operations
of the tilling season in his plot before any one else, and so
get a safe start of the man next above him. Selbe
order followed by all the others in succession. (188–89)
Wenn in einem Jahr, von Mangel an Wasserzufuhr od. sonst welchem Grund T nur ein Theil des village paddy field can be effectively cultivated, wird that limited portion taken as the whole u. is divided unter den village shareholders as the original entirety was. Die Entscheidung darüber genommen durch die shareholders as a body. Dies jetzt nicht überall known in practice, aber ist oft vorgesehn in the newly framed Gansabawa rules, at the instance of the villagers themselves, to indicate that it was a deeply rooted ancient custom. (189)|
149Ganz unabhängig v. den relations zum head of the village, daher in each village of the North Central Province (u. in fact prevailing universally) Beamte, the vel vidahne u. others chosen by the shareholders to control and carry out the system of fencing, ploughing, sowing, shifting of allotment, when necessary etc or generally the internal agricultural economy des village. (190)
Die
Reis production der irrigated fields
nicht genügend to form even the principal portion of
the shareholder’s support in der Mehrzahl der villages
dieser Provinz. Der
ordinary staple of life the dry grain,
koraccan korakkan
, grown upon the upland, i.e. on merely unwatered
ground, or ground which the flow of the water cannot be made to
reach. A piece of the forest which surrounds the village
and the village paddy field, is felled and
burnt, and a crop of
karaccan korakkan
is raised thereupon for a couple of consecutive years at
most, when the clearing is allowed to
relapse into jungle again; and this process
is not repeated on the same spot for another 10 years at least.
(190–91) This process of
chena clearing is often
done in the
North
Central Province by the joint action of the village
shareholders, under the management of their own officers; and
sometimes the whole course of cultivation which
follows is also joint, with a partition only of the
produce. Manchmal
aber auch, nachdem the clearing effected, the
land is divided u. allotted previously to
the cultivation; dies immer in case
of the plots required for
the growth of each household’s vegetables or curry stuff. (191) Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (cabbage
garden) – In den
Maritime Provinces scheint dies System of joint clearing unbekannt; jeder who
has chena land scheint to own it absolutely,
cultivates u. clears it himself at long intervals, or gets this done for him on some terms of anda letting.
(191–92)
In einigen wenigen instances, it is said, forest u.
chena ground recognized as appurtenant to
the village in dem Sinn: die
shareholders des village paddy field können ohne
Erlaubniss of head of village od. Government clear
and cultivate in oben beschriebner Art any
portion on the foundation of, and in proportion to their village holdings.
Generally the Crown
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (John
Bull) asserts a paramount claim to all jungle u.
waste land wherever situated, which has not been before appropriated to
actual use; no tree
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) can be felled or chena cultivated thereon ausser mit gvt license. (192)
Das actual work of tilling meist verrichtet durch jeden villager by the hands of his family; paddy cultivating speciell so respectable, fast of sacred character, dass women unwürdig daran Theil zu nehmen, u. dürfen sich nicht zeigen on the threshing floor, namentlich wenn der so called hill paddy, or more highly valued sort of rice grain, is being threshed. (192–93)
Wenn der shareholder ist Weibsperson ohne Kinder, oder er anderweitig beschäftigt, od. gut genug dran to be able to abstain from manual labour, dann common arrangement dass his share cultivated for him by another person upon the terms of this latter, die dann renders dem shareowner a specified share of produce; dies benamst a letting in ande, i.e. half share; meist, vielleicht fast immer, the agreed upon share = ½ the produce both in straw and paddy ; der cultivator muss ausserdem give a share to the responsible servant usually sent by the shareowner to remain on the ground and look after his interests from the day of reaping to the day of partition, and having moreover to feed this man during the interval. (193–94)
Fast alle vicarious cultivation assumes this shape; not known: letting the land for a money rent; existirt ditto no class of agricultural labourers, working on the land of another for money hire. In fact, in dem rein agricultural village of Ceylon – practically no money in use. Vielleicht Mehrzahl der villagers haben nicht paddy enough to last them for food till next season of harvest or for seed, oder haben no plough or no oxen. Diese erhalten sie when and as they are required, vom Capitalist des village, on the terms of setting apart for him on the threshing floor a certain stipulated quantity or share of the produce in return for each item of loan. Ebenso remunerated the services des Vederale, village blacksmith u. other artisans. Selbes mag manchmal vorkommen auch in the matter of land labour, aber general custom for neighbouring shareholders to mutually assist one another in this particular when needed. (194–95) Der head of the village mit Bezug auf his muttettuwa has this cultivated umsonst under Aufsicht of the officers by the turns of tillage service due to him from those of the villagers whose tenures involve the service; cultivirt er in this way, so gehört ihm das ganze Product des harvest. Aber auch er zieht |150 oft vor to dispense with these services u. to let out the muttettuwa land in ande (ande on terms of receiving a specified, originally half, share of the produce[)]. (195) Die gegebne Schilderung genommen v. North Central u. Kandyan provinces. (196)
Erst errichtet sich a regal Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!)
hierarchy on the basis of the village; aber
die sovereign power Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!), when once constituted, wird in course of
time the instrument for generating u. developing
ganz neue conditions u. notions Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!) of property in land. (l.c.)
2) Land Tenure and State Economy.
Zusammenfassung
von Marx.
Schließen to Adigars, Dessaves
etc u. andern chieftains by the kings conferred – nicht tracts of land (zum Lohn für
military u. civil services), sondern grants of dominion over
populations. Der grantee erhielt the chieftains chieftain’s
customary rights over the villages u.
unappropriated lands; daher Nindegama (village
unter private ownership) as opposed to the royal
or Gabada-gama. (197, 198) Sub-infeudation nicht in Ceylon to any considerable extent.
(198) ⦗Even the Bengal subtenures did not attain
their extraordinary modern development until after the Permanent
Settlement had given the Zamindars an absolute right of property in all
the land of their Zemindaries, – a right without
parallel in Ceylon.⦘ (199) Einige grants – royal or durch private
seignior – became cultivating settlements, having the
grantee (nicht the grantor) at their head; der grantor had no connection mit der new community ausser the
link of service which bound the grantee to
him u. which often in course of time wore out, became unforceable unenforceable. Others perhaps were from the beginning exclusive u. free of
continuing obligation. (199, 200)
Bei Phear, S. 200: To these several
origins may be referred with some degree of
probability
Schließen Daher will Phear ableiten die sehr zahlreichen
cases of cultivators u. even of non-cultivating proprietors, who own
lands by a right of an absolute u.
independent character, to be found in all parts of the country,
speciell in the maritime provinces, obgleich
hier the Dutch dominant authority probably
effected the larger part of the change which has taken place in modern
times. (200)
So now coming into existence an agricultural labourers’ class ; denn wealthy native gentlemen, die Geld auf andrem Weg als Agricultur gewonnen, found themselves able to obtain the labour of the poorer village proprietors for daily money wages, u. so to „farm“ their lands extensiv im English Sinn des term. (200, 201)
Joint family system ebenso conspicuous in Ceylon als in Bengal, doch im erstern selten of
so large dimensions; besonders charakteristisch
[für] das
Ceylon joint-family system:
2 or Bei Phear, S. 201:
possibly
Schließen probably more brothers living together under one
roof will have one wife between them
;
practice discouraged by English legislation, aber keineswegs extinct;
still enters as a curious factor in the law of
inheritance, which has to be administrated by the civil courts.
(201)
Enjoyment der property der joint-family managed by agreement, express or implied, aller adult joint sharers in the family property, who often separate themselves into smaller groups each taking its own plot of land; jeder dissentient sharer can claim to have his share divided off for him. ([201,] 202) In Fällen von cocoa-nut or areca[-]nut plantations, of jak trees u. selbst of paddy fields, usual that every gathering of the crop should be made in the presence of all the sharers, and the produce then and there divided according to the shares. In such cases verrichten all the sharers together the necessary work incidental to the cultivation or the keeping up of the plantation and constitute in fact a cooperative society. Eine andre Praxis ist dass die sharers let out the land or plantation in anda, entweder to an outsider, or to one or more of themselves. Dann alle sharers to be present at the division of the produce, which is effected in 2 steps, first division into moieties und dann a division of one moiety among the sharers. (202, 203)
Manchmal the enjoyment of the property by tatta
maru succession; Bei Phear, S. 203: The subject is
supposed to be divided into as many equal parts as will just
admit of the proportionate share of each coparcener being
represented by an integral number of these parts; and then
instead of an actual division being made
acccordingly
Schließen erst getheilt
(ideell), u. every sharer obtaining his proper number of parts, dann takes the entirety
for the same number of seasons as he is entitled to parts, giving it up
at the end of such period of time to the sharer who stands next in the
rota etc. z. B. A, B, C jointly entitled to a
paddy field in undivided shares proportionate to 2, 3, and 4, i.e. to
,
,
share of the whole respectively, then A would take the whole
field for 2 years, B for 3, u. schliesslich C for 4, u. then the set of turns repeated in the same order, for successive periods of 9 years, until some sharer
[should] insist upon having an actual
partition of the field. (203, 204)
Aehnliche Sorte of Reihenfolge adoptirt in einigen villages an der Küste zum enjoyment by the villagers of the |151 fishing grounds belonging to the village: diese are divided into localities; u. die recognized boats of the village fish these localities by turns which are settled by gansabawa arrangement. Jedes dieser boats mit its nets is a valuable property, belonging to many co-sharers jointly, who are commonly members of one family, and have become entitled to their shares by inheritance … On a day’s fishing the produce is drawn ashore, divided in a sufficient number of lots, each estimated to be worth the same assigned value, u. diese lots then so distributed, dass:
1/50 to the owner of the land on which the fish are brought ashore; ¼ to those engaged in the labour; ⅕ for the assistance of extra nets etc, rendered by third parties in the process of landing and securing the fish, which together: = 2 + 25 + 20 = ; die remaining go to the owners of the boat and net according to their share shares therein. (204, 205)
panguwa = share of the village paddy field, das dem Singhalese nilacaraya nilakaraya zukommt. (206)
the cultivation in ande bei den Singhalese ist precise counterpart der batai cultivation der Bengalese. The deputing of the right to cultivate the soil, as distinguished from the letting out land as a commodity in beiden agricultiral systems. The usufructuary mortage, flowing from this conception, is the prevailing form of dealing mit the panguwa u. the jot respectively, as commodities. (207, 208)
In Ceylon wie in Bengal double set of village
officers, one ernöthigt durch relation der
members der little village republic to each other, andre
durch relation »with their Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!) lord«; der
gamerale, lekhama, kankaname entsprechen dem
bengal. naib, patwari, gomashta; andrerseits der
vel vidane equivalent dem mandal. (208) (3d
Ceylon u. Bengal p. 206–213)
batai-agreement
batai agreement
(Bengal), under which the tilling is done by a person not the
owner – in consideration of a definite share of the produce being
yielded to the owner. (237)
4) The Grain Tax.
Obligation des cultivator to pay to the Crown a tithe or share of his paddy crop if he has any, u. in some parts der country, also of his other grain crops. (214)
In vielen instances villages were kept in hand by the Crown (held khas as it is phrased in India) for the especial support of the central establishments: the muttetuwa darin was service-tilled, or let out in ande, under the direction of royal servants; the produce thus accruing was deposited in kind in royal storehouses (gabedawa), arsenals (awudege), or treasuries (arramudale) according to its sort, u. die personal services due were rendered at the palace or elsewhere, to meet some immediate royal requirement. Die Crown villages or lands were known under various designations: as ratninda or ande, original Crown lands; nillapalla, those which had fallen into the Crown from failure of the office to which they were attached; mallapalla, those reverted to the Crown from death of the Grantee. (216, 17)
Bei Phear, S. 217: The whole period
throughout which the Portuguese exercised any authority in the
island
Schließen
Unter Portugiesischer
Herrschaft
several native powers at times maintained a
separate simultaneous existence in the different provinces; but little
continuity of general municipal administration of any kind. Village system still in activity, even, im Theil
des Landes most affected by foreign influence u. other
disturbing forces, in the low part of the country
near the coast; durch die
services u. contributions derivable from this
source, first the native powers of the low
country u. nach ihnen the Portuguese,
recruited their military forces u. obtained the means of gvt.
The Portuguese, when become supreme over the southern maritime circuit of the island, took
up the position der native kings, whom they
superseded, and adopted their fiscal and
administrative machinery as it stood. (217, 218)
Die Holländer, having turned out the Portuguese, ditto in power über die maritime provinces, displaced all the native local heads u. officials; ihr Gvt übernahm the direct collection and benefit der various dues, cesses u. services, fastened upon the holder of the land to whomsoever they had been rendered. (218, 219)
Engländer, in their turn, assuming the gvt der maritime provinces, folgten zuerst dem Vorgang der Dutch, brauchten die services derer, die land on tenure of service hatten (u. on that account duty free), nahmen auch an den storehouses etc the seignior’s share of produce in kind, von den Mallapalla, Nillapalla, Ratninda, or Ande lands u. nahmen endlich |152 such benefits as were derivable from holders of land on other u. uncertain tenures, inclus. the payment of quotas of produce, u. of measures of paddy. (219)
Diese letzte sort of dues converted durch Royal Proclamation of 3 May, 1800, in tax of ⅒ des Produce, scheint sich zu beziehn auf das residue of lands nach Abzug der Government lands u. der lands held on tenure of service to Government. Offenbar waren private seignior und the vihara headship schon verschwunden vor den Dutch. (219, 220)
3 September 1801 durch Proclamation die
obligation to service on tenure of land in den maritime provinces abgeschafft (ab von 1 Mai 1802)
Bei Phear, S. 220: and land held duty free
on account of that service was subjected
Schließen u. solches Land unterworfen to
payment to Gvt of ⅒ des produce if high land, ⅕
of produce if low land. Zugleich the payment
of ¼ of the produce für Mallapalla, Nillapalla, Ratninda or Ande lands
reserved. (220)
Obgleich so die obligation to service
divorced from land, ward dem Governer Governor the power reserved to exact it by special
order von persons aller castes u.
conditions for adequate pay to be given
therefore. Die
exigencies of the Kandyan war
Bei Phear, S. 221: led to a
renewal of the
Schließen gaben dem Gvt dann den Vorwand to renew
a
general claim to the services of the people,
nicht mit Bezug auf Grundbesitz, sondern of custom and caste, payment to be made at rates fixed by Gvt; 1809 wurde Wegbau zu gratuitous service gemacht,
lying on the inhabitants des districts through which they passed.
([220,] 221) Diese enactments applied
nur to the maritime provinces acquired von
den Dutch. 1815 erhielten
die Britishers durch conquest u. treaty auch das
government of the Central or
Kandyan Province, bis dahin solely under the adminisration der
native powers. 1818, durch Proclamation
von 21 November, alle duties bis dahin payable
in royal storehouse, treasury, or arsenal u. alle andern duties u. taxes
abgeschafft, ersetzt durch tax of ⅒ of the produce on paddy lands, reduced
to 1/14 in certain
specified Korles. (221, 222) Zugleich die services due in respect of service tenure lands
(auf welche grade die neue Tax fiel) retained, obgleich stipulated that
the services generally should be paid for at an established rate; aber repair u. making of roads, wie in den maritime
provinces, gratuitous service gemacht. (222)
Durch Proclamation v. 21 Nov. 1818
auch die liability of certain inhabitants of temple lands to
perform service to gvt also retained. (l.c.)
Auf Report v. 24 December 1831 des Lt. Colonel Colebrooke , (nämlich dieser u. Mr. Cameron waren commissioned worden die Administration von Ceylon to inquire into) an Order of Council d.d. 12 April 1832 erklärte, dass Niemand of His Majesty’s native or Indian subjects im island liable to render any service in Bezug auf ihre land tenure, oder wegen ihrer Caste od. sonstwie, zu welchem die subjects of European birth were not liable. Aber auch diese Proklamation enthielt the reservation of services to the crown of holders of land in royal villages in the Kandyan province u. dasselbe for vihara u. private owners in the same province. (l.c. 222, 223)
According to Ribeyro, Knox u. Valentyn in the Portuguese u. earlier times there was almost no money in the country. All trade which was not a Crown monopoly was effected by barter. Paddy was the commodity which commonly filled the place of coin. Die meisten presents which accompanied all service, took the form of paddy, and nearly all obligations by the way of remuneration or duty were discharged by a measure of grain drawn from the contents of the threshing floor at harvest. (225)
Bei Phear, S. 227, Fn. 1: For the
following information I am indebted to the learned Suriyagoda
Unanse, Librarian of the Malagava, Kandy.
Schließen Von dem librarian of the
Malagava, Kandy, dem »learned« Suriyagoda
Unanse
erhielt der Bursch
Phear
folgende bemerkenswerthe Notiz:
Die
frühste Erwähnung irgendeiner tax or contribution des Volks für support
of a royal person to be found in the historical books of Ceylon, occurs in
the
Aggauna Satta Sutta
(a sermon by Buddha himself) in Diga Digha Nitraya, u. in the
commentary thereon called
Sumangali Sumangala Vilasani by the learned Buddhist divine
Buddhagosha
. Der
passage des sermon lautet: „We shall give a portion
of our paddy.“ Dazu commentirt Buddhagosha: „We shall give you at the rate of ammunan of
paddy from each field of ours. ⦗Das word „Sali“ im Original is literally
a particular kind of rice, soll aber hier stand
for all grain produce⦘
You need not
follow any trade. But be you our chief.“ (227, 228) Weiter keine tax or
obligation an governing power erwähnt; Bei Phear, S. 228:
The growth of the system of services, which in modern times very
largely dis-placed it, must have taken place
subsequently.
Schließen nichts
von Diensten; diese, meint Phear, späteren
Ursprungs; u. the paddy
cesses ultimately often again superimposed upon the services,
came in later still, with an increase in the central power of exaction. (227, 228) Das
Singhalese word „otu“, wodurch
die Gvt tax or claim meistens benamst, heisst „one“, also equivalent only to one
portion or one share ohne indication
|153 irgendeiner Proportion der share zum Ganzen. (228,
229)
Also das ⅒ im English impost scheint founded upon the practice of the Dutch in granting out Crown lands. Die grain tax folglich nicht älter als the century; in a certain sense return to the earliest u. most widely prevalent form of national revenue developed from the basis of the village organization, aber charakteristisch dass die Ceylon Aryans from the same basis produced the service system in its stead. (229)
III) Evolution of the Indo-Aryan Social and Landed Land System.
At the present time every settlement report sent in
to the Government (in India) will be found to furnish instances, and to
describe the circumstances of newly created agricultural
communities. (234.
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen
Phaer Phear
hätte besser gethan statt seines hypothetischen
Kohls description solcher instances zu geben!)
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen Dieser respectable Esel bildet sich ein,
dass »there grew up to be,
even from the commencement, a gradation of respectability and employment within the village
itself.« Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!)
Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Phear,
S. 235–237.
Schließen (Der asinus lässt auch auch alles durch private families gründen) (p. 238)
The proprietary conception went no farther than this namely, that the particular plot of land which the family or the individual claimed was the part of the village land, which he or it was entitled to cultivate, or to have cultivated for his own benefit. The business of allotment (so long as the practice of allotting remained), the order of cultivation, the maintenance of the water supply, the keeping up of fences, and all other affairs of common interest to the little community, were managed by the heads of families, entitled to their share of the village lands, in the panchayat assembled. ([240,] 241)
Each little colony or abad. (242) nij or private lands. (243)
Kshatria caste nur mentioned in Brahmanical pages, and it certainly has no reality now. (See Growse’s „Mathura“ .) (p. 246) Ebenso the existence of the Vaisya (Kaufmann’s) Kaste nur evidenced by Brahmanical writers. (248) The great bulk of the descendants of the original settlers (speaking of villages in the mass) less careful of purity of blood, or of preserving any mark of descent from the immigrant race … mit ihnen gradually intermixed people of all kinds, aborigines, run-aways from other abads for cause of pauperism, feud, or otherwise, some of whom came to be even allowed a portion of the village lands. (248, 249) Probably the Brahman, Kshatria, Vaisya u. Sudra der Brahmanical codes blos Utopian class distinctions of a prehistoric More. (250)
In allem there is at most conceived only the right to cultivate land, and a deputing of that right to another in consideration of a share in the product. (255) Selbst in seinem private land or nij der chief had only the right to cultivate by himself, or to get somebody else to do it on condition of dividing the produce. (256) The share of produce which the Chief could take from the cultivators was not regulated by his own pleasure, or by the making of a bargain, but by custom, or practice, in regard to which the village panchayat was the supreme authority, and the chief had no power to turn the cultivator out of possession. (257) Die Verwandlung dieser quotas of produce into money payments, or their equivalent (an event which has not happened universally even yet) machte sie nicht zu rent paid for occupation and use of land as an article belonging to and at the disposal of the person paid, but were dues payable to a superior ruling authority … Der Chief, though zamindar of all the land within the Zamindary, was at most landlord (u. das nur als one merely having the right to dispose of the occupation and tilling of the soil) of his nij lands, and in some instances probably of the wastes. Seine machinery was sein kachahri, the centre of local authority, side by side womit the panchayat, i.e. the old abad self-government. (257, 258)
In Mānava-dharmaśāstra oder Manu-smriti bzw.
Manu-smṛti (Gesetzbuch des Manu), ein indischer Text aus der Zeit
zwischen dem 2. Jahrhundert v. Chr. und dem 2. Jahrhundert n. Chr.,
der die Darlegungen des mythischen Stammvaters der Menschen
Manu (manchmal Menu
transkribiert) über den Dharma enthält, d.h. über das für den
Herrscher, die vier Klassen (Varṇas), die vier Lebensphasen
(Āśramas), Männer und Frauen angemessene Verhalten. Die Manu-smriti
wurde erstmals von William Jones aus dem Sanskrit ins Englische
übersetzt: Institutes of Hindu law; or the ordinances of Menu, according
to the gloss of Cullúca, comprising the Indian system of duties
religious and civil: verbally transl. from the original Sanscrit
[by William Jones]. Calcutta 1794. 1833 publizierte
Auguste Loiseleur-Deslongchamps eine Übersetzung ins Französische:
Mânava-Dharma-Sâstra. Lois de Manou, comprenant les
institutions religieuses et civiles des Indiens; trad. du
sanscrit et accompagnées de notes explicatives, par A[uguste]
Loiseleur Deslongchamps. Paris 1833.
Schließen
Manu’s
„Institutions“
nowhere
a mention of land as a subject of property in the modern English sense. Private ownership of cultivated plots is recognized,
ist aber simply the ownership of the cultivator; the
land itself belongs to the village; no trace of
rent; owner is only another name for cultivator. Er ist under
obligation to cultivate lest the Rajah’s or lord’s dues in kind be
shortcoming, aber er might cultivate by servants, or arrange with some one
else to cultivate on a division
of crops. (i.e. |154 the batai
system, a form of metayer) In another place of Manu, every one enjoined to keep a supply of grain sufficient for his household for 3 years … almost
everybody so supposed to be an actual cultivator… The practice of batai … did not in
fact lead to the letting of land: u. rent
in any form unknown to Manu. (258, 259)
Selling of land, or even of the use of land, nirgendswo directly alluded to … Appropriating a field, giving a field u. seizing a field erscheinen alle bei Manu , aber nicht buying or selling a field. (259, 260)
Etwas später, nach the
Ein Ende des
11./Anfang des 12. Jahrhunderts enstandener Kommentar zu den
Yajnavalkya Smriti, der in großen Teilen Indiens als
autoritative Quelle des hinduistischen Erb- und Eigentumsrechts
galt.
Schließen Mitakshara
, separated kinsmen had acquired
uncontrolled power of disposing of their respective
shares of the family allotment; dies was a
mere transfer of a personal cultivating right,
incidental to personal status in the village community, and subject to an
obligation to render to the lord his share of the produce. Daher the transaction to be accompanied by specified public
formalities; and an out-and-out sale discountenanced except for
necessity. Ausserdem, when the transfer not absolute, but conditional by way of security for the repayment of a debt, it
always took the form of what is now called a usufructuary
mortgage. (260, 261) the usufruct of land by
actual tillage on the footing of a right of partnership in the
village cultivating community, and not the land
itself, constituted the object worauf sich das
word »ownership« in den Hindu law writers
bezieht. (261)
Bei Phear, S. 261: The same story is brought
down to the modern times by
Schließen Dies auch bestätigt durch
copper-plates of title, old sanads u. ähnliche
evidence; sie disclose the pretty frequent grant or assignment of the right to make collections u. other zamindari rights proceeding from a superior lord, or
the gift of a plot from the waste, or out of the
zamindar’s ziraat, to a Brahman or other person; . But no instance of private transfer by purchase
and sale of actual land, or even of the lease of
land for a term of years in consideration of a rent. (261, 262)
Das
Sanchi tablet, wovon a translation given in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal v. VI,
p. 456, bezieht sich nicht auf purchase u. sale of land as
between private owners; sondern an enfranchisement of
some sort (such as redemption of liability to pay revenue to the
lord) with the view to the land becoming debattar.
(262, note 1)
Mr. La Touche’s „Settlement Report of Ajmere u. Mhairwarra“
recently published, Bei Phear, S. 263:
notwithstanding that Mr. La Touche very often uses language which
broadly declares the State’s right of
ownership in all lands constituting the territory of the
State. Mr. La Touche, I admit, appears to employ these words “right
of ownership” in their widest English meaning; but I do not think
that his facts require anything nearly so large. In his first
passage on the “Tenures” of Ajmere, he says: “The soil is broadly
divided into two classes – khalsa, or the private domain of the
Crown, and land held in estates, or baronies, by feudal Chiefs
originally under an obligation of military service,” and I cannot
help thinking that he has been misled by an analogy which his
phraseology borrowed from feudal Europe suggests, and which, to say
the best of it, is only imperfect.
Schließen obgleich La Touche nach Phear die facts verfälscht
durch phraseology borrowed from feudal
Europe. ([262,] 263) Die Sache kömmt darauf heraus:
Certain members of the village community enjoy
the permanently cultivated or improved lands of the village by some
recognized hereditary or customary right of cultivation, sometimes termed
ownership u. sometimes proprietorship; zahlen sie the customary share of the produce to
the person entitled to receive it, so they consider themselves entitled to
continue undisturbed in the occupation and cultivation of their land, or
even to transfer it to another; no such thing as the
letting of land on terms of profit; private sales of land
practically unknown u. the sale of
land by the Civil Court (an English innovation) has been prohibited because so
opposed to ancient custom as to be incapable of being carried into
effect;
mortgages are almost all of an
usufructuary kind, and in Mhairwarra a
kind of
metayer system established between the mortgager and
the mortgagee: the State – the
representative of the former superior Chief – collects the revenue (the modern equivalent to the old customary share of the produce) from the
cultivators by certain agency machinery etc, ausser over lands, wo the Chief’s rights to collect dues, and of other kind,
were assigned by him to minor Chiefs, – istamrardars or jaghirdars –
on conditions of military service, or for other consideration; unter
den rights so exercised by the State u.
its assignees, was the right to dispose of waste
land; obgleich within the State area of
collection the revenue is settled in the form of
a money payment, in all jaghir estates the
revenue is collected by an estimate of the produce,
and money assessments are unknown.
(p. 263–265) u. sagt
La
Touche
selbst: „the land tenures are, as might be
expected, entirely analogous to those prevailing in the
adjacent Native States“. (p. 266)|
In Europe, im Unterschied vom East, in place of the produce tribute was substituted a dominion over the soil – the cultivators being turned out of their land u. reduced to the condition of serfs or labourers. (366, 367 266, 267)
In the East, under the village system, the people practically governed themselves, and the contest for power among the Chiefs of the noble class was mainly a struggle for command of the kachahri tabils. (271)
Rudolph Sohm: Fränkisches Recht und römisches Recht. Prolegomena zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte. Weimar 1880.
Schließen
Rudolph
Sohm (Prof. in Strassburg). „Fränkisches Recht u. Römisches Recht. Prolegomena zur
deutschen Rechtsgeschichte.“ Weimar
1880.
[»]Eine Ausnahmestellung Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Sohm,
S. 3–19.
Schließen ⦗v. d. Sieg des
fränkischen, speciell salisch-fränkischen, i.e.
nordfranzösischen
Rechts
über alle andren deutschen Stammrechte⦘ nimmt nur das
römische Recht … u. das
langobardische Recht ein.« (p. 19)
Weder haben
unsere Vorgänger irgendeine Verordnung erlassen, die über jenem Recht
(dem römischen) oder im Gegensatz dazu gestanden hätte, noch erlassen
wir eine.
Schließen ⦗
Karl
der Kahle
im Edict. Pistense a. 864, c. 20:
»super illam legem (Romanam) vel contra
ipsam legem nec antecessores nostri quodcumque capitulum statuerunt, nec
nos aliquid constituimus.«
p. 20, n. 20.⦘
Ueberhaupt darf nicht übersehen werden, dass das Privateigenthum an Grund u. Boden verhältnismässig jung ist und ein Grundbesitzverkehr erst seit der Reichsgründung, d.h. seit der Berührung mit römischem Recht u. römischer Schrift eine Rolle spielt. (p. 32, n. 42)
Zu erinnern »dass in den Städten das kleine
Siehe
Sohm, S. 48: Wir müssen unsern Ausgangspunkt von den Rechtsverhältnissen
des dritten Standes im Mittelalter, von den
Verhältnissen der gemeinfreien kleinen
Grundeigenthümer nehmen.
Schließen ⦗gemeinfreie⦘
Grundeigenthum in weitaus den meisten Fällen aus
ursprünglich hintersässigen Verhältnissen hervorging.
(Cf. Arnold:
„Zur Geschichte des Eigenthums in den deutschen Städten“. (Basel 1861)
, auch
E. Rosenthal
: „Zur Geschichte des Eigenthums in der Stadt Würzburg“ (Würzburg, 1878))
Aus der Häuserleihe entstand das mit dem Grund- oder Wortzins belastete
„pfleghafte“ Eigenthum des Bürgers an seinem Hause. Die Verwandlung des
Leiherechts in Hauseigenthum war eine unmerkliche, dem Bewusstsein der
Zeitgenossen sich entziehende«, daher »blieben für das Eigenthum des
Bürgers an seinem Hause die Ueberlieferungen des Leiherechts in Kraft«, so »dass nach wie vor die Veräusserung des
Hauses nicht durch einfaches privates Rechtsgeschäft, sondern nur unter Mitwirkung der Obrigkeit, d.h. des früheren Grundherrn, erfolgen konnte. So entstand in den
süddeutschen Bischofsstädten begegnende Auflassung im
Gericht des bischöflichen Officials, welcher mit der geistlichen auch
die grundherrliche Gerichtsbarkeit des Bischofs ausübte. In
gleicher Weise zu erklären die in norddeutschen Städten
häufige obligatorische Auflassung vor dem Rath (mit
Eintragung in das Stadtbuch): der Rath ist als
Nachfolger der Stadt- u. Grundherrschaft auch in ihre
Rechte bezüglich der Auflassung, d.h. in ihre Consensrechte eingetreten.«
([48,] 49)
Für das
Landrecht waren die Verhältnisse der bäuerlichen kleinen Grundeigenthümer entscheidend. Das
kleine Eigen auf dem platten Lande ist im 13 Jhdt, wie
der „Sachsenspiegel“
bezeugt, gleichfalls „pfleghaft“, zinsbar geworden.
Die
Lasten des öffentlichen Rechtes
haben hier die
„Pflege“ hervorgebracht; die
Abgabe für den »Heerbann«, die »Gerichtsdienste u. Gerichtsabgaben«. ⦗Wie Rittersleute von der Heersteuer frei, weil sie
die volle Wehrpflicht leisten, so Schöffen von den
Gerichtssteuern, weil sie die volle
Gerichtspflicht (zu allen Dingen zu kommen)
erfüllen. n. 71. p. 50⦘ Die Erheblichkeit dieses Grafenschatzes
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗da der Graf der
Richter⦘
daraus erkennbar, dass zum Erlass desselben seitens des Grafens Grafen Zustimmung seiner Erben erforderlich war, so wie aus der nicht
unbeträchtlichen Summe, welche für Ablösung desselben gezahlt wurde. (p. 49, 50)
Mittelalter ausser Stand auf die Dauer zwischen |156
Abgaben aus privatrechtlichem u. öffentlichrechtlichen Titeln
zu unterscheiden, so lässt die Pflege das Verhältniss der pfleghaften Leute zu ihrem Grafen schon im 13t Jhdt als ein Analogon des
Hintersassenverhältnisses erscheinen. Die Grafschaft wird
gegenüber den Pfleghaften zur Vogtei. ⦗So was „ratione
cometie“ zu zahlen ist, in
Urkundenbuch der Stadt Halberstadt
I, N. 140. (a. 1274) ⦗sieh n. 73. p. 50⦘ als
„jugum advocatiae advocatie“
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (Joch der Vogtei) bezeichnet.⦘ Der Landrichter, (Graf) ist um seiner Abgabenrechte willen an der Erhaltung
der Leistungsfähigkeit des kleinen Grundeigenthums interessirt. Darum ist in
seinem Interesse die übermässige Parcellirung des
pfleghaften Grundeigenthums verboten. Darum ist die Veräusserung des pfleghaften
Grundeigens an seine Zustimmung geknüpft. Darum kann wie
der Zinsmann nur durch die Hand seines Herrn, so der Pfleghafte nur durch die
Hand des Richters veräussern … darum ist für das pfleghafte Eigen die landgerichtliche Auflassung obligatorisch.
([50,] 51) Weder die
Hochfreien, noch, wie bisher angenommen die »Schöffenbarfreien«, sondern die geringen »pfleghaften Freien« im Mittelalter die Träger des Landrechts u. des Landgerichts. Ihr Gericht ist, und zwar grade in Sachen ihres
Grundeigenthums, das echte Grafending unter Königsbann. ⦗Sie Sieh
Otto v.
Zallinger: „Ministeriales u. Milites“ Innsbruck 1878⦘ Bei
Sohm, S. 51: Aus ihren Rechtsverhältnissen.
Schließen Aus ihren Rechten das
Landrecht des 13t Jhdts hervorgegangen. Die obligatorische gerichtliche
Auflassung des Landrechts ist entstanden weil die Masse der freien
Grundeigenthümer pfleghaft geworden ist … einer der
Bausteine für die werdende Landeshoheit, einer
der Vorgänge, durch welche die Grafschaft in Vogtei, der
öffentliche Beamte in einen Herrn seiner freien Leute
sich verwandelte. Die bis dahin freie Veräusserung
des Grund u. Bodens ist aufgehoben u. dem Consensrecht eines Herrn auch
die Veräusserung des Eigenthümers unterworfen. Die
obligatorische Auflassung im Landgericht bedeutet die Minderung der gemeinen Freiheit u. des gemeinfreien Eigenthums, die
Uebermacht der feudalen und hofrechtlichen Ideen im
Mittelalter über das einst „echte“ Eigenthum. Die Ueberlieferungen des Hintersassenverhältnisses
haben nunmehr auch den kleinen freien Grundbesitz ergriffen. (51, 52)
Es giebt im deutschen Mittelalter … nur ein einziges Recht: das fränkische Recht. Was wir sächsisches Recht des 13t Jhdts nennen, ist vielmehr der sächsische Dialekt des Frankenrechts, grade, wie das schwäbische u. bairische Recht derselben Periode gleichfalls nur andere Dialekte des gleichen fränkischen Rechts bedeuten. (63) Und zwar nicht etwa das ribuarische, d.h. das deutsch fränkische, sondern das salische, d.h. das westfränkische, modern ausgedrückt das französisch-fränkische Recht triumphirte über die deutschen Stammesrechte. (65) Deutschld ist im Mittelalter eine Provinz genau des gleichen Rechts, welches in den Coutumes von Nordfrankreich verzeichnet wird. Aus diesem Grunde vermag der Sachsenspiegel in den Coutumes der Normandie u. in den Gewohnheitsrechten von Paris einen Commentar zu finden u. umgekehrt. (65[, 66]) Die mittelalterliche Rechtsgeschichte ist die Geschichte der Reception des westfränkischen Rechts in Deutschland. (66)
Mit den Normannen zog nach England auch das normannische, d.h. das nordfranzösische Recht. ⦗Sieh: Brunner: Entstehung der Schwurgerichte. 1872 ⦘ Der Normannenkönige gesetzgeberische Erlasse bewegen sich zunächst ganz in den Bahnen des angelsächsischen Rechts; letzteres aber vernichtet nicht durch die »Gesetzgebung«, sondern durch die »Rechtsprechung« des normännischen Königsgerichts, wo die normännischen Traditionen übermächtig u., von dem Königsgericht ausgehend, waren es die reisenden Richter, die Sendboten des Königs, welche durch ihre Rechtsprechung die nämlichen Traditionen über das ganze Land verbreiteten. (68) Sehr bald concentrirte sich in den Gerichten der Gewaltboten des Königs, der reisenden Richter, die Hauptsumme aller Rechtspflege. Die ordentlichen Grafschaftsgerichte verschwanden so gut wie völlig u. das angelsächsiche |157 Recht fast unmerkbar aufgehoben. Nur in einigen Theilen des öffentlichen Rechts, bes. in der Stellung der hohen Aristokratie des Landes, der Stellung des vicecomes, des heutigen Sherif (scirgerêfa), auch in der Gemeindeverfassung sind Reste des angelsächsichen Rechts erhalten. Im übrigen Privatrecht, Processrecht, Strafrecht völlig normannisirt (i.e. gleichbedeutend mit Frankonisirung). Das fränkische Lehnwesen, Privatrecht, überhaupt das fränk. Rechtswesen nahm nunmehr auch von Britannien Besitz. (69) Das englische Recht stellt noch heute im Wesentlichen wenig modernisirtes altfranzösisches Recht dar. (l.c.)
Das römische Recht war nicht untergegangen mit dem röm. Reich; aber in den Provinzen der Germanenreiche, bes. des Frankenreichs, schnelle Degeneration des röm. Rechts. In Südfkch, in Churräthien, wo sich eine compacte römische Bevölkerung erhalten, erlitt das röm. Recht trotzdem starke Einbusse durch eindringende germanische, insbes. fränkische Rechtsideen. z. B. Lex Romana Curiensis zeigt die Barbarisirung des röm. Rechts.
In Fkch u. Süddeutschld war das röm. Recht dem deutschen nicht gewachsen; auch in Oberitalien ging’s unter u. blieb dem langobardischen gegenüber nur noch nominell erhalten. … Die südfranzös. Coutumes zeigen uns späterhin, wie das geschriebne Recht Südfkchs keineswegs reines römisches, sondern frankorömisches Recht. (70) Die Forterhaltung des röm. Rechts war keine andre als die der röm. Sprache. Wie aus dem Lateinischen durch Aufnahme germanischer Elemente das Provençalische, so ist das röm. Recht durch die gleiche Aufnahme barbarischer Rechtsgedanken zu provençalischem Recht geworden. In Süddeutschland u. Südfkch nicht mehr römisches, sondern nur noch romanisches Recht, das eine entfernte Verwandtschaft, mit dem alten Römerrecht hat, u. lediglich ein Provinzialrecht nebst neben andern Provinzialrechten war. (71)
In Italien erhielt sich neben der volksthümlichen eine gelehrte Ueberlieferung des röm. Rechts u. dadurch ein Zusammenhang mit der klassischen altröm. Literatur. Antike Bildung, wie auch speciell jüristische, ging hier niemals völlig unter. Eine Reihe von Rechtsschulen erhielt die Continuität mit dem Rechtsunterricht der einstigen röm. Kaiserzeit. Aber die gelehrte Literatur des röm. Rechts vom 6t bis ins 11te Jhd ausser Zusammenhang mit der Rechtsanwendung, die unaufhaltsam versank in eine von germanischem Geist getränkte Barbarei. Jene Literatur selbst beschränkt auf die Institutionen u. die Novellen, das »Pandektenrecht« ihr zu schwer. (71, 72)
Im 12t Jhdt: Wiedergeburt des röm. Rechts in Italien. Glossatoren (der »Pandekten«) von Bologna. (72)
Rechtsanwendung blieb aber im alten Geleise. Erst gegen Ende des 12t Jhdts beginnen die Wirkungen – sehr beschränkter Natur –
der Schule v. Bologna in den
Gerichtsurkunden sich zu zeigen. Bei Sohm, S. 73, Fn. 106a: Grösser war der
Einfluss, den die Glossatoren durch die Wiedererweckung der römischen
Kaiseridee auf die allgemeinen Vorstellungen ihrer Zeitgenossen
übten.
Schließen Grösser der Einfluss der Glossatoren auf die
Wiedererweckung der röm. Kaiseridee. (73)
Das altrömische Recht war in der Hauptsache im 3t Jhdt post Ch. abgeschlossen. (l.c.)
Die Anpassung des römischen Rechts an die gegebnen Verhältnisse vollbracht:
1) Durch die klassische päbstliche Gesetzgebung des
12 Jhdts; Uebersetzung des römischen Rechts ins Kanonische; hat auf dem Gebiet des
Privatrechts nur einzelne Rechtssätze dem röm. Recht
zugefügt; aber auf Gebiet des Process- und
Strafrechts völlige Umwälzung; aus dem röm. Process ging
der kanonische Process u. aus dem röm. Strafrecht
das kanonische |158
Strafrecht hervor. Die ganze moderne Welt hat
Process- u. Strafrecht des Corpus Juris Civilis nur
in der Umarbeitung aufgenommen, die ihm das
Corpus Juris Canonici gegeben: das
Gesetzbuch der Päbste … die Auflage, in welcher
das Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (röm.) Kaiserrecht dem Mittelalter verständlich u.
anwendbar wurde. (73, 74)
2) Das lombardische Recht – i.e. das in den zahlreichen Stadtrechten Oberitaliens zum Ausdruck gelangende, auf altlangobardische Ueberlieferungen zurückgehende Gewohnheitsrecht. Durch sie ward das Recht des Corpus Juris einer Umbildung unterzogen, spec. durch die Commentatorenschule des 13 u. 14 Jhdt , Bartolus, Baldus u. ihre Nachfolger; sie verbinden das röm. Recht mit der Praxis, d.h. dem oberitalischen Lokalrecht, bewirken Aufnahme lombardischer Gewohnheiten in röm. Recht u. Aufnahme v. röm. Recht in lomb. Gewohnheiten, berücksichtigen auch das kanonische Recht u. vermitteln seinen Uebergang in die weltlichen Gerichte Italiens; schufen durch Verbindung des röm. Rechts mit kanon. Recht u. german. Recht zum ersten Mal einen modernen Gebrauch des Pandektenrechts. (74)
Mit 16 Jhdt endet die schöpferische Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (jurist.) Kraft des ital. Geistes u. antiker Geist zog
nach Deutschld u. Fkch (zus. mit italien. Kunst u. Wissenschaft). In Fkch unter Führung v.
Cujacius
u.
Donellus
Renaissance des röm. Rechts. Cujacius schliesst sich nicht an Bartolus, sondern an die
Glossatoren an, u. bearbeitet zuerst historisch das klass. röm. Recht, während
Donellus zuerst systematische Behandlung des röm. Privatrechts. Bei Sohm, S. 75: Während der Receptionsperiode im
16. und 17. Jahrhundert blieb die deutsche Rechtswissenschaft ohne
eigene schöpferische Kraft. Sie lehnte sich in sklavischer Unterordnung
an die Commentare des Bartolus und Baldus an
Schließen Im 16t u.
17t Jhdt in Deutschland dagegen sklavische
Unterordnung an die Commentare des Bartolus u.
Baldus
; so dass in
Deutschld scholastische, in Fkch humanistische Rechtsmethode überwiegend.
Deutsche schlossen sich an die
scholastische Form an – (nicht ans Alterthum) – die
das röm. Recht in Italien angenommen hatte.
([74,] 75) ⦗Sieh u. a.: Stintzing: „Ulrich
Zasius“. Basel 1857
u. v. selbigem: „Geschichte der populären Literatur des röm.-kanon. Rechts in
Deutschld“. Leipzig 1867
⦘
Aber in Fkch blieb gleichzeitig das
röm. Recht ohne tiefgreifende Wirkung, während in Deutschld, dem Land der Halbgelehrten u. handwerksmässigen
Juristen, das röm. Recht recipirt
wurde. Bei Sohm,
S. 76: Zwar haben in Frankreich die homologirten Coutumes des 16. und
17. Jahrhunderts dem römischen Recht ihren Tribut gezahlt
Schließen In Fkch die
homologirten Coutumes des 16 u. 17 Jhdt
v. röm. Recht inficirt,
namentlich auf Gebiet des Obligationenrechts;
aber das
System des fzs. Rechts blieb als Ganzes
unberührt; selbst noch in codes des
Napoleon »Privatrecht« u.
»Processrecht« zeigen sich als Abkömmlinge, weder des
röm., noch des
italien., sondern des
fränk. Rechts.
In Deutschland selber ging das Deutsche Recht zu Grunde; an die Stelle des deutschen Rechts trat das italienische. Zustand der deutschen Gerichtsverfassung u. des deutschen Processrechts der eigentliche Grund dieses Vorgangs: einerseits wissenschaftl. Bewegung, die mit Geist Italiens auch das italien. Recht aufnahm, andrerseits, wie durch Stölzel ⦗ A. Stölzel. Die Entwicklung d. gelehrten Richterthums in d. deutschen Territorien. 2 Bde. Stuttgart. 1872.⦘ festgestellt, die vermittelst der Schiedsverträge der Parteien den Rechtsstreit anstatt an das nach deutschem Recht erkennende Gericht, an die nach fremdem Recht procedirende Verwaltungsbehörde brachte. (76, 77)
Auf Gebiet des Processes u. Strafrechts Niederlage des einheimischen deutschen (fränkischen) Rechts vollkommen (in Deutschld), behauptete in Privatrecht dagegen einzelne Positionen: das Immobiliensachenrecht u. das ehliche Güterrecht, aber auch diese nur in einer Reihe von Partikularrechten erhalten; das recipirte italienische Recht auch auf Gebiet des Privatrechts für alle Theile desselben als gemeines Recht Dtschlds recipirt. (77)|
159
Bei Sohm, S. 77: Aber
während in Frankreich und England dem einheimischen Recht eine
Rechtswissenschaft, eine selbstbewusste Praxis und ein Königthum zur
Seite standen, welche das aus dem Mittelalter ererbte Frankenrecht gegen
den römischen Eindringling vertheidigten, – Thatsachen in Folge deren
die Renaissance an dem englischen Rechtsleben so gut wie spurlos
vorüberging, – fand sich in Deutschland keins jener Bollwerke, um hier
das mittelalterliche fränkische Recht gegen den Sturm der
Renaissancebewegung zu vertheidigen. In Deutschland gab es keine Praxis
mit so festen Mittelpunkten, wie sie das englische Recht am königl.
Hofgericht, das französische Recht an den Parlamenten Frankreichs
besass
Schließen Die Receptionsperiode des 16 u. 17
Jhdt für das ganze Abendland Kampfzeit zwischen fränkischem Recht u. römischem Recht; aber in Fkch
(durch die Parlamente etc) hält sich erstes
gegen Eindringling u. am engl.
Recht geht die Renaissancebewegung fast
spurlos vorüber (der
Court
of Exchequer, Westminster
etc od. wie Sohm sagt das kgl.
Hofgericht. Dagegen hatte das
Reichshofgericht Deutschlands
im Lauf des Mittelalters aufgehört eine nennenswerthe Macht für
das Rechtsleben der Nation zu bedeuten; die
Reorganisation des höchsten Reichsgerichts fiel
grade in die Zeit der andringenden Renaissance u. Reichskammergericht ward so ein Halt für die moderne
Rechtsprechung nach italien. Muster. (77) Die bäuerlichen
Schöffengerichte auf dem platten Land seit 30j. Krieg theils
verschwunden, theils zu blosser Reminiscenz geworden; dagegen in
den
Städten – wo schon im Mittelalter eine Reform des materiellen Rechts u. des Processrechts
stattgefunden – blieb eine Reihe von Schöffenstühlen noch lange hinaus in voller
Wirksamkeit etc. (78) Im 16 u. 17 Jhdt entstanden
die
Landrechte in den Territorien u. die
Reformationen in den
deutschen Städten – die homologirten
Coutumes des deutschen Land- u. Stadtrechts.
Sie vermittelten den Compromiss, welchen die deutschen
Partikularrechte zwischen dem deutschen mittelaltrigen
Recht
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(fränkischen)
u. dem fremden Recht
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen
(italienischen)
zu Weg brachten. Zugleich damit in die
deutsche Rechtsgeschichte eingeführt der Gegensatz des
»gemeinen« Rechts (i.e. das recipirte fremde) u. des Partikularechts (der Hauptsache nach
das gerettete mittelaltrige Recht). (78[, 79])
Die Vorgeschichte des gemeinen Rechts spielt in Italien.
Vom 16 Jhdt nach Deutschland herüber; seine Quellen
sind das
röm. u. kanonische Corpus juris, der Liber
Papiensis, die italienischen
Statuten u. die italien. Doktrin. (81)
Die coutumes v. Ndfkreich sind dem Sachsenspiegel näher verwandt als die alte Lex Saxorum u. der Schwabenspiegel kann mehr Licht durch englische Rechtsquellen als durch die Lex Alamannorum empfangen. (81, 82)
Neben dem
fränkischen Recht, (wie dies dem Einfluss des
röm. Rechts ausgesetzt) die
gothischen Rechte mit Einschluss des burgund. Rechts, das altalamannische u. das
altbairische, u. soweit noch erkennbar das
altthüringische u. das altsächsische.
Unmittelbar od. mittelbar hier Einwirkung des röm. Reichs u.
der röm. Kirche, dann des fränkischen Bei Sohm, S. 82: des
fränkischen Reichs
Schließen Rechts; die Betrachtung dieser Stammrechte mit der des fränkischen Rechts zu verbinden.
(82)
Ausserhalb der Geschichte des fränkischen Rechts: die nordgermanischen (skandinavischen) Rechte, das ihnen nah verwandte friesische Recht u. das angelsächsische Recht. (letztres entstand zwar im Umkreis des alten röm. Reichs, blieb aber unberührt vom röm. Recht wie vom Frankenrecht bis zur normannischen Eroberung) Sie wichtig nicht für die eigentlich deutsche, sondern nur für die germanische Rechtsgeschichte und Mittel der vergleichenden Rechtsgeschichte, um aus den gemeinsamen Grundzügen, welche sie mit den übrigen germanischen Rechten aufweisen, auf das gemeinsame Urrecht älterer Zeit zurückzuschliessen; namentlich um die altgermanischen Zustände, die Cäsar u. Tacitus uns schildern, zu reconstruiren. (82, 83)|
Henry Sumner Maine: Lectures on the Early History of Institutions. London 1875.
Schließen
Sir Henry Sumner
Maine: „Lectures on the Early History of Institutions. London,
1875.“
In den Uebersetzten der Brehon Laws – an assemblage of law tracts – [die] wichtigsten:
Senchus Mor (Great Book of the Ancient Law), and the Book of Aicill. Nach Mr. Whitley Stokes das erstere compiled in od. kurz vor 11 Jhdt; das Buch v. Aicill ein Jhdt früher. (12)
Edmund Spenser: „View of the State of Ireland“.
Sir John Davis. [18]
Laws of Wales . [19]
Brehons a class of professional Irish Lawyers, whose occupation became hereditary. [24]
B. G. Caesar . VI, 13, 14: [32]
The learned writer of one of the modern prefaces prefixed to the Third Volume of
the Ancient Law Laws contends that the administration of the Brehon system consisted in
references to arbitration. (p. 38) Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (See:
„Ancient Laws of
Ireland“
)
Bei Maine, S. 39:
If you have a legal claim against a man of a certain rank and you are
desirous of compelling him to discharge it
Schließen Will ein vornehmer Mann seine Schuld (a claim upon
him) nicht discharge, Senchus Mor tells you to „fast upon
him“. (l.c. 39;
„Ancient Laws etc“
vol. I, p. 113) Dies identisch mit was die Hindu call „sitting dharna“. (39, 40)
Bei Maine, S. 38: All
sacerdotal or religious authority must have passed
Schließen Alle Pfaffenautorität in Irld ging
natürlich, nach
der conversion der Irish Celts[,] über an die
„tribes of the saints“ (the missionary monastic
societies founded on all parts of the island[)] u.) die multitude of bishops dependent on them. Bei Maine, S. 38: the
religious sanctions of the ancient laws, the supernatural penalties
threatened on their violation, would disappear
Schließen Der religious Theil der old Laws daher
superseded, ausser so
far as the legal rules exactly coincided with the rules
of the new Christian code, the „law of the letter“. (38)
The one object of the Brehons was to force disputants to refer their quarrels to
a Brehon, or to some person in authority advised by a Brehon, and thus a vast
deal of the law tends to run into the Law of Distress,
which declares the various methods by which a man can be compelled through
seizure of his property to consent to an arbitration. (38, 39) The Brehon
appears to have invented
Bei Maine, S. 44: at pleasure […] but these cases
seem to be purely hypothetical, and only intended to illustrate the rule
which happens to be under discussion.
Schließen (durch hypothetische Conjecturen) , i.e. purely hypothetical cases) the facts which he
used as the framework for his legal doctrine. His invention
necessarily limited by his experience, and hence the cases suggested in
the law tracts … throw light on the society amid which they were composed. (43, 44) Bei Maine, S. 50: So far as the Brehon law
declared actual ancient and indigenous practices, it shared in the
obstinate vitality of all customs when observed by a society distributed
into corporate natural groups.
Schließen The „law of
nature“ meint das ancient law
\
(custom) explained by the Brehons, u. dies bindend as far as it coincided with
the „law of the letter“
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (i.e. dem christlichen Kram). (50) The Brehon did
claim that St. Patrick and other great Irish Saints had sanctioned the law which
he declared, and that some of them even revised it. (51)
Durch die Churchmen, die mit notions of roman law ⦗rather direct of canonical law⦘
more or less imbued, kam auch der
röm. Einfluss (– so far as it goes –) on Brehon law.
(55) Daraus im Interesse der Kirche Testament
derived (»Will«); ebenso conception of »Contract«
Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Maine,
S. 55/56: I am inclined to think that the influence of the Roman law has
been very slight, and to attribute it not to study of the writings of
the Roman lawyers, but to contact with Churchmen imbued more or less
with Roman legal notions. […] Brehons were indebted to them for one
conception which is present in the tracts – the conception of a Will;
and we may probably credit the Church with the comparatively advanced
development of another conception which we find here – the conception of
a Contract. The origin of the rules concerning testamentary bequest
which are sometimes found in Western bodies of law otherwise archaic has
been much considered of late years; […] these rules had universally
their source in Roman law, but were diffused by the influence of the
Christian clergy. This assertion cannot be quite so confidently made of
Contracts; but the sacredness of bequests and the sacredness of promises
were of about equal importance to the Church, as the donee of pious
gifts
Schließen (the »sacredness of promises« etc sehr wichtig für Pfaffen. )[.]
Eine Unterabtheilung (published) des Senchus Mor, nämlich Corus
Bescna chiefly concerned mit »Contract« u.
zeigt sich darin that the material interests of the
Church furnished one principal motive for (its) compilation. (56)
Nach dem Brehon law giebts 2 Sorten of »contract«: „a valid contract, and an invalid
contract“ … Anciently the power of contract is limited on all sides …
by the rights of family, distant kinsmen, co-villagers, tribe, chief, and, if
you contract Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (später mit Christenthum) adversely to the
Church, by the rights of the Church. The Corus Bescna is in great part a
treatise on these ancient limitations. (57, 58)
The „Book of Aicill“ provides for the legitimation not
only of the bastard, but of the adulterine bastard, and measures the
compensation to be paid to the putative father.
The
tract on „Social Connections“ appears to assume that
the
temporary cohabitation of the sexes is part of the
accustomed order of society, and on this assumption it minutely regulates the
mutual rights of the parties, showing an especial care for the Bei Maine,
S. 59: interests
Schließen rights of the woman, even to the
extent of reserving to her the value of her domestic services during her
residence in the common dwelling. (59) Dieser tract on
„Social Connections“ notices a „first“
wive wife. (61) Kommentar von
Marx. Bei Maine, S. 61: and the recognition may be attributable to the
Church, but on the whole my impression certainly is that the extremely
ascetic form under which Christianity was introduced into Ireland was
unfavourable to its obtaining a hold on popular morality
Schließen Dies hält Maine für
Kircheneinfluss, kommt aber überall in higher state of savagery vor,
z. B. bei Red Indians.
|161 The common view seems to have been that Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (die christliche) chastity … the professional virtue of a special class (monk, bishop etc). (61) Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 68–70, wo
Morgan und sein Essay „Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family“
(Washington 1871) erwähnt werden.
Schließen (die folgenden »Extracts« zeigen,
einerseits, dass Herr Maine sich noch nicht
aneignen konnte was
Morgan
noch nicht gedruckt hatte, andrerseits,
dass er Sachen, die sich u. a. schon bei
Niebuhr
finden, darzustellen
sucht as »pointed out« by the identical
Henry Sumner Maine!)
–: »From the
moment when a tribal community settles down finally
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen (dies »finally«! absurd, da der tribe, wie wir
sehr
oft findet finden, having once settled down, migrates de nouveau and settles again, either voluntarily, or forced to
do so, somewhere else)
upon a definite space of land, the Land begins to be the base of Society in place of the Kinship. The
change is extremely gradual etc.« (72) Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Dies zeigt
nur, wie wenig er den
point of transition kennt⦘ Er fährt fort:
»The constitution of the Family through actual
blood-relationship is of course an observable fact, but,
for all groups of men larger than the Family, the Land
on which they live tends to become the bond of Union between them, at the
expense of Kinship, ever more and more vaguely conceived.« (72, 73) Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Dies zeigt, wie wenig die Gens
a fact observed by the identical Maine is!⦘ »Some years ago I pointed out
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!) („Ancient Law“, p. 103 sq.) the evidence furnished by the history of
International Law that the notion of territorial
sovereignty, which is the basis of the international system, and which
is inseparably connected with dominion over a definite area of land, very slowly
substituted itself for the notion of tribal sovereignty.« (73)
Nach Herrn Maine, first: Hindoo Joint
Family, 2nd)
Bei Maine, S. 78: House-Community
Schließen Household Community
of the Southern Slavonians, 3d) the true Village Community as found first in Russia and next
in India. Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗dies »first« u. »next« bezieht
sich nur auf die relative periods worin diese things dem great
Maine bekannt geworden⦘ (78)
Ohne den collapse der »smaller social groups« and the decay of the
authority which, whether popularly or autocratically governed, they possessed
over the men composing them, we, Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen sagt der
würdige Maine, [»]should never have had
several great Conceptions which lie at the base of
our stock of thought« (86) Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen u. zwar sind diese great conception conceptions: »the conception of land as an exchangeable commodity, differing only from others in the limitation
of the supply«[,] (86, 87) »the theory of Sovereignty«
, or (in other words) of a portion in each
community possessing unlimited
coercive
force over the rest«, »the theory of Law as exclusively the command of
a sovereign One or Number«, »the ever increasing activity of Bei Maine, S. 87:
Legislatures
Schließen legislation« u. – Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen o
asinus!
– der »test of the value of legislation[«] … viz:
Maine bezieht sich
offensichtlich auf das von dem italienischen Rechtsphilosophen Cesare
Beccaria in seinem Werk „Dei delitte e delle pene“ (1764, S. 4)
formulierte Prinzip, das von dem Begründer des modernen Utilitarismus
Jeremy Bentham zu einem „fundamental axiom“ seiner Philosophie gemacht
wurde. Siehe oben und [Jeremy Bentham:] A fragment on government; being an
examination of what is delivered, on the subject of government in
general, in the introduction to Sir William Blackstone’s
Commentaries; with a preface, in which is given a critique of the
work at large. London 1776. S. II.
Schließen »the greatest happiness of the greatest
number«. (87)
The form of private ownership in land which grew out of the appropriation of portions of the tribal domain to individual households of
tribesmen is plainly recognized by the Brehon lawyers; yet the rights
of private owners are limited by the controlling rights of a brotherhood of
kinsmen, and the control is in some respects even more stringent than that
exercised over separate property by an Indian village community. (89, 90)
[»]Dasselbe Wort: „Fine“ or
Family Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (?) is applied to all the subdivisions of the Irish
Society, von dem
Tribe in its largest extension u. all intermediate
bodies down to the Family Bei Maine, S. 90: as we
understand it
Schließen (in the present
sense), and even for portions of
the Family«. (Sullivan. Brehon Law.
[„]Introduction“) (90) Sept = sub-tribe, or Joint
Family in den Brehon tracts. (91) The chief for the time being
was, as the Anglo-Irish judged judges called him in the famous
„Case of Gavelkind“, the caput cognationis
. (91) Not only was
the Tribe or Sept named after its eponymous ancestor, but the territory which it
occupied also derived from him the name which was in commonest use, – so wie
„O’Brien’s Country“ or „Macleod’s Country“. (l.c.) Von portions des land occupied by fragments of the tribe some are under minor chiefs or
„flaiths“. (93) All the
unappropriated tribe-lands are in a more especial way the property of the tribe
as a whole, and no portion can theoretically be subjected to more than a
temporary occupation. (93) Among the holders of tribe-land … groups of men
calling themselves tribesmen, bilden in reality associations formed by contract,
chiefly for the |162 purpose of pasturing cattle. (l.c.) Auf dem
„waste“ – common tribeland not occupied – Stücke beständig brought under tillage
or permanent pasture by settlements of tribesmen, and upon it cultivators of
servile status are permitted to squat, particularly towards the border. It is
the part des territory worüber die authority des Chief tends steadily
to increase, u. here he settles his „
fuidshir
fuidhir
“, or stranger-tenants, a very important class – the outlaws and
„broken“ men from other tribes who come to him for protection … are only
connected with their new tribe by their dependence on its chief, and through the
responsibility which he incurs for them. (93)
Particular families manage to elude the theoretically periodical re-division of the common patrimony of the group; others obtain allotments with its consent as the reward of service or the apanage of office; and there is a constant transfer of lands to the Church, and an intimate intermixture of tribal rights with ecclesiastical rights … Brehon law shows that by the time it was put into shape, causes etc tending to result in Several Property … had largely taken effect. (95) [»]The severance of land from the common territory appears most complete in the case of Chiefs, many of whom have large private estates held under ordinary tenure in the addition to the demesne specially attached to their signory.« (l.c.)
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen Dieser asinus bildet sich ein dass
»modern research … conveys a stronger impression than
ever of a wide separation between the Aryan race and races of other
stocks
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!), but it suggests that many, perhaps most, of the
differences in kind alleged to exist between Aryan sub-races are really
differences merely in degree of development.« (96)
Anfang des XVII Jhdts erklären die
Anglo-Irish Judges the English Common
Law to be in force throughout Ireland, u. so Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 99: from the date of this
decision
Schließen seit dem lausigen
James I
all land to descend to the
eldest son of the last owner, unless its devolution was otherwise
determined by settlement or will. Der Sir John Davis
»in seinem report of the case u.
der arguments before the Court, recites that hitherto all land in
Ireland had descended under the rule of Tanistry oder
those of Gavelkind.«
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen Was dieser Davis
sich einbildet as
system of inheritance called Gavelkind, he
(Davis) describes so: »When a
landowning member of an Irish Sept died, its chief made a re-distribution of all the
lands of the Sept. He did not divide the estate of the dead man among his children, but used it to increase the
allotments of the various households of which the Sept was made up.[«]
Bei Maine, S. 99: The Judges treated both Tanistry
and Gavelkind as systems of succession after death, of a peculiarly
barbarous and mischievous kind; […] But all systems of succession after
death bear a close relation to ancient modes of enjoyment during
life
Schließen Aber was diesen English judges nur als »system of succession«
erscheint, war ancient »mode of enjoyment during life«. (99) So in the Hindoo Joint Undivided
Family the stirpes or stocks, dem European law
nur bekannt as branches of inheritors, are actual divisions of the
family, and live together in distinct parts of the common dwelling. (
Calcutta Review, July
1874
, p. 208) ([99, ]100)
Ein seit dem frühen Mittelalter besonders im
Westen Irlands verbreitetes System der Landwirtschaft, bei dem die
Bewohner einer Ansammlung von Hütten (clachans) den fruchtbareren Teil
des gemeinschaftlich gepachteten Landes für gesonderte Nutzung unter
sich verteilten und das umgebende Grasland für die Weidung ihres Viehs
gemeinsam nutzten.
Schließen
Rundale holdings in part of Ireland; jetzt meist common
form: arable land held in severalty
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen (dies beschreibt die Sache
falsch!), while pasture u. bog are in common. Aber noch vor
50 Jahren, cases were frequent wo das arable
land divided in farms which shifted among the
tenant-families periodically, and sometimes annually. (101) Nach Maine »the Irish holdings „in rundale“ are not forms
of property, but modes of Bei Maine,
S. 102: occupation
Schließen appropriation
«, Bei Maine, S. 102: We must bear in mind, however,
that
Schließen aber der Bursche selbst bemerkt: »archaic kinds of tenancy are
constantly evidence of ancient forms of proprietorship.
… Superior ownership arises through purchase from small
allodial proprietors Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (?), through
colonisation of village waste-lands become in time the lord’s waste, or (in an
earlier Bei
Maine, S. 102: state of society
Schließen stage) through
the sinking of whole communities of peasants into
villeinage, and through a consequent transformation of the legal theory
of their rights; aber selbst wenn a Chief or Lord has come to be recognised as
legal owner of the whole tribal domain, or great portions of it, the accustomed
methods of occupation and cultivation« are not altered. (102)
Der chief Brehon law tract setting forth the mutual rights of the collective tribe and of individual tribesmen or
households of tribesmen in respect of tribal property, is |163 called
the Corus Bescna, printed in the third volume of the
official edition. (103) Bei Maine, S. 103: the
commentary and glosses constantly contradict and obscure the text […]
But the most serious doubt which occurs to the student of the text
arises from
Schließen Das was die ganze Sache
verdunkelt ist the »strong and palpable bias of the compiler
towards the interest of the Church; indeed, part of the tract is avowedly
devoted to the law of Church property and of the organisation of religious
houses. When this writer affirms that, under certain circumstances, a tribesman
may grant or contract away tribal land, his ecclesiastical leaning constantly
suggests a doubt as to his legal doctrine.[«]
([103,] 104)
[»]In the Germanic countries, their Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 104: the
Churchmen
Schließen (der christl. Pfaffen) ecclesiastical societies were among the earliest
and largest grantees of public or „folk“ land.« (
Stubbs: „Constitutional History“
v. I, p. 104 154)
The
Will, the Contract, and the Separate Ownership, were
in fact indispensable to the Church as the donee of pious gifts. (l.c.) All the Brehon writers … have a bias towards private or several, as
distinguished from collective, property. (105)
Zusammenfassung von Marx der Ausführungen von
Maine, S. 107–111.
Schließen Weiter über the „Tribe“ or „Sept“ see
„Ancient Laws of Ireland“ II, 283, 289, III, 49–51;
II, 283; III, 52, 53, 55. III, 47, 49. III, 17. III, 5. Der collective brotherhood of tribesmen,
wie der Agnatic kindred in Rome, some ultimate right of succession appears to be reserved. (111,
112)
The „Judgments of Co-Tenancy“ is a Brehon law tract, noch
unpublished (1875), Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen wovon sich aber Herr Maine, der
nur die
Uebersetzung kennt, nicht den
Text, so pfiffig war sich vor der
Publication folgendes mittheilen zu lassen: der
tract fragt: „Whence does Co-Tenancy arise?“ Answers: „From several heirs and
from their increasing on the land“; dann bemerkt der tract: [»]the land is, in the first year, to be tilled by
kinsmen just as each pleases; in the second year they
are to exchange lots; in the 3d year the boundaries
are to be fixed u. the whole process of severance is to be
consummated in the 10th year.« (112[, 113]) Bei Maine, S. 113: I trust it is not a
presumptuous conjecture that the order of change here indicated is more
trustworthy than the time fixed to each of its stages […] and I suggest
that the Brehon lawyer […] is depicting rather an ideal than an actual
set of arrangements. The process, however, which is here described, if
it be spread over a much longer space of time, is really in harmony with
all our knowledge of the rise and progress of cultivating
communities.
Schließen Maine bemerkt
richtig, dass die Zeitbestimmungen ideales arrangement
des Brehon lawgiver, aber der Inhalt: »First a Joint Family
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (dies statt gens, weil
der Herr Maine die
Joint Family wie sie in Indien existirt
fälschlich als unsprüngliche Form betrachtet), composed of
„several heirs increasing on the land“, is found to have made a settlement. In
the earliest stage the various households reclaim the land without set rule.
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!) Next comes the system of exchanging lots. Finally,
the portions of land are enjoyed in severalty.« (113)
Herr
Whitley Stokes
has dem Maine 2 passages occuring in
non-legal Irish literature mitgetheilt. The
„liber Hymnorum“ (soll v. 11t Jhdt sein) contains folio 5A: „Numerous were the
human beings in Ireland at that time (i.e. the time of the sons of
Vermutlich Áed
Sláine?
Schließen Aed Slane
A.D.
658–694)
and such was their number that they used not to get but thrice 9 ridges for each
man in Ireland to wit, 9 of bog and 9
of smooth (arable), and 9 of wood
[.]“ ([113,] 114)
Another Irish Mscpt, believed of the 12. century, the „Lebor
na Huidre“ says that „there was not ditch, nor fence, nor stonewall stone-wall round land, till came the period of the sons of Aed Slane, but (only)
smooth fields. „ Because of the abundance of the households in their period, therefore
it is that they introduced boundaries in Ireland.“ (114) Beide schreiben a
change from a system of collective to a system of restricted enjoyment zu dem
„growth of population“. The periodical allotment to each household of a definite
portion of bog land, wood land, u. arable land gleicht sehr dem apportionment of
pasture and wood and arable land still going on under the communal rules of the
Swiss Allmenden. (l.c.)
Kommentar von Marx zu Main,
S. 116–118.
Schließen Herr Maine als
blockheaded Englishman geht nicht von gens aus, sondern vom Patriarch,
der später Chief wird etc Albernheiten. (116–18) (Dies passt
namentlich für die älteste Form der gens! – Dieser
Patriarch – z. B. bei den kriegerischen Iroquois, wo
die
gens in female descent!)
|
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen Der Blödsinn Maine’s gipfelt in dem
Satz:
»Thus all the branches of human society may or may not have been developed from
joint families
Kommentar von Marx. Zum Thema siehe Maine, S. 116–118.
Schließen ⦗wo er grade die jetzige Hindooform der letzteren im
Aug hat, die sehr sekundären Character hat, u. desshalb auch – ausserhalb der village communities
thront, namentlich in den
Städten!⦘
which arose out of an original patriarchal cell; but, wherever the Joint Family
is an Institution of the Aryan race Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!), we
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (who?) see it springing from such a cell, and when it
dissolves, we see it dissolving into a number of such cells.« (118)
Property of Land has had a twofold Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (?) origin … partly from the disentanglement of the individual rights of the kindred or tribesmen from the collective rights of the Family or Tribe, … partly from the growth and transmutation of the
Sovereignty of the Tribal Chief. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗also nicht
2 fold origin; sondern nur 2 ramifications of the same source, the tribal property u. tribal collective body,
which includes the tribal chief⦘ … Beide in most of Western Europe
passed through the crucible of feudalism … the first (the sovereignty of the
Chief) re-appeared in some well marked characteristics of military or knightly tenures … the other in the principal rules of non-noble holdings, and amongst them of Socage, the distinctive tenure of the free farmer. (120)
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen In sehr oberflächlicher Weise: »The Status of the Chief … left … one bequest in the rule of
Primogeniture, which, however, has long lost its
most ancient form; … in the right to receive certain
dues and to enforce certain monopolies; and
drittens in a specially absolute form of property … once exclusively enjoyed by the chief
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (?), and after him by the Lord, in a
portion of the tribal territory which formed his own Bei Maine, S. 120:
domain
Schließen dominion
.[«]
Andrerseits: Out of tribal ownership in various Bei Maine,
S. 121: stages
Schließen forms of decay have sprung several systems of succession after death, among them
the equal division of the land between the children
u. has left another set of traces … in a number of minute customary rules which govern tillage and
occasionally regulate the distribution of the produce.
(120, 121)
Nach Arthur Young (Travels: 1787, 88,
89, p. 407) more than ⅓ of France „small
properties, that is little farms belonging to those
who cultivate them“ (says A. Young). Bei Maine, S. 121: recent French investigations
have shown reasons for thinking that
Schließen Nach
Toqueville Tocqueville
(„Ancien Régime“
[»]the proportion was growing, durch
die extravagance der nobles which Court life fostered u. compelled
them to sell their domains to peasants in small
parcels.« (121, 122) The law of equal or nearly equal
division after death was the general law of France; primogeniture was
allzumeist confined to lands held by knightly tenure. In
Südfkch the custom of equal division verstärkt
durch die
identical rule of Roman jurisprudence u. dort
die
privileges des eldest son nur gesichert durch
Anwendung der Ausnahmsregeln des Roman law giving the
benefit to milites (soldiers on service) when making
their wills or regulating their successions, and by laying down that every chevalier, u. every noble of higher degree, was a miles im Sinn der röm. Jurisdiction. Bemerkung
von Marx.
Schließen ⦗(122. Das röm. Gesetz –
12 Tafeln – lässt absolute Freiheit der Verfügung
dem
testator; gleiche Theilung nur bei intestate
(sui heredes), später erst das Recht der Kinder etc
dagegen (die Willcühr des testator)
secured etc⦘
Tocqueville (I, 18) „Ancien Régime“ has explained that the right to receive feudal dues and to enforce petty monopolies made up almost the entire means of living für die majority der French nobility. A certain number of nobles had, besides their feudal rights, their terres (domain, belonging to them in absolute property, and sometimes of enormous extent; der rest lived mainly, not on rent, but on their feudal dues, and eked out a meagre subsistence by serving the king in arms. (123, 124)
In Folge der fzs. Revolution: the
landlaw land-law of the people superseded the landlaw land-law of the nobles; in Engld der |165 umgekehrte Process; primogeniture, once
applying only to knightly holdings, came to apply to the great bulk of English
tenures, ausser dem
Gavelkind of Kent
Bei Maine, S. 124: and some others of merely local
importance
Schließen u. einiges andre Lokale. (123, 124) Dieser change was rapidly proceeding zwischen
Zeit of
Glanville
Bei Maine. S. 125: probably not earlier than the
thirty-third year of Henry the Second’s reign
Schließen ⦗wahrscheinlich
33th
33d
year of Henry’s reign
, Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen hence 1186;
Henry II
(1154–1189)
⦘ u.
Bracton
⦗( wahrscheinlich nicht later als 52nd year of Henry
III
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen i.e. 1270; Henry III (1216–1272)
⦘ Glanville schreibt as if
the general rule of law caused lands held by free cultivators
in
soccage,
to be divided equally between all the male children at the death of the last
owner; Bracton, as if the rule of primogeniture applied
universally to military tenures and generally to socage tenures. (125) Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Optimist
Maine
findet dass andrerseits [»]the transmutation of customary and copyhold into freehold property … proceeding
for about 40 years under the Conduct of the Copyhold and
Enclosure Commissioners« Kommentar von Marx. Bei
Maine, S. 125: Probably not many Englishmen have recognised […] that the
transmutation of customary and copyhold into freehold property […] is
the peaceful and sensible removal of a grievance which did more than any
other to bring about the first French Revolution and to prevent the
re-establishment of the ancient political order.
Risum teneatis!: Dass ihr euch des Lachens enthaltet! Siehe Quintus Horatius
Flaccus: De arte poetica 5: risum teneatis, amici? (würdet
ihr euch da, Freunde, des Lachens enthalten können?)
Schließen u. dies betrachtet
dieser comfortable Bursch as the English equivalent
of the French Revolution. Risum teneatis! (see den
fellow p. 125)
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen Dieser lächerliche Bursche macht die röm. Form
des absolute landed property zur »English form of ownership«, u. fährt dann fort:
»… to the principle of several and absolute property in land Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 125/126: the great mass of English
landed property had assumed certain characteristics which strongly
distinguished it from the peasant property of the Continent as it
existed before it was affected by the French Codes, and as it is still
found in some countries
Schließen ⦗das überall in occidental Europe mehr
existirt als in England⦘ I hold this country to be committed
… there can be no material advance in civilization
unless landed property is held by groups at least as small as Families; … we are
indebted to the »peculiarly« absolute English form of
ownership for such an achievement as the cultivation
of the soil of North America.« Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen (126, wo grade alles Spezifisch Englische in landed Property vernichtet!
O, du Philister!)
The Norman nobles who first settled in Ireland are well known to have become in times time Chieftains of Irish tribes … it is suggested that they were the first to forget their duties to their tenants and to think of nothing but their privileges. (128)
Even according to the Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Irish) texts apparently
oldest, much of the tribal territory appears to have been permanently alienated to sub-tribes,
families, or dependent chiefs … die glosses u. commentaries
show that, before they were written, this process had gone very far indeed.
(129) The power of the Chief grows first through the
process anderswo called „Commendation“,
wodurch the free tribesmann becomes „his man“, and remains in a state of dependence having various degrees
… ferner durch his increasing authority over the
waste lands of the tribal territory u. from the
servile or semi-servile colonies he plants there; endlich from the material strength he acquires through the numbers of his immediate retainers u.
associates, most of whom stand to him in more or less servile
relations. (130)
[»]The Manor with its Tenemental lands held by the free tenants of the Lord and with its Domain which was in immediate dependence on him, was the type of all feudal sovereignties in their complete form, whether the ruler acknowledged a superior above him or at most admitted one in the Pope, Emperor, or God himself.« (130–31)
Zusammenfassung mit Kommentaren von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 131: There is
one view of the original condition of privileged classes which, though
held by learned men, has been a good deal weakened of late by German
research, and seems to me still farther shaken by portions of the Brehon
law. This is the impression that they always constituted, as they
practically do now, a distinct class or section of the community […] It
cannot be doubted that the earliest modem aristocracies have as a fact,
when they are first discerned, this particular aspect. Mr. Freeman
(“Norman Conquest,” i. 88) says that the “difference between eorl and
ceorl is a primary fact from which we start”.
Schließen Der abominable
Freeman
(
„Norman Conquest“ I, 88) erklärt sich die
Verwandlung der tribe chiefs in feudal
lords etc leicht, indem er voraussetzt was er entwickeln soll, nämlich
dass die privileged class always formed a distinct class or section
of the community, sagt, l.c. „the difference
between eorl und ceorl is a primary fact
from which we start.“
(131)
Die chief source of nobility seems to have been the respect of the co-villagers or assemblages of kinsmen for the line of
descent in which the purest blood of each little society was believed
to be preserved. (132) Vermutlich zitiert Maine aus
der Erinnerung. Der gemeinte Text ließ sich nicht
feststellen.
Schließen „Every chief“, says the text,
„rules over his land, whether it be great or whether it be
small.“ (132)|
Aber the Brehon law shows the way in which a common
freeman
Bei Maine,
S. 132: can
Schließen may
become a chief u. zugleich ist diese position to which he attains »the presidency of a group of
dependents«. Bei Maine, S. 133: Nevertheless the persons thus
elevated undoubtedly tend to become, from various causes, a class by
themselves and a special section of the general community
Schließen (Später wurden diese
Burschen erst Glieder einer besonderen Classe)
([132,] 133) Wo aristocracies a section of the community from the
first
[,]
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen besondre Umstände, die notabene selbst schon derivativ
sind, nämlich, wo an entire tribal group conquers or
imposes its supremacy upon other tribal groups also remaining entire,
oder wo an original body of tribesmen, villagers, or
citizens, gradually gathers round itself a miscellaneous
assemblage of protected dependants. In Scottish
Highlands some entire septs or clans stated to
have been enslaved to others; u. ebenso frühest in Ireland met a distinction between free u. rent[-]paying tribes. (133)
Im Brehon law a Chief vor allem a rich man (133), nämlich reich – nicht in Land, sondern in flocks u. herds, sheep, vor allem Ochsen. Die Opposition zwischen birth u. wealth, bes. wealth other than landed property, ganz modern. See Homer’s u. Niebelungen Helden; in späterer griech. Literatur pride of birth identified mit pride in 7 wealthy ancestors in succession, ἕππτα πάπποι πλούσιοι, in Rom rasch die Geldaristokratie assimilirt mit Blutaristokratie. (134)
Im tract (Brehon Laws):
„Cain-Aigillne“
(p. 279) heissts that „the
head of every tribe should be the man of the tribe who is the most experienced,
the most noble, the most wealthy, the most learned, the
most truly popular, the most powerful to oppose, the most
steadfast to sue for profits and to be sued for losses.“ Also personal wealth
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗aber Herr Maine, dies only in
status of Upper Barbarism
Upper Status of Barbarism
, far from being archaic⦘ the principal
condition of the Chief’s maintaining his position and authority. (134, 135)
Brehon Law zeigt dass durch die acquisition of such wealth the road was always open to chieftainship. Portion of the Danish nobility originally peasants u. in early English laws some traces of a process wodurch a Ceorl might become a Thane. (135)
Brehon law
speaks of the Bo-Aire (the cow-nobleman). Ist simply a
peasant, grown rich in cattle, probably through
obtaining the use of large portions of tribe-land. (135) Die true
nobles – the Aires getheilt [into seven
grades]. Kommentar
von Marx.
Schließen ⦗(von den
Pfaffenjuristen, den
Brehons notabene; dies wie alle alten
Pfaffenbücher (Menu f.i.) voller fictions in Interesse der chiefs,
höheren Stände etc, schliesslich all das wieder in Interesse der Kirche.
Ausserdem sind sie wie Juristen aller Sorten bei der Hand mit
fictive classifications)⦘ Jeder Grad unterschieden
von den andern durch the amount of wealth
possessed by the Chief belonging to it, by the weight attached to his evidence,
by the power of binding his tribe by contracts (literally of „knotting“), by the dues he receives in kind from his vassals, by his
Honor-Price, or special damages
incurred by injuring him. At the bottom of the scale is the Aire-Desa; u. das Brehon law provides dass wenn
der Bo-Aire has acquired 2× the wealth of an Aire-Desa, and has held it for a certain number of
generations, he becomes an Aire-Desa himself. „He is an
inferior chief – says the Senchus Mor – whose father was
not a chief.“ (136) Enormous importance of wealth u. specially wealth in cattle reflected in the Brehon tracts.
(137)
Wahrscheinlich the first aristocracy springing from kingly
favour consisted of the Comitatus, or Companions of the King. (138) Major Domus bei
den Franken ward König; das blood |167 des Steward (od. Great Seneschal) of
Scotland runs in the veins of the Kings of England. Noch in England the
great officers of the Royal Council u. Household
haben
Vorrang vor allen Pairs, od. mindest of all Peers of their own degree. Alle
diese hohen Würden Kommentar von Marx. Marx machte zwischen 1850 und 1870 aus den Werken
der beiden Autoren umfangreiche Auszüge. Zu Georg Ludwig von Maurer,
der
im „Kapital“, Briefen und anderen Heften erwähnt wird,
siehe die „Hefte zur Agrikultur“ aus dem Jahr 1868 (MEGA IV/18.
S. 542–559, 563–577, 589–660) und die Auszüge aus dem Jahr 1876 („Heft
a“, „Heft b“, „Heft c“ (IISG, Marx-Engels-Nachlass, Sign. B 133, B 134,
B 135), insb. die Auszüge aus Maurer, Geschichte der Fronhöfe, der Bauernhöfe und
der Hofverfassung in Deutschland. Bd. 1–4. Erlangen
1862/1863. Bd. 1. S. 137–265, auf S. 81–92 des Heftes „a“. Zu Karl
Dietrich Hüllmann, siehe insb.: Geschichte des Ursprungs der Stände in
Deutschland. Th. 1–3. Frankfurt/Oder 1806–1808; 2. Ausg., größtentheils
ein neues Werk. Berlin 1830. Diese Ausgabe exzerpierte Marx 1851/1852
(MEGA
IV/10. S. 265–276. Siehe S. 911). Vermutlich aus dem Besitz
von Engels ist eine andere Ausgabe (Th. 1–3. Leipzig 1817) überliefert
(siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 584). Siehe von Hüllmann auch: Geschichte des
Ursprungs der deutschen Fürstenwürde. Bonn 1842. Auch dieses Buch hat
Marx exzerpiert (MEGA IV/10. S. 277–284). Mehrere Exzerpte aus Hüllmanns
Werken zur Finanz- und Handelsgeschichte enthalten die Hefte von 1878
(werden in MEGA IV/25
veröffentlicht).
Schließen ⦗dies hat
Maurer
u. z. Th. schon
Hüllmann
lang gewusst vor Maine⦘
,
wenn nicht marking an office originally clerical, point to an
occupation … at first … menial. (139) Der
Household sprang von very humble beginnings. (139) Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Der stubbige
Stubbs
(„Constitutional
History“) states that „the gesiths of an
(English) king were his guard and private council“, wobei er bemerkt,
dass „the free household servants of a ceorl are also in a
certain sense his gesiths.“ Die
Companions des king in the Irish legal literatre literature
nicht noble, u. associated mit des
king’s body-guard which is essentially servile. [139]
Wahrscheinlich dass in a particular stage of society, der personal service to the Chief or King was überall
rendered in expectation of a reward in the shape of a gift of land. Die
Companions der Teutonic kings shared largely in
the Benefices, grants of Roman provincial land fully
peopled u. stocked; in ancient Engld selbe class largest
grantees
Bei Maine, S. 141: next to the Church
Schließen (nach Pfaffen s’il vous plaît)
of public land; u. dies part of the secret of the mysterious
change wodurch a new nobility of Thanes, deriving
dignity u. authority from the King, absorbed the older
nobility of the Eorls. (141) Aber in countries lying
beyond the northern u. western limits of the Roman Empire, or just
within them, [Land] war plentiful. Es war noch im
Mittelalter die
„cheapest commodity“. Die practical difficulty
was not to obtain land, but the
instruments for making it productive. (141,
42). Der Chief Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Irish) war vor allem reich
in flocks u. herds; he was military
leader; great part of his wealth was spoil of
war u. in his civil capacity he multiplied his
kine through his growing power of appropriating the
waste for pasture, and durch a system of dispersing his herds
among the tribesmen. Der
Componanion
Companion
, der followed him to the foray etc auch enriched by his bounty; if
already noble, he became greater; if not noble, the way of to nobility lay through wealth. (142) (Vergl.
Dugmore:
„Compendium of Kaffir Kafir Laws and Customs.“
)
Whenever legal expression has to be given to the relations of the Comitatus to the Teutonic kings, the portions of the Roman law
selected are uniformly those which declare the semi-servile
relation of the Client or Freedman to his Patron. Nach den
texts des Brehon Law a Chief of high degree is always Bei Maine,
S. 145: expected
Schließen suspected to surround himself with unfree dependants u. das
retinue eines King of Erin was to consist not only of
free tribesmen but of a bodyguard
of men bound to him by servile obligations …
Auch … wenn die Comitatus or Companions of the Chief freemen, nicht nothwendig od. gewöhnlich his near kindred.
(145)
In den
Brehon Laws spielen grosse Rolle horned cattle, i.e. bulls, cows, heifers, and calves; auch horses, sheep, swine, dogs, bees (the latter: the
producers of the greatest of primitive luxury); vor allem aber kine
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (cows). Capitale – kine reckoned by
the head, cattle has given birth to one of the most
famous terms of law and one of the most famous terms of political economy, Chattels and Capital. Pecunia. (147) The Primitive Roman law places oxen in highest class of property, mit land u. slaves as items of the
Res mancipi. Kine, which the
most ancient Sanscrit literature shows to |168 have been eaten as food, became at some unknown period sacred and their
flesh forbidden; u. two of the chief „Things which required a Mancipation at
Rome“, oxen and landed property, had their counterpart in the sacred bull of
Siwa Siva
and the sacred land of
India. (148) Horned cattle
showed their greatest value when groups of men settled on
spaces of land and betook themselves to the cultivation of
food-grain
.
(l.c.) Erst für ihr flesh u. milk valued, schon in very
early times a distinct special importance belonged to them as
instrument or medium of exchange; bei Homer sind sie a measure of value;
traditional story dass das earliest coined
money known at Rome stamped with the figure of an ox; „pecus“ u. „pecunia“.
([148,] 149) In Brehon laws
figurirt horned cattle als means of exchange; fines, dues, rents u. returns are calculated in
live-stock, not exclusively in kine, but nearly so. Beständig referred to two standards of value, „sed“ u. „cumhal“; cumhal soll
originaliter have meant a female slave, aber „sed“ plainly used for an amount or
quantity of live stock. Bei Maine, S. 149:
The next stage, however, in the history of cattle is that at which their
service to mankind is greatest. They are now valued chiefly, in some
communities exclusively,
Schließen Aber, später, cattle
haupsächlich valued for their use
in tillage, their labour and their manure. Erst nach u. nach as beasts of plough ersetzt durch Pferde in Western Europe
Bei Maine, S. 149: very generally […] but the
change was even there both gradual and comparatively
modern
Schließen (auch hier nicht überall); in still large portions of the world horse noch ausschliesslich employed, wie wohl ursprünglich überall,
for war, pleasure, or the chase. ([149,] 150) Oxen waren so
fast einziger Representative
Bei Maine, S. 150: of
what a Political Economist would now call Capital applied to
land
Schließen of what now called Capital
. (l.c.) The same causes which altered the position of the
ox and turned him into an animal partially adscriptus
glebae, undoubtedly produced also a great extension
of slavery … Enormous importation of slaves into the central
territories of the Roman Commonwealth, and the wholesale degradation of the free
cultivating communities of Western Europe into assemblages of villeins. (150,
151)
Die Schwierigkeit – in ancient Ireland – not to obtain land, but the means of cultivating it. Die great owners of cattle were the various Chiefs, whose primitive superiority to the other tribesmen in this respect was probably owing to their natural functions as military leaders of the tribe. Andrerseits scheint aus den Brehon laws zu folgen that the Chiefs pressed by the difficulty of finding sufficient pasture for their herds. Hatten zwar growing power over the waste-land der particular group worüber sie präsidirten, aber die most fruitful portions of the tribal territory wahrscheinlich those which the free tribesmen occupied. Hence das system of giving u. receiving stock, to which 2 sub-tracts des Senchus Mor are devoted, the Cain-Saerrath u. der Cain-Aigillne, the Law of Saer-Stock tenure u. the Law of Daer-Stock Tenure. ([151,] 152)
In Feudalgesellschaft everybody has become the subordinate of somebody else higher than himself and yet exalted above him by no great distance. (153)
Nach
Stubbs
(
„Constit. History“
. I, 252) Feudalism has „grown up from 2
great sources, the Benefice and the practice of Commendation.“ (154) Commendation, in particular, went on all over Western Europe. (155)
Der
Chief Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Irish)
– sei er
einer der many tribal rulers whom the Irish
records call kings, or one of those heads of joint[-]families whom the
Anglo-Irish lawyers at a later period called the Capita
Cognationum, – is not owner of the tribal land.
His own land he may have, consisting of private estate or of official domain, or
of both, and over the general tribal land he has a general
administrative authority, ever growing greater over that portion of it
which is unappropriated waste. He is meanwhile the
military [leader] of his tribesmen, and probably
in that capacity … has acquired great wealth in cattle.
It has somehow become of great importance to him to place out portions of his
herds among the tribesmen, and they on their part occasionally find themselves
through stress of circumstance in pressing need of cattle for employment in
tillage. Thus the Chiefs appear |169 in the Brehon
law as perpetually „giving stock“ and the
tribesmen as receiving it. (157) By taking stock the free Irish tribesman becomes the Ceile or Kyle, the vassal
or man of his Chief, owing him not only rent but service and homage.
The exact effects of „commendation“ are thus produced. (158) Je mehr stock der tribesman accepts from his Chief, desto
tiefer der status zu dem er herabsinkt. Hence die 2 classes of Saer und Daer tenants
(entsprechend dem status der free und higher base tenants of an
English manor). Der
Saer[-]Stock tenant
, erhält nur limited amount of stock from the
Chief, bleibt freeman, retains his tribal rights in their integrity; the normal period
of his tenancy was 7 years, and at the end of
it he became entitled to the cattle which had been in his
possession. In der Zwischenzeit hatte er
the advantage of employing them in tillage, and the Chief erhielt the
growth and increase ⦗i.e. the
young and the manure⦘ and milk. Zugleich it is
expressly laid down dass der Chief überdem entitled
to receive homage and manual labour; manual labour is explained to mean
the service of the vassal in reaping the Chief’s harvest
and in assisting to build his castle or fort; u. it is
stated that, in lieu of manual labour, the vassal might be required to follow
his Chief to the wars. (158, 159)
Daer-stock tenancy gebildet, wenn entweder any large
addition to the stock deposited with the Saer-Stock tenant, od. an unusual quantity accepted in the first instance by the
tribesman. Der Daer[-]Stock
tenant had parted with some portion of his freedom u.
his duties invariably referred to as very onerous.
Der Stock, den er vom Chief erhielt, bestand aus 2 portions, wovon
die eine entsprechend dem Rang des Empfängers,
die andre der rent in kind to which te the tenant became liable. Der technical standard seines Rangs war
des tenant „honor-price“, d.h. the
fine or damage payable for injuring him, variable mit the dignity of
the person injured. Mit Bezug auf die rent
heisst’s im Brehon
law: „The proportinate stock of a calf of the value of a sack with its
accompaniments, and refections for three persons in the summer, and work for
three days, is three
‘sam-haisk’
‘sam-haisc’
heifers or their
value“
(
Cain-Aigillne
, p. 25 255/257), in andern Worten: Deponirt der Chief beim tenant
3 heifers beim tenant , so wird er [»]entitled to the calf,
the refections, and the labour«. Ferner: „The proportionate
stock of a ‛dartadh’ heifer with its accompaniment, is 12 ‘seds’“ –
explained to mean 12 „sam-haisc“ heifers, or 6 cows etc
etc. Diese rent in kind, od. food[-]rent hatte, in dieser ihrer ältesten Form,
nichts zu thun mit der value of the tenant’s land, but
solely to the value of Bei Maine, S. 160: the
Chief’s property
Schließen the Chiefs
stock deposited with the tenant; sie
entwickelte sich erst später in a rent payable in respect of
the tenant’s land. Die lästigste
imposition des Daer-Stock tenant sind die „refections“;
dies war nämlich das Recht des Chief, der den stock gegeben hatte, to
come with a company of a certain number, and feast at the Daer[-]stock tenant’s house, at particular periods, for a
fixed number of days. Bei
Maine, S. 161: their [of the “right of refection,” and liability to it]
origin is probably to be explained by the circumstance that the Irish
Chief, though far more privileged than his tenants, was
Schließen Der Irish chief war
wahrscheinlich, sagt Herr Maine,
little better housed and almost as poorly furnished out, wie seine tenants, and
could not have managed to consume at home the provisions to which his gifts of
stock entitled him. The Brehon law defines and limits the practice narrowly on
all sides; but its inconvenience Bei Maine, S. 161: tendency to degenerate into an
abuse
Schließen u. abuse manifest; from it doubtless descended those oppressions which revolted such English observers
of Ireland as
Spenser
and Bei
Maine, S. 161: Davis
Schließen
Davies
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!), the „coin and livery“, and „cosherings“ of the Irish
Chiefs which they Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗these self-righteous English
canaille!⦘ denounce with such indignant emphasis Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!) Der würdige Maine, vergessend die Rundreisen der englischen
Könige u. ihrer Höflinge Kommentar von Marx.
see Anderson u. Macpherson: Vermutlich
meinte Marx James
Anderson: Royal genealogies: or, the genealogical tables of
emperors, kings and princes, from Adam to these times. In 2 pt.
London 1732; und James Macpherson: An introduction to the history of
Great Britain and Ireland. Dublin 1771. Beide werden im Buch
von Martin Haverty
(The History of Ireland, Ancient and Modern. Derived from Our Native
Annals, from the Most Recent Researches of Eminent Irish Scholars
and Antiquaries, from the State Papers, and from All the Resources
of Irish History Now Available, Dublin
1867
[1860]) erwähnt (Anderson auf S. 495/498,
Macpherson auf S. 40/77). Marx fügt seinen Maine-Exzerpten Exzerpte von
Haverty mit einem Zitat aus
Anderson hinzu. Siehe die Sachanmerkung zu „der zur Zeit der Elizabeth …“. Das Buch von
Georg Ludwig
von Maurer (Geschichte der Fronhöfe, der Bauernhöfe und der
Hofverfassung in Deutschland. Bd. 1–4. Erlangen 1862/1863)
hat Marx 1876 exzerpiert (RGASPI, Sign. f. 1, op. 1, d. 3716, S. 81–94;
d. 3736, S. 1–93; d. 3735, S. 1–13). Die Rundreisen der Könige und ihrer
Höflinge werden von Maurer erwähnt in Bd. 1, S. 415–417, 424–429,
454–457.
Schließen
(see
Anderson u. Macpherson
) (vgl. auch
Maurer
) hat
die Frechheit zu vermuthen: »Perhaps there was no Irish usage which seemed to
Englishmen Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!) so amply to justify … the entire judicial
or |170 legislative abolition of Irish customs« Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!) (159–161) Nach den Brehon lawyers the relation out of which Daer-stock
tenancy and its peculiar obligations arose,
were was not perpetual. After food-rent and service had been rendered
for 7 years Bemerkung von Marx. Er bezieht
sich auf die biblische Episode von Jakob, der seinem Onkel Laban sieben
Jahre lang diente, um Rahel, seine jüngere und schönste Tochter, zu
heiraten. Nach Ablauf des Dienstes betrog Laban Jakob und gab ihm am
Abend seine Tochter Lea, die Erstgeborene. So musste Jakob Laban weitere
sieben Jahren dienen. Siehe: Die Bibel. Das Alte Testament. 1. Buch
Mose,
29.
Schließen ⦗Zeit die
Jacob
zu dienen
hatte?⦘
,
if the Chief died, the tenant became entitled to the stock; wenn andrerseits der
tenant starb, waren seine heirs theilweis, obgleich nicht ganz, relieved from
their obligation. Wahrscheinlich die Daer-stock tenancy, beginning in
the necessities of the tenant, was often from the same cause rendered
practically permanent. (162)
The Heriot of English Copyhold tenure, the „best beast“
taken by the Lord on the death of a base tenant, has been explained as an acknowledgment as of the Lord’s ownership of the cattle with which he anciently
stocked the lands of his villeins, just as the Heriot of the
military tenant is believed to have had its origin in a deposit of
arms. Adam Smith recognized the great
antiquity of the Metayer tenancy, wovon er noch zu
seiner Zeit found in Scotland one variety, the „steelbow“. (162). In einer der prefaces der official translation der Brehon
laws
Vergleichung gemacht
zwischen Metayer tenancy u. the Saer
u. Daer-stock tenancy of ancient Irish law. Die Differences aber: In
Metayage giebt landlord land u. stock, der tenant nur Arbeit u. skill; in Saer
u. Daer[-]Stock tenancy the land belonged to the tenant. Ferner: die ancient Irish
relation produced nicht allein a contractual liability,
sondern a status; the tenant had his social u. tribal
position distinctly altered by accepting stock. Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Wie
leicht in ancient times mere contractual
liability umschlägt, oder kaum zu ändern ist von status, Beweis z. B. Russld wo persönlicher Dienst direct in Sklaverei umschlägt u. selbst freiwillige Feldarbeit etc nur mit Mühe vor selbem Umschlag zu schützen.
Sieh darüber das
Weitere in den russ.
Quellen.⦘
([162,] 163) In Ireland the acceptance
of stock not always voluntary; a tribesman, in one stage of Irish
custom at all events, was bound to receive stock from his own „King“ … i.e. the Chief of its his tribe in its largest extension. In einigen cases the Tribe wozu der intending tenant gehörte had in some cases
a veto on his adoption of the new position … Um
dem Tribe opportunity to geben to interpose whenever it had legal
power to do so, the acceptance of stock had to be open and
public, and the consequences of effecting it surreptitiously are
elaborately set forth by the law. Hence one of the rules: „no man should leave a
rent on his land which he did not find there.“ (163, 164)
Gehörten der Chief der den stock gab u. der Ceile der ihn accepted zum selben
Tribe, Bei
Maine, S. 164: the effect of the transaction was to create a relation
between them, not indeed altogether unlike that of tribal connection,
but still materially different from it in many respects
Schließen so relation geschaffen verschieden von
der tribal connection u.
much more to the advantage of the chief. But the superior from whom a man
took stock
Schließen Aber dieser
Chief war nicht immer der Chief of the tribeman’s tribesman’s own Sept or Tribe. Brehon law sucht Schwierigkeiten in den
Weg zu legen wo attempt dies vassalage Verhältniss zu
etabliren zwischen a tribesman and a strange Chief. Aber abundant admission admissions that dies vorkam. Jeder noblemen nobleman assumed to be as a rule rich in Bei Maine, S. 165:
cattle
Schließen stock, u. having the Zweck to disperse his herds by the
practice of giving stock. Der enriched peasant, der Bo-aire, had Ceiles who accepted stock from him. Hence the new groups formed in this way were manchmal ganz
distinct von den old groups composed of the Chief and his Clan. Auch die new
relation nicht confined auf Aires, or noblemen, u. Ceiles (i.e. free, but non noble tribesmen)[.] The Bo-aire certainly, and apparently the higher Chiefs also, accepted
stock on occasion from chieftains more exalted than themselves, and in the end
to „give stock“ came to mean the same thing Bei Maine, S. 165: as to assert feudal
superiority, and to “accept stock” the same thing, which in the language
of other societies was called „commendation”.
Schließen wie
anderswo „Commendation“
… by fiction the Brehon Law
represents the King of Ireland as „accepting stock“ from
the Emperor. Es sagt: „Wenn the King
of Erin is without opposition“
( – wovon the explanation runs: when he holds the ports
of Dublin, |171
Waterford, and Limerick, which
were usually in the hands of the Danes – „he receives stock
from the King of the Romans“ (Senchus More Mor. II, 225). The commentary goes on to say, that sometimes „it
is by the successor of Patrick
Bei Maine, S. 166: and this remarkable passage seems to show that an
Irish writer spoke of the successor of St. Patrick, where a writer of
the same approximate period in England or on the European Continent
would assuredly have spoken of the Pope.
Schließen ⦗dies statt »Pope«⦘ that the stock is
given to the King of Erin“. (164–166)
This natural growth of feudalism was not, as some eminent
recent writers have supposed, entirely distinct from the process by which the
authority of the Chief or Lord over the Tribe or Village was extended, but
rather formed part of it. While the unappropriated waste
lands were falling into his domain, the villagers or tribesmen were
coming through natural
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (?) agencies under his personal power. (167)
The law-tracts Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Brehon) give a picture of an
aristocracy of wealth in its most primitive form;
cf. über die Gallic Celts
Caesar B. G. I. 4, u. VI. 13.
In ancient world finden wir sehr early plebejan classes
deeply indebted to aristocratic orders. (167) Athenian commonalty the bondslaves through debts of the Eupatrids; so
the Roman Commons in money bondage to the Patricians. (167, 168) In very ancient
times land was a drug, while capital was extremely
perishable, added to with the greatest difficulty, and lodged in very few hands
… The ownership of the instruments of tillage other than the
land itself was thus, in early agricultural communities, a power of the
first order … it may be believed Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!) that a stock of the primitive capital larger than usual was
very generally obtained by plunder … mostly, daher, in the hands of noble
classes whose occupation was war and who at all events had a monopoly of the
profits of office. The advance of capital at usurious interest, and the helpless
degradation of the borrowers, natural results of such economical conditions.
(168, 169). Die Brehon writers des Cain-Saerrath u. Cain-Aigillne,
durch their precise u. detailed statements, plainly intend to
introduce certainty and equity into a naturally oppressive system. (169)
„Eric-fines“, or pecuniary
composition for violent crime (170)[;]
by this customary law, the sept or family to which the perpetrator of a crime
belonged Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Maine: forfeited a
considerable portion of its lands […] But in the infancy of society a
fine on the cultivating communities, of the kind afterwards called
pecuniary, was a much severer punishment than the forfeiture of
land.
Schließen etc had to pay (in cattle, später Geld) dies fine. (171)
Feodum, Feud, Fief, von Vieh, cattle. Ebenso Pecunia u. Pecus. Wie die Roman lawyers tell that pecunia became the most comprehensive term for all a man’s property, so „feodum“ – originally meaning „cattle“. (171, 172)
Nach Dr. Sullivan
feodum of Celtic Sprachursprung; he connects it with fuidhir. Nämlich das territory jedes Irish
tribe seems to have had settled on it, neben den Saer und
Daer Ceiles, certain classes of persons, deren status nearer to slavery
than to that of the Saer u. Daer tribesmen. Diese classes genannt Senclethes, Bothachs und Fuidhirs; diese 2 letzten classes wieder subdivided in Saer u. Daer Bothachs und Saer u. Daer Fuidhirs. Ersichtlich aus den
tracts u. namentlich dem noch unpublicirten „Corus
Fine“
, dass die servile dependants, gleich
den freemen des territory, had a family or Tribal organization; and indeed all fragments of a society like that of ancient Ireland take
more or less the shape of the prevailing model. Die position
der classes, obscurely indicated in Domesday u. other English records as
Cotarii und Bordarii,
wahrscheinlich sehr ähnlich denen der Sencleithes
u. Bothachs; in beiden Fällen had diese servile orders
wahrscheinlich an origin
distinct from that of the dominant race, and belonged to the older or aboriginal inhabitants of the country. Ein
Theil der families or subtribes formed out of them were certainly in a condition
of special servitude to the Chief or dependence on him; diese either engaged in
cultivating his immediate domain-land and herding his
cattle, or were planted by him in separate
settlements on the waste land of the tribe; rente or service which they paid
Bei Maine, S. 173: was apparently
determinable solely by the pleasure of the Chief
Schließen scheint von Willkühr des Chief abhängig gewesen zu
sein. (172,
173)|
Der wichtigste Theil dieser Klassen der settled by the Chief on the unappropirated tribal lands. Bei Maine, S. 173: It consisted of the the
Fuidhirs, the strangers or fugitives
Schließen Diese Fuidhirs, u. ausserdem strangers or fugitives
from other
territories, in fact men who had broken the original tribal bond which gave
them a place in the community. Aus Brehon law sichtbar,
dass diese Klasse zahlreich; spricht à diverses reprises von the desertion of their lands by families or portions of
families. Unter gewissen Umständen wurden the rupture of the tribal bond u. die
Flucht deren derer who break it als »eventualities« von dem Gesetz
behandelt. Bei Maine, S. 174: the corporate responsibility of
tribes, sub-tribes, and families takes the place of that responsibility
for crime, and even to some extent of civil obligation, which, under
modern institutions, presses upon the individual. But the
responsibility
Schließen Die
Verantwortlichkeit von tribes, subtribes, u. families for
die crimes ihrer Glieder u. even to some extent
of civil obligation derselben – might be prevented
by compelling or inducing a member of
the group to withdraw from its circle; and the Book
of Aicill gives the legal procedure which is to be observed in the
expulsion, the tribe paying certain fines to the Chief and the Church and
proclaiming the fugitive. … Result probably to fill the country with „broken
men“ u. diese could find a home and protection by becoming Fuidhir tenants; alles tending to disturb the Ireland der Brehon Laws
tended to multiply this particular class. (173, 174)
Der Fuidhir tenant exclusive exclusively dependant of the Chief u. nur durch letzteren connected mit dem Tribe; Chief wurde auch responsible für sie; sie kultivirten sein Land; sie daher the first „tenants at will“ known to Ireland.
The „three rents“, says the Senchus
Mor, are the „rackrent from a person of a strange
tribe ⦗diese person undoubtedly the Fuidhir⦘, a fair rent from one of the Tribe,
and the stipulated rent which is paid equally by the tribe
and the strange tribe.“ In einer der glosses« , was „rackrent“ übersetzt ist, verglichen »to the
milk of a cow which is compelled to give milk every month to the end of the
year.« (174, 175) Andrerseits hatte Chief grosses Interesse to
encourage diese Fuidhir tenants. Heisst in one of the
tracts: „He brings in Fuidhirs to increase his wealth.“
Die interests really injured were those of the
tribe … which suffered as a body by the curtailment
of the waste land available for pasture. Zusammenfassung
von Marx.
Schließen Vgl.
Hunter’s
„Orissa“
wo shown wie das
„hereditary peasantry“ of Orissa beschädigt
durch die broken „migratory
husbandmen“ etc. (Sieh Orissa, I, 57,
58) (175–177) Cf.
Edmund Spenser
(writing not later than 1596
[)] u.
Sir John
Davis
, Bei Maine, S. 169: writing rather before 1713. Gemeint war
möglicherweise: 1613. Die Schrift von Davies war bereits 1612
erschienen.
Schließen writing before 1713.
[179,
180]
Kommentar von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 177/178: It is
certainly a striking circumstance that in the far distance of Irish
tradition we come upon conflicts between rent-paying and rent-receiving
tribes […] and that the relation of Irish landlord and Irish tenant,
after being recognised ever since the beginning of the century as a
social difficulty of the first magnitude, finally became a political
difficulty, which was settled only the other day.
Mit „Act of 1870“ bezieht sich Marx auf
„The Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Act, 1870“. Siehe „An Act to amend
the Law relating to the Occupation and Ownership of Land in Ireland.
[1st August 1870.]“ In:
The
public general statutes passed in the thirty-third and thirty-fourth
years of the reign of Her Majesty Queen Victoria.
London 1870. Ch. 46. S. 252–283.
Schließen ⦗Für den comfortable Maine die Irish
Tenant Question »was settled only the other
day«. (178) Mit seinem gewöhnlichen Optimismus die Sache
settled durch den
Act of 1870 (!)⦘
The general bias der writers der Brehon Tracts rather towards the exaggeration of the privileges of the Chiefs than towards overstatement of the immunities of tribesmen. (180)
The power of the Irish Chiefs u. their severity to their tenants in the 16.
th century being admitted, have been
accounted for by the Norman nobles – the Fitzgeralds,
Burkes, Barrys
–
becoming gradually clothed with Irish chieftainship had first abused it u. thus
set an evil example to all the Chiefs in Ireland. (181) Bei Maine, S. 181/182: I owe a
far more plausible theory of the cause of change to Dr. Sullivan, who,
in his Introduction (p. cxxvi), has suggested that it was
Schließen Better Theory of Dr Sullivan
(in his
Introduction
p. CXXVI) wonach dies
régime
determined »by the steady multiplication of Fuidhir
tenants«. (182) Und causes at work, powerfully u. for long periods of
time, to increase the numbers of this class: Danish piracies,
intestine feuds, Anglo-Norman attempts at conquest, the existence of of the Pale, u. the policy directed from the Pale
of playing off against one another the Chiefs beyonds beyond its borders. Durch dies civil war etc tribes far u. wide broken up, dies implies a multitude of broken men. (183) Bei Maine, S. 184: You will bear in mind the passage quoted by me from
Hunter’s “Orissa,” which shows how a tenantry enjoying hereditary rights
is injured […] by a large immigration of cultivators dependent on the
landlord or Zemindar. They narrow the available waste land by their
appropriations; and, though they do not compete directly for the
anciently cultivated land with the tenants enjoying hereditary rights,
they greatly raise in the long run the standard of rent, at the same
time that they arm the landlord with those powers of exacting it which
in ancient Ireland consisted in the strong hand of the Chief himself,
and which consist, in modern India, in the money which puts in motion
the arm of the law. I have no doubt whatever that a great multiplication
of Fuidhir tenants would always seriously alter
Schließen Dann wie in Orissa die immigrated
cultivators at the disposal of the Zemindars make greatly rise for
das ancient tenantry the standard of rent u. die
exactions der landlords – selben Einfluss die Fuidhir
tenants in Ireland; altered seriously for the
worse the |173
worse the position of the tenants by Saer[-]Stock
u. by Daer[-]Stock Tenure. (183, 184)
Spenser: „View of the State of Ireland“ . [201, 202]
Martin Haverty: The History of Ireland, Ancient and Modern. Derived from Our Native Annals, from the Most Recent Researches of Eminent Irish Scholars and Antiquaries, from the State Papers, and from All the Resources of Irish History Now Available. Dublin 1867.
Schließen
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen In der übrigens sonst kritisch nicht
erwähnenswerthen:
„History of Ireland, Ancient
and Modern“ (Dublin 1867) von Martin
Haverty
, wird bemerkt:
»tanaisteacht (or tanistry)«, a law of succession,
bezog sich auf »transmission of titles, offices, and
authority«. Says Professor Curry: „There
was no invariable rule of succession … but according to the general tenor of
our ancient accounts the eldest son succeeded the
father to the exclusion of all collateral claimants, unless it
happened that he was disqualified etc. The eldest son, being thus recognised
and the presumptive heir and successor to the
dignity, was denominated tanaiste, that is,
minor or second, while all the other sons, or
persons that were eligible in case of his failure, were simply called righdhamhna, i.e. king-material,
or king-makings. This was the origin of tanaiste, a successor, and tanaisteacht,
successorship. The tanaiste had a separate [maintenance]
and establishment, as well as distinct privileges and liabilities. He was
inferior to the king or chief, but above all the other dignitaries of the
State. … Tanistry, in the Anglo-Norman sense, was not an original, essential
element of the law of succession, but a condition that might be adopted or
abandoned at any time by the parties concerned; and it does not appear that
it was at any time universal in Erin Erinn, although it prevailed in many parts of it. … alternate
tanaisteacht did not involve any disturbance of property, or of the people,
but only affected the position of the person
himself, whether king, chief, or professor of any of
the liberal arts, as the case might be; u. it was often set aside
by force.“ ⦗Prof. Curry
in:
Introduction to the
battle of Magh Leana, printed for the Celtic Society, Dublin,
1855
; quoted in
Haverty, Hist. of
Irld
, p. 49, wo es weiter heisst: »The primitive intention
was that the inheritance should descend „to the oldest and most worthy man
of the same name and blood,“ but practically this was giving it to the
strongest, and family feuds and intestine wars were
the inevitable consequence.« (
Haverty
, p. 49)⦘
By gavelkind (or gavail-kinne) ⦗common also to the Britons, Anglo-Saxons, Francs etc⦘
the property was divided equally between all the
sons, whether legitimate or otherwise …; but in addition to his own equal
share, which the eldest son obtained in common with his brothers, he
received the dwelling house and other buildings, which would have been Bei
Haverty, S. 50: retained
Schließen received by the father or kenfinè – Verwechslung von Marx.
Haverty, S. 50, Fn. *, verweist auf „the authority of Mr. Curry“,
allerdings nicht in Bezug auf die Bedeutung des Wortes Kenfinè. Für
Kenfinè gibt er an: „Four. Mast., vol. iv. p. 1147,
note. f“.
Schließen ⦗Dies Wort »Kenfinè« oder
[»]Cean-fine« was (nach Prof.
Curry) only applied to the
heads of minor families, and never to any kind of
chieftains⦘, if the division was made, as it frequently
was, in his own life-time. This extra share was given to the eldest brother
as head of the family, and in consideration of certain liabilities which he incurred for the
security of the family in general. If there were no sons, the property was
divided equally among the next male heirs of the deceased, ⦗nach Curry
: in default of any male issue daughters were allowed a life interest in property.⦘ whether
uncles, brothers, nephews or cousins; but the female line was excluded from
the inheritance. Sometimes a repartition of the lands of
a whole tribe, or family of several branches, became necessary, owing to
the extinction of some of the branches; but it does not appear that
any such confusion or injustice resulted from the law, as
is represented by Sir Bei
Haverty, S. 50: John Davies
Schließen
John Davis
and by other English
lawyers who have adopted his account of it. (p. 50. Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen He quotes:
„Dissertation on(?)
the Laws of the Ancient Irish“
, written by
Dr.
O’Brien
, author of the
Dictionary, but published anonymously by
Vallencey
in the
3d number of the „Collectanea de Reb. Hib.“)
The Tenure of land in Ireland was essentially a tribe or family right … all the members of a tribe
or family in Ireland had an equal right to their proportionate share of the
land occupied by the whole. The equality of title and blood thus enjoyed by
all must have created a sense of individual self-respect and mutual
dependence, that could not have existed under the Germanic and Anglo-Norman
System of vassalage. |174 The tenures of whole tribes were of
course frequently disturbed by war; and whenever a tribe
was driven or emigrated into a district where it had no hereditary
claim, if it obtained land it was on the payment
of a rent to the King of the district; these rents being in some
instances so heavy as to compel the strangers to seek for a home elsewhere.
(l.c. p. 50) (cf. ib. p. 28
Note
Zusatz
von Marx, der gewiss mit der der Folklore entstammenden Gestalt
bekannt war, weil sie als Fee in „Romeo and
Juliet“ von William Shakespeare auftritt. Siehe Haverty,
S. 28: „She [Maeve (Meadhbli) or Mab, or Maud] figures as the
heroine in many of the strange romances of the period [B. C. 142];
among the peasantry her memory has descended to the present day as
that of the queen of the Fairies of Connaught, and in her elfin
character, although greatly metamorphosed, she is immortalized as
the Queen Mab of English fairy mythology.“ Für das von Marx erwähnte
Beispiel siehe Haverty, S. 28, Fn. *, wo er über auf den Hebriden
ansässige Firbolgs berichtet, die, von den Pikten vertrieben, nach
Irland zurückkehrten. Dort durften sie sich zunächst in Meath
ansiedeln. Da sich der Pachtzins aber als zu hoch erwies, zogen sie
weiter nach Connaught, wo ihnen der König und seine Frau, die
legendäre Queen Méabh (Maeve), die im 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr. gelebt
haben soll, einen Streifen an der Küste zuwiesen.
Schließen angeblich ein Beispiel aus der Zeit der
Queen
Mab
!)
Umschreibung und
Kommentar von Marx. Bei Haverty, S. 51: None of the ancient Irish
laws has been so much decried by English writers as that of eric, or
mulet, by which crimes, including that of murder, were punished by
fines
Schließen Die Hünde v. Engländern – man kennt
die
Humanität dieser Bestien aus den Zeiten
Henry’s VIII, Elizabeth’s u. James I
! – machten gross
Geschrei über Irish compositio od. »eric«
; vergessend dass sich selbiges findet in Laws of
Athlestan Athelstan
, Leges Wallicae
(Howell Dda’s) etc. [(]see
l.c. p. 51 u. daselbst Note †.)
fosterage prevailed, up to a comparatively recent
period; Engl. gvt. machte oft stringent laws dagegen, to prevent the intimate
friendships which sprung up between the Anglo-Irish families and their
„mere“ Irish fosterers. By the statute
of Kilkenny, 40 Ed. III
(a.d. 1367)
wurden Fosterage and gossipred
Zusatz von Marx aus Samuel Johnson: A
dictionary of the English language: in which the words are deduced
from their originals, and illustrated in their different
significations by examples from the best writers; to which are
prefixed, a history of the language, and an English grammar.
In
2 vol. London 1755. Vol. 1. Marx könnte auch weitere Ausgaben
benutzt haben (z.B. 2. ed. London 1755/1756, 3. ed. London 1765, 4.
ed. London 1777, die zu „gossipred“ dieselben Angaben enthalten. In
anderen Ausgaben erscheint die Definition von Davies entweder nur
noch in verkürzter Form
(„[…]
by the canon law, is a spiritual affinity“) oder ohne die Angabe „on
Ireland“.
Schließen ⦗»gossipred or
compaternity, by the canon law, is a spiritual affinity; and the
juror, that was gossip to either of the parties, might, in former
times, have been challenged as not indifferent.« (
Davies on Ireland,
bei Dr.
Johnson
Dict. sub
voce: gossipred.)⦘
as well
as intermarriages, with the native Irish, declared
to be treason. Says
Giraldus
Cambrensis (Top. Hib. Dist. 3, ch. 23) „if any love
or faith is to be found among them Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (the
Irish), you must look for it among the fosterers and their
foster-children.“
Stanihurst, De reb. hib.
p. 49, says, the Irish loved
and confided in their foster-brothers more than their brothers by blood:
Alles
vertrauen sie ihnen an; in sie setzen sie ihre ganze Hoffnung;
alle
Pläne teilen sie genau mit
ihnen.
Und ebenso begegnen ihre
Milchbrüder
ihnen mit einem Höchstmaß an Vertrauen und Liebe.
conciliorum: So bei Haverty, S. 52, Fn.
*.
Schließen „Singula illis credunt; in eorum spe
requiescunt; omnium conciliorum consiliorum sunt maxime
conscii. Collactanei etiam eos fidelissime et
amantissime observant.“ See also
Harris’s Ware, v. II
, p. 72. (p. 51, 52 l.c.)
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen Eh wir fortfahren mit dem Maine, zunächst
zu bemerken dass
Siehe Haverty, S. 496.
Schließen
4 Juli 1605
Bei
Haverty, S. 494: James I
Schließen der elende Jacob I
Siehe Haverty, S. 494, Fn. *. Marx erwähnte
James Anderson im vorliegenden Heft schon an anderer Stelle. Siehe
die Sachanmerkung zu „(see
Anderson u. Macpherson) …“.
Schließen ⦗der zur Zeit der Elizabeth, before his accession den Katholikenfreund
gespielt u., wie Dr. Anderson
: „
Royal
Genealogies. p. 786“ sagt, „assisted the Irish
privately more than Spain did publicly“⦘
Siehe Haverty,
S. 496.
Schließen issued a proclamation, formally promulgating für
Irland the Act of Uniformity (2 1 Eliz.)
, and commanding the
„Popish clergy“ to depart from the realm. Im selben Jahr the ancient
Irish customs of tanistry u. gavelkind were abolished by a judgment of
the Court of King’s Bench, and the
inheritance of property was subjected to the rules of Englich
law.
Von Marx hier
eingefügter Auszug aus den „Lectures“ von Maine.
Die lumpacii: Bei Maine, S. 185: the Anglo-Irish
Judges
Schließen ⦗Die lumpacii affirmed the illegality of
the native Irish tenures of land; declared to be the English common law to be in force in Ireland, u. von
da the eldest son succeeded, as heir-at-law, both to lands which
were attached to a Signory and to estates which had been divided according to
the peculiar Irish custom of Gavelkind.
Maine. 185⦘
Bei Haverty, S. 496, Fn. *: Sir John Davis,
who was king James’s Attorney-General for Ireland
Schließen Der lausige Sir
John Davis
was King
James
[’]
Attorney-General for Ireland
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen u. für diesen Posten war natürlich entsprechender
Lump gewählt – ein ebenso »vorurtheilsfreier« u. uninterssirter
Patron wie der Elizabeths Arsch
küssende
Siehe Haverty, S. 428,
Fn. *.
Schließen Poet
Spencer.
(„State of Ireland“)
His remedy for the ills of Ireland, the
employment of large masses of troops „to tread down all
that standeth before them on foot, and lay on the ground all the
stiffnecked stiff-necked people of that land,“ u. zwar sollte that war
nicht nur im Sommer, sondern auch im Winter geführt werden, u. fährt
dann fort: „the end will be very short“ u.
describes in proof what he himself had witnessed in „the late wars
of Munster“
etc.
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen
[(]see den
weiteren Cannibalismus dieses Poeten bei
Haverty
, l.c. p. 428
Note.)
Zusammenfassung
von Marx in eigenen Worten und mit Kommentar. Siehe Haverty,
S. 497–500.
Schließen Der bewusste Zweck des
James
was »looting«, was der Bursche Colonisation nannte. Vertreibung u. Unterjochung
der Irish, u. Confiscation ihres Lands u. Habe, alles
das unter dem Prätext von Anti-Popery. 1607 O’Neill
u.
O’Donnell
, noch in possession of vast tracts of
country, the last great Irish chieftains, crushed. 1608 die Chiefs im Norden, Sir
Cahir
O’Doherty
etc crushed (ihr Revolt). Nun
6 counties of Ulster – Tyrone, Derry, Donegal, Fermanagh, Armagh u.
Cavan – confiscated to the Crown u. parcelled out among adventurers from England and
Scotland. Dazu benutzt Sir Arthur
Chichester
Es ging um die Frage,
wie mit den konfiszierten counties zu verfahren sei. Bei Haverty,
S. 500: Various plans were proposed for the purpose, and among
others, Lord Bacon was consulted; but his plan was disapproved
of.
Schließen (Bacon’s plan
gefiel nicht dem beastly fool James II I), the lord deputy, der zum Dank erhielt the wide
lands of Sir Cahir O’Doherty for his share in this
wholesale spoliation. (see
O’Donovan „Four Masters“).
Bei Haverty, S. 500: the wealthy citizens of
London
Schließen Die reichen Spiessbürger der London City
were the largest
participators in the plunder. They obtained 209,800 acres and rebuilt the city Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (i.e.
Derry) since then called Londonderry. Nach dem plan finally |175 adopted
for the „plantation of Ulster“ the lots into which
the lands were divided were classified into those containing 2000 acres, which were reserved for rich undertakers
and the
great servitors of the crown; those containing
1500 acres, which were allotted to servitors of the crown in Ireland, with permission
to take either English or Irish tenants; and,
thirdly, those containing 1000 acres, to be
distributed with still less restriction. The exclusion of the ancient
inhabitants, and the prescription proscription of the Catholic religion, were the fundamental principles to be
acted on as far as possible in this settlement.
Cox
says that in the
instructions, printed for the direction of the settlers, it was
especially mentioned „that they should not suffer any laborers, that would
not take the oath of supremacy, to dwell upon their land.“ (p. 497–500
l.c.)
Zusammenfassung von Marx in
eigenen Worten. Siehe Haverty, S. 501/503: Sir Arthur Chichester […]
conceived a plan for erecting a “Protestant ascendancy” in this
country. […] The deputy persuaded James that a parliament should be
called. […] large subsidies, which gratified the insatiable rapacity
of the monarch
Schließen
Irish Parlament, berufen
angeblich für „Protestant Ascendancy“, aber
namentlich auch um Geld für
James I
zu pressen (whose
[»]insatiable rapacity« u. stete
Geldnoth notorious[)]. (p. 501–503
l.c.)
Da der Raub vermittelst der „plantation“ so gut
gelungen, suchte James I Sache jetzt auf
andre Theile Irlands auszudehnen; appointed
commission of inquiry to scrutinize the titles and determine the rights of
all the lands in Leinster; commissioners worked
so rapidly, that in a little time land to the extent of 385,000 acres placed
at James’s disposal Bei Haverty, S. 503, Fn. *: This silly,
pedantic despot, whom his flatterers styled the ‟British Solomon,”
and who has been lauded by Hume and others for his Irish
legislation
Schließen ⦗dieser »silly, pedantic fool«, der „British Solomon“ lauded by
Hume
⦘ for distribution. Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Weiters darüber p. 501–505 l.c.) See
Leland
. Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen Der puritanisch
thuende ruffian
Arthur Chichester
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗der für jede neue Infamy
additional grant of Irish lands erhielt u.
den Title: Baron of Belfast, hatte 1616
sein Werk gethan u. withdrew from the Irish government⦘
laid down as the punishment of jurors who would not find
for the King on „sufficient evidence“
was
the Star-Chamber; sometimes they were „pillored pilloried with loss of ears, and bored through the tongue, and sometimes
marked on the forehead with a hot iron etc.“
(Commons’ Journal. V. I, p. 307.)
(l.c. p. [504,] 505, note †).
Der folgende Passus in einem der »famous«
Bemerkung
von Marx.
Schließen (why not »infamous«?) cases in which the Anglo-Irish Judges
affirmed the illegality of the native Irish tenures of land: „Before the
establishment of the (English) common law, all the possessions within the
Irish territories ran either in course of Tanistry or in
course of Gavelkind. Every Signory or Chiefry with the portion of land
which passed [with] it went without partition to the
Tanist, who always came in by election or
with the strong hand, and not by
descent; but all inferior tenanties were
partible between males in Gavelkind.‟ (Sir J. Davis’
Reports; „Le Cas de Gavelkind“, Hil. 3[,] Jac. 1, before all the Judges.)
(p. 185)
Kommentar von Marx. Bei
Maine, S. 186: there is a strong reason for thinking that Tanistry
is the form of succession from which Primogeniture
descended
Schließen ⦗Dass Tanistry (see
die vorigen Ausz. aus
Haverty
) eine ältere
Form (archaische) der Primogenitur,
ist keine Entdeckung des Herrn Maine, sondern wie
die Auszüge aus Haverty zeigen war von Dr.
O’Brien,
Prof. Curry
etc lang
vorher als fact angenommen. Es beruht einfach darauf, dass
der
Chef
– sei es des der gens, sei es des tribe – theoretisch gewählt, praktisch vererbbar in der
Familie (u. für tribe, rather die gens) der
der defunct Chief angehört; meist ältester Sohn, relativ Onkel
(modificirt durch descent linie); ist bereits eignes Land verbunden mit
der function, so geht dies natürlich mit der
Function.⦘
Von Gavelkind
Siehe John Davies:
Historical Relations … Dublin 1664.
Schließen sagt
Sir
John
Davis
: „By the Irish custom of Gavelkind, the inferior tenanties were partible among all the males of
the Sept, both Bastards and Legitimate; and, after partition made,
if any one of the Sept had died, his portion was not
divided among his sonnes, but the Chief of the
Sept made a new partition of all the lands belonging to that Sept,
and gave every one his part according to his
antiquity.“ (186) Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Die
Irish Sept = Gens.⦘
Skene citirt observation eines engl. Engineer
officer in den Highlands about 1730: „They (the
Highlanders) are divided into tribes or clans under
chiefs or chieftains, and each clan is again divided into
branches from the main stock, wo who have chieftains over them. They are subdivided into smaller branches of 50 or 60 men, who deduce their
original from their |176 particular chieftains
.“
(
Skene: „Highlanders“
I, p. 156) Was Davis describes passirt
ähnlich in a Hindoo Joint Family in case of death of
one of his its members. (187) Dort nämlich, all the property being brought into
the „common chest or purse“, the lapse of any one life would have the
effect, potentially if not actually, of distributing the dead man’s share
among all the kindred united in the family group. And if, on a dissolution
of the Joint family, the distribution of its effects were not per capita but per stirpes,
this would correspond to Davis’s Chief giving to
each man „according to his antiquity“. (p. 187, 188)
Zusammenfassung von Marx
in eigenen Worten. Siehe Maine, S. 188/189: There is […] nothing
extraordinary in our finding, among the ancient usages of the Irish,
an institution savouring so much of the “natural communism” of the
primitive forms of property as this Irish Gavelkind. […] As the
common ancestry fades away into indistinctness, and the community
gers to consider itself less an assemblage of blood-relations than a
body of co-villagers, […] re-divisions of the land among the whole
community, whether at fixed periods or at a death., become rarer and
rarer, and at last cease altogether, or survive only as a
tradition.
Schließen Gavelkind entspringt aus der gleichen
od. period. Theilung des Landes in rural commune;
zuletzt »the descendants Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (aber vorher dies auch schon bei
Lebzeit) of the latest holder take his property, to the
exclusion of everybody else u. die rights of the portion of the
community outside the family dwindle to a veto on
sales, or to a right of controlling the modes of cultivation.«
(189)
Das was in Davis’ Report (sieh oben) in
Widerspruch scheint mit den
Brehon Laws, u. a. mit Corus
Bescna (which deals with rights over tribal
lands) ist dass er ausser rule of Tanistry nur die
of »Gavelkind« kennt, Bei Maine,
S. 190/191: They show us proprietary right […] which is hard to
reconcile with the degree of “natural communism” […] and we shall
presently have to discuss some very singular rules of succession,
which, however they may affect the Family, certainly seem to excude
the Sept.
Schließen während in
Brehon laws andre (nicht tribal oder gentilician) »property«
excluding the »Sept«. Dr. Sullivan
in
Introduc.
(Breh. Laws) ,
p. CLXX) says: „According to the Irish custom,
property descended at first only to the male heirs of the body, each son
receiving an equal share … Ultimately, however, daughters appear to have
become entitled to inherit all, if there were no sons.“ (Dies analog dem Gavelkind of Kent.) Corus
Bescna implies that under certain circumstances land might be permanently alienated, at all events to the Church. (191) Ist möglich, dass in certain time
the Irish Gavelkind
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (in dem strict sense der
Vertheilung unter Sept des Landes
des defunct), the modern Gavelkind known to Kent, and many
forms of succession intermediate between the two, co-existed in Ireland. The
Brehon writers als lawyers u. friends of the Church
Zusatz von Marx. – Seth Pecksniff, Gestalt aus
dem Roman „Martin Chuzzlewit“ (1844) von Charles Dickens; danach:
Pecksniff = scheinheilig, heuchlerisch.
Schließen ⦗»Comfortable« Maine adds in his usual
Peckniff Pecksniff
unctuosity: »and (it may
be) as well[-]wishers to
their country«.⦘ sehr biassed für descent of property in individual
families. (193)
Beständig kam vor in Irland u. schott. Highlands dass a Chief, ausser domain appertaining to his office, had a great
estate held under what the English lawyers deemed the inferior tenure. 2 Beispiele on record wo 2
grosse Irish Chiefs distributed such estates among their
kindred. Im 14 Jhdt
Connor
More
O’Brien
assigned the bulk of the estate to the various families
of the Sept formed by his own relatives
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen
(Also Gens), behielt sich
nur ½ of a 3d = ⅙ vor, u. dies ⅙ divided er unter
his 3 sons, reserving only a rent to himself. Am Ende des 15. Jhdts
Donogh
O’Brien
, son of Brien
Duff
, son of
Connor,
King of Thomond, divided all his land unter seine 11 sons, reservirte
für sich nur mansion u. the demesne in his vicinity. Diese 2 cases getrennt
durch a century. Im ersten Fall das land had remained
in a state of indivision während
several generations; im 2ten had been periodically
divided. Der Connor More O’Brien distributed the inheritance of a Bei Maine,
S. 194: joint family
Schließen Sept; Donogh
O’Brien
that of a family. (
Vallancey: „Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis“
I, 264,
265. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen Cf. Haverty. Maine exploits former Irish
writers without naming them.)
Connor
More O’Brien scheint Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!) to have paid regard to the various stirpes or stocks, worin die gens
sich branched out; entsprechend was Davis sagt dass der chief divided a lapsed share
between the members of a sept „according to their
antiquity“. In der most archaic form der Joint Family
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (soll heissen Gens) u. der institution which grew out of it,
the Village[-]Community, diese distributions per
capita, Bei Maine, S. 195: Under a more advanced
system
Schließen später distribution per
stripes, wo careful attention is paid to the lines into which the
descendants of the ancestor of the joint-family
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (read: gens) have separated,
and separate rights are reserved to them. Finally, the stocks themselves escape from the sort of shell constituted by the
Joint Family Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Gens); each man’s
share of the property, now periodically divided,
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen (diesen Uebergang
der period. gleichen Theilung
erklärt Maine nicht) is distributed among his direct descendants at
his death. At this point, property in its modern form has been established; but the Joint
family has not wholly ceased to influence successions. Kommentar
von Marx.
Schließen ⦗keineswegs ist dadurch »property in his its modern form« established; see Russian
communes f.i.⦘ Fehlen direct descendants, it is even now the
rules of the Joint Family which determine the taking of Bei Maine, S. 196:
the
Schließen its inheritance. Collateral
successions, when distant, follow the more primitive form – per capita; when they are those
of the nearer kindred
Bei Maine,
S. 196: they are adjusted to its more modern shape, and
are
Schließen …
per stirpes. (193–96)|
Die
Theilung bei Lebzeiten, die sich bei beiden Chiefs
findet, auch in Hindoo Joint-Family; auch
Laertes
in
Odyssee
, the Old Chief, Bei Maine, S. 196: in
the decay of his vigour
Schließen wenn
krackschelig, parts with his power u.
retains but part of the property he has administered; dagegen der
»poorer freeman« wird einer der „Senior“ pensioners des tribe so
often referred to in the tracts
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (Brehon). (196)
Umschreibung von Marx mit Kommentaren. Siehe
Maine, S. 196: Precisely the same practice is recognised, and even
(as some think) enjoined, by the more archaic bodies of Hindoo
jurisprudence. The principle is that the right of each member of a
family accrues at his birth; and, as the family has in theory a
perpetual existence, there is no particular reason why, if the
property is divided at all, it should be exclusively divided at a
death. The power of distributing inheritances vested in the Celtic
chiefs has been made the basis of some very doubtful
theories
Schließen ⦗Es ist modernes Vorurtheil
die
Theilung post mortem, hervorgegangen aus
der
testamentarischen Erbschaft, als
etwas Specifisches zu betrachten. Das Eigenthum an Land
z. B., common selbst nach Verwandlung in
privates Familieneigenthum, nämlich common
property der family, worin jeder seinen ideellen Antheil
hat, bleibt so nach Tod, sei es dass die Familie
zusammenbleibt, sei es dass sie faktisch
theilt; folgt daher dass die
Theilung, wenn der Chief der family
(od. wie bei Hindoo joint-family der
gewählte od. erbliche Repräsentant der
family dazu gezwungen wird durch die
co-parceners) will, bei seinen Lebzeiten stattfindet.
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen Die ganz falsche Vorstellung des Maine, der die
Privatfamilie, wenn in Indien auch in
der Form, worin sie dort existirt, – u. zwar in
den Städten mehr als auf dem Land, u. bei
den Grundrentbeziehern mehr als bei den
wirklichen arbeitenden Gliedern einer village community – als
die
Basis betrachtet, woraus sich Sept u. Clan
entwickeln etc, zeigt sich auch in folgender
Phrase: Nachdem er gesagt, dass die
»power of distributing inheritances vested in the Celtic
Chiefs« essentially dieselbe Institution sei, die dem »Hindoo
father« reserved ist durch die »Mitakshara«, Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen fährt er fort: »It is part of
the prerogative
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen (eselhafter Ausdruck für die gens u.
Tribeverhältnisse) belonging to the representative of the Bei
Maine, S. 196: purest
Schließen poorest
blood
in the joint family; but in proportion as the Joint
Family, Sept, or Clan becomes more
artificial, the power of distribution tends
more and more to look like mere administrative
authority.« (196, 197) Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen Die Sache
ist grad umgekehrt. Für Maine, der sich die English Private
family after all nicht aus dem Kopf schlagen kann,
erscheint diese ganz natürliche Function des
Chief of gens, weiter of Tribe, natürlich grade weil er ihr
Chief ist (u. theoretisch immer
»gewählter«) als »artificial« u. »mere administrative authority«,
während die Willkühr des
modernen pater familias grade »artificial« ist, wie die
Privatfamily selbst, vom archaischen Standpunkt.⦘
In einigen systems of Hindoo law, hat der Vater, der
bei Lebzeiten das Eigenthum vertheilt, das
Recht to retain a double share u. nach einigen
Hindoo customs, nimmt der älteste Sohn, wenn
das patrimony theilend mit seinen Brüdern, 2× grösseren Antheil als die anderen. Aehnlich „the birthright“ of the Hebrew patriarchal history.
Dies nicht zu verwechseln mit Recht of the rule of
Primogeniture
. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Sieh
oben
Haverty
, zum
Beweis, dass die
irischen Vorgänger des Herrn Maine dies lange vor ihm constatirt hatten, wo sie
diese Ungleichheit bei Gavelkind sehr genau
scheiden von Tanistry u. auf Pflichten des ältesten
Sohns etc reduciren.⦘
Kommentar von Marx. Siehe
Maine, S. 197: But the double share is rather given as the reward or
(perhaps we should say) the security for impartial distribution, and
we find it often
Schließen Er sucht sich dann the double share plausible zu
machen (sie sei »reward or security for impartial distribution«
(!)[)] u. bemerkt, das sei
oft coupled with the right to take
exclusively such things deemed incapable of Bei
Maine, S. 197: partition
Schließen division
, the family house, f.i., and certain
ustensils. Statt des
ältesten Sohns dies Privileg manchmal dem jüngsten Sohn zufallend. (197) Primogenitur unbekannt Griechen u. Römern u. Semiten. (Juden u. a. auch) Aber wir finden als familiar fact dass des
letzten Königs ältester Sohn ihm folgt; die
griech. Philosophen speculiren auch dass in älterem
status of society, smaller groups of men, families u.
villages, governed by eldest son after eldest son. (198)
Auch beim Einfall der
Bei Maine, S. 199:
Teutonic races
Schließen
Teutonic
Barbars
in West Europa
Primogenitur nicht die gewöhnliche Regel der Nachfolge.
Das
Allodial Property des Teutonic freeman –
theoretisch der share he had got bei Bei Maine, S. 199: original
settlement of the brotherhood to which he belonged on their
domain
Schließen original Erobrungssettlement des tribe
etc, wenn getheilt, gleich
getheilt zwischen Söhnen od. auch zwischen
Söhnen u. Töchtern. Doch erscheint erst mit diesen Barbaren
Primogenitur rasch ausgebreitet über Westeuropa. Umschreibung mit
Kommentaren von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 199: At this point, however, we
encounter another difficulty. The Primogeniture which first meets us
is not uniformly the Primogeniture with which we are now familiar.
The right of the eldest son sometimes gives way to the right of the
eldest male relative of the deceased
Schließen Und nun findet Maine neue Schwierigkeit, die jedoch nur aus
seiner Unbekanntschaft mit Wesen der
Gens herstammt, nämlich dass statt ältesten Sohns the eldest male relative of the deceased
eintritt
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen (dies bei Vorherrschen
der gens das Normale, da der eldest
male relative – wo female descent also superseded – näher dem Vater des deceased als der son des
deceased) oder dass neither the
succesion of the eldest son nor that of the eldest relative could take
effect without election or confirmation by the members of the aggregate
group to which they belong. (199)
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Dies ist noch normaler
als alles andere; dass der Chief immer theoretisch elective bleibt, only selbstverständlich,
within the gens, resp. within the tribe.⦘
Bei Maine, S. 199: As usual, we have to look
for living illustrations of the ancient system to the usages of the
Hindoos.
Schließen Um sich letzteren Punkt |178 klar zu
machen, flüchtet Herr Maine wieder zu seiner beliebten Hindoo Joint Family
, wo nach Tod des Familienhaupts, wenn
die Familie separates, gleiche Theilung stattfindet; wenn
nicht, election, meist ältester Sohn; wenn dieser
Bei Maine, S. 200: a brother of the deceased manager, who, on the
score of greater age, is assumed to be better qualified than his
nephew for administration and business.
Schließen als improper
set
aside, nicht sein Sohn, sondern meist der brother of deceased
[zum] manager gewählt; so sort of mixture of election and doubtful succession, was auch gefunden
wird in the early examples of European primogeniture. (200) Bei Maine, S. 200: The veneration of the Tribe
is not attracted by individuals of the Chieftain’s family, but by
the family itself, as representing the purest blood of the entire
brotherhood. It chooses its head and leader […] from this
family
Schließen So der
Tribe Chief gewählt from the Chieftains Chieftain’s family »as representing the poorest purest blood of the entire brotherhood«
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Blödsinn, wenn von wirklich primitive communities
Rede. See f.i. Red Indian Iroquois. Umgekehrt, weil meist die Wahl
traditionell in derselben, od. gewissen gentes fortführt u.
dann wieder in einer bestimmten Familie derselben gens, mag diese
später, unter changed circumstances als »representing the poorest purest blood« gelten.⦘ u. instances of the choice being
systematically made from 2 families Bei Maine, S. 201: in
alternation
Schließen in
succession. (200[, 201]) Kommentar von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 200/201:
The importance, meanwhile, of the Chief to the Tribe has rather
increased than diminished, since he is no longer merely
administrator of its civil affairs but its leader in war. […] But
the necessity of having a military leader in the vigour of his
physical and mental powers is much too imperious to admit of his
choice being invariably deferred to the death of the ruling Chief,
or to allow of the election falling universally or even generally on
his son.
Schließen Ist auch reine
Fiktion
des Herrn Maine, dass der war
chief ursprünglich der Tribe chief ist. Dieser
wurde umgekehrt nach seinen individual capacities gewählt.
Spenser
, aus dem Maine
folgende Stelle citirt, ist authority good enough
for stating the facts he saw, but their origin cannot be elucidated
from Spenser’s plausible reasons for the facts observed. Folgendes
die Stelle aus Spenser: „It is a custom among all the Irish that
presently after the death of any of their chief lords or captains, they do
presently assemble themselves to a place generally appointed and known to unto them to choose another in his stead, where they do nominate and elect for the most part, not the eldest son, nor any of the children of the lord deceased, but
the next to him of blood that is eldest and worthiest, as commonly the next
brother if he have any, or the next cousin,
[and so forth,] as any is elder in that kindred or
sept; and then, next to him; then, next to him, they choose the next of the
blood to be Tanaist, who shall succeed him in the next said Captaincy if he live thereunto … For when their Captain
dieth, if the Signory should descend to his child, and he perhaps an infant,
another might peradventure step in between or thrust him out by strong hand,
being then unable to defend his right and to withstand the force of a
forreiner; and therefore they do appoint the eldest of the kin to have the
Signory, for that commonly he is a man of stronger year years and better experience to maintain the inheritance and to defend
the country … And to this end the Tanaist is always ready known, if it
should happen to the Captain suddenly to die, or to be slain in battle, or
to be out of the country, to defend and keep it from all such dangers.“ (Spenser: „View of the State of Ireland“
“
)
(bei Maine p. 201, 202) Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen Maine, der gar nicht
erwähnt
(cp. oben
Haverty
) was
die Irisch writers gesagt, giebt als seine
Entdeckung: »Primogeniture,
considered as a rule of succession to property, appears to me a product of tribal leadership in its decay.« (20 202) Glanville ( Bei Maine, S. 203:
in the later part of the reign of Henry the Second
Schließen unter Henry II,
wahrscheinlich 1186
)
writes mit Bezug auf English military tenures: „When
anyone dies, leaving a younger son and a grandson, the child of his eldest
son, a great doubt exists as to which of the two the law prefers in the
succession to the other, whether the son or the grandson. Some think the
younger son has more right to the inheritance than the grandson … but others
incline to think that the grandson ought to be preferred to his uncle.“
(Glanville,
VII, 7 3) Ebenso disputes among Highland families about the title to the
chieftaincy of particular clans. (l.c. 203) Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen Maine
versteht den ganzen case nicht; meint der Onkel
z. B. gewählt, weil mehr wehrhaft; dagegen sobald times
had become friedlicher unter central authority of a king »the value of strategical capacity in the humbler chiefs would
diminish, and in the smaller brotherhoods the respect for purity of blood would have unchecked play.«
([202,] 203) Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Dies reiner
Blödsinn. Die Sach’ ist allmälig Ueberwiegen
(zusammenhängend mit Entwicklung v.
Privatgrundeigenthum) der Einzelfamilie über die
Gens. Des Vaters Bruder näher dem ihnen
beiden gemeinschaftlichen Stammhaupt als, als irgend einer der Söhne des Vaters; also der Onkel der
Söhne näher als einer von diesen selbst. Nachdem schon mit Bezug auf
die Familie die Kinder des Vaters
theilen, u. die gens nur noch wenig od. gar nicht an
der Erbschaft betheiligt, kann für öffentliche
Funktionen,
also gens chief, tribe chief etc noch
die alte gens rule vorwiegend bleiben;
nothwendig entsteht aber struggle zwischen beiden.⦘ Dieselbe
Streitfrage arose zwischen den descendants of daughters in
der controversy zwischen Bruce u. Baliol über
Krone von Schottland. (204) (
Edward I
liess für Baliol entscheiden; danach
die descendants of an elder child must be exhausted before
those of the younger had a title.) Sobald der
älteste Sohn statt des uncle folgte to »the humbler
chieftaincies«, he doubtless also obtained that „portion of land attached to
the Signory which went without partition to the Tanistry Tanaist“. (204) So »the ›demesne‹, as it was afterwards called, assumed
more and more the character of of mere property descending according to the rule of primogeniture.«
(p. 204)|
Nach u. nach dann this principle of primogeniture extended from the demesne to all the estates of the holder of the Signory, however acquired, and ultimately determined the law of succession for the privileged classes throughout feudalised Europe. (204, 5) French „Parage“ under which the near kinsmen of the eldest son still took an interest in the family property, but held it of him as his Peers. (205)
Unter act of the 12th year of
Elizabeth
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (1570) the Lord Deputy was empowered to take
surrenders and regrant estates to the Irishry. „The Irish Lords“, says
Davis
,
„made surrenders of entire countries and obtained grants of the whole again
to themselves only, and none other, and all in demesne. In passing of which
grants, there was no care taken of the inferior septs of
people … So that upon every such surrender or grant, there was but one freeholder made in a whole country, which was the
lord himself; all the rest were
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗made durch Elizabeth’s Act⦘ but tenants at
will, or rather tenants in villenage.“ (bei Maine p. 207)
In Brehon Laws (Book of
Aicill)
namentlich, Third Vol. Irish family getheilt in Geilfine, Deirbhfine, Iarfine u. Indfine (wovon die 3 letzteren übersetzt: the True, the After u.
die
End Families)[.]
[208] Der Editor des Third Volume (Brehon Laws, worin das
Book of Aicill) sagt: „Within the Family, 17 members
were organized in 4 divisions, of which the junior
class, known as the Geilfine division,
consisted of 5 persons; die Deirbhfine – 2nd in order, Iarfine –
3d in order, and the Indfine – the senior of all – consisted
respectively of 4 persons. The whole organization consisted, and could only
consist, of 17 members. Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗(4×4+5 3×4+5.)⦘ If any person was born into
the Geilfine division, its eldest member
was promoted into the Deirbhfine, the eldest member of
the Deirbhfine passed into the Iarfine, the
eldest member of the Iarfine moved into the Indfine, and the eldest member
of the Infine Indfine passed out of the organization altogether. It would appear that
this transition from a lower to a higher grade took place upon the itroduction of new members, not upon the death of
the seniors.“ (citirt bei Maine, 209)
Kommentar
von Marx.
Schließen Nach Maine (Bei diesem Bursch nöthig die
Irländer zu vergleichen): any member of the Jointfamily Joint-family
or Sept might be selected as the starting[-point], and become a root from which sprung as
many of these groups of 17 men as he had sons. Sobald einer dieser Söhne
4 Kinder hat, ist a full Geilfine sub-group formed
of 5 persons; wird ein neues male Kind (Sohn) zugeboren, diesem
Sohn or to any of his male descendants, so das
älteste Glied der Geilfine sub-group – provided
always he were not the person from whom it had sprung – sent into the
Deirbhfine. A succession of such births completed the Deirbhfine Division,
and went on to form the Iarfine and the Infine Indfine, the After and the End Families; die
5te Person in der
Geilfine division soll sein the parent von dem die
16 descendants spring; er scheint to be referred to in the tracts as the
Geilfine Chief. ([209,] 210)
The Geilfine group is several times stated by the
Brehon lawyers to be at once the highest and the
youngest.
Whitley
Stokes
told dem Maine, dass Geilfine = hand-family; nämlich „Gil“ sei = hand (also the rendering of
O’Curry
) and sei in fact =
χείρ; u. hand in several Aryan languages = power, namentlich für family or patriarchal
power; so, in Greek, ὑποχείριος u. χέρης, for the person under the hand;
latin. „herus“ (master) von an old word, cognate to
χείρ; ebenso lat. manus, in manu
etc.[,] in Celtic „Gilla“. (a servant, bei Walter
Scott
„Gillie“) (216, 217) Bei Maine, S. 217: My suggestion, then, is
Schließen Hence
der gewaltige Gedanke des Maine, dass
hinter dieser Irish distribution der Family die
Patria Potestas u. founded ( Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen die Eintheilung) on the order of emancipation von Paternal authority. The
Geilfine, die Hand family, consists of
father u. 4 natural or adoptive sons immediately under his power;
die other groups of emancipated
descendants diminishing in dignity in proportion to their distance
from the group which … constitutes the true or representative |180
family. (217) Aehnlich in Roman family, wo die
emancipated members der family underwent a capitis
diminutio.
(218)
The Irish division of the Family seems only to have been wichtig mit Bezug auf law of succession after death. Aber dies rule in all societies. When the ancient constitution of the Family has ceased to effect affect anything else, it affects inheritance. (219)
Die authors der Brehon law tracts oft compare the Geilfine Division der family der human hand. Dr. Sullivan says: „as they represented the roots of the spreading branches of the Family, the they were called the cuic mera na Fine or the ‘five fingers of the Fine’.“ (p. 220) Patria potestas referred to in the Irish tracts as the father’s power of „judgment, proof, and witness“ over his sons. (l.c.) See Tylor über »Finger-Counting«, in „Primitive culture“. Weil menschliche Hand 5 Finger zählt, 5 a primitive natural maximum number. Early English Township represented by the Reeve and the 4 men; the Indian punchayet. (221)
„Borough English“, unter which law the youngest son and not the eldest
succeeds to the burgage-tenements of his father.
(222)
Blackstone
, um dies zu erklären, citirt von
Duhalde that the custom of descent to the
youngest son prevails among the Tartars; sobald die
älteren Sons fähig to lead a pastoral life, verliessen sie den father to
migrate »with a certain allotment of cattle«, and go
to seek a new habitation. Der
younges youngest, who continues longest with his father, is naturally the heir of
his house, the rest being already provided for. (222) Wenn die Brüder das Erbe unter sich verteilen,
soll der Jüngste das tygdyn, d.h. die
Gebäude ihres Vaters, und, sofern vorhanden, acht Morgen Land
haben.
Schließen In den
leges Wallicae, diese Gewohnheit für all
welsh cultivating villeins: „Cum fratres inter se
dividant hereditatem haereditatem, junior debet habere tygdyn, i.e. aedificia patris sui, et octo acras de terrâ, si
habuerint“. (
L. Wall.
v. II, p. 780), ausserdem certain ustensils; the other sons are
to divide what remains. (223). Der youngest, remaining under patria potestas, preferred to the others. (l.c.)
Primogeniture … comes … from the Chief (of Clan); „Borough English“ wie „Geilfine“ dagegen von ancient conception of family
as linked with patria potestas. (l.c. 223, 224)
Das Irish word Fine – in the Brehon Laws –
used for die family Bei Maine, S. 231: as we
ordinarily understand it
Schließen in present
sense, für den
Sept, für Tribe
etc. (231)
Irish family liess Adoption zu; . The Sept admitted Strangers on stated conditions, the Fine Taccair; der Tribe included refugees from other tribes, die nur in Zusammenhang mit ihm durch Chief. (231, 232)
In Dr. Sullivan’s introduction he traces the origin of Guilds to the grazing partnerships common among the ancient Irish; the same words used to describe bodies of co-partners, formed by contract, and bodies of co-heirs or co-parceners formed by common descent. (232)
Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 236:
The words signifying “family” or “tribe” and “kinship” are applied
to all the religious bodies created by this process. Each monastic
house, with its monks and bishops, constitutes a “family” or
“tribe;” […] The same appellation is given to the collective
assemblage of religious houses formed by the parent monastery and
the various churches or monastic bodies sprung from it. These make
up together the “tribe of the saint,” but this last expression is
not exclusively employed with this particular meaning.
Schließen „Tribe of Saints“ or
Verwandtschaftsideen applied to monastic house
with its monks and bishops, ebenso to the collective assemblage of
religious houses etc. (p. 236,
sq.[)]
the abbot of the parent house and all the abbots of the minor houses are the
„comharbas“ od. co-heirs of the saint. (l.c.) An
entire sub-tract in the Senchus
Mor devoted to the Law of Fosterage,
setting out with the greatest minuteness the rights and duties attaching to
all parties when the children of another family were received for nurture
and education. (241, sq. ) It is classed with »Gossipred«
Zusammenfassung von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 240/241: Spiritual
Relationship […] closely assimilate itself to
blood-relationship
Schließen (religious
Verwandtschaft). (p. [241,] 242)
Zusammenfassung von Marx
mit Kommentar. Bei Maine, S. 242: It seemed to them [English
critics] monstrous that the same mother’s milk should produce in
Ireland the same affections as did common paternity in their own
country.
Schließen ⦗the same mother’s
milk given to children of different origin. Dies reminds
one das
Mutterrecht and the rules flowing from it;
but Maine noch unbekannt hiermit, it
seems.⦘
»Literary Fosterage«. (p. 242, sq.) Die
Brehon lawyers selbst sind betrachtet by the English
writers who have noticed them as a caste. Nach
evidence der Irish records jedoch anyone who went through a
particular training might become a Brehon. Zur Zeit wo Ireland began to be
examined by English observers, the art and knowledge der Brehon had become
hereditary in certain families attached to or
dependent on the Chiefs of particular tribes. Dieser selbe change has
obviously occurred with a vast number of trades and
professions in India, jetzt popularly called castes. Bei Maine,
S. 245: The difficulty with a native of India, unsophisticated by
English ideas, is not to find a reason why
Schließen Mit a native Indian schwer zu
verstehn why z. B. a son should
not succeed to the learning of a his father, and consequently his office and duties. Bei Maine,
S. 245: The States governed by native Indian Princes are becoming a
good deal Anglicised
Schließen In den
States von Engl. Indien governed by native
princes
, is it is still praktisch allgemeine rule that office
is hereditary. Aber dies erklärt nicht the growth of those castes which are definite
sections of great populations. Nur eine einzige dieser castes really survives in India,
that of the Brahmins u. it is strongly suspected that the whole literary theory of Caste, which is of Brahmin origin, is based on the existence of the
Brahmin caste alone. ([244,] 245) Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 247/248: We have thus
strong reason for thinking that societies still under the influence
of primitive thought labour under a certain incapacity for regarding
men, grouped together by virtue of any institutions whatsoever, as
connected otherwise than through blood-relationship. […] We have
seen the general complexion of Irish society giving its colour to
institutions of all sorts
Schließen Bei den Irish gesehn wie all sorts of groups of men considered as connected
through blood relationship (247); so »associations of
kinsmen shading off into assemblages of partners and guild-brothers –; foster parentage, spiritual parentage, and preceptorship |181 (Teacher and pupil) taking their hue from natural paternity –
ecclesiastical organization blending with tribal organization.[«] (248)
Grösster Theil des Senchus Mor – the largest Brehon law tract – handelt v. Distress. Es handelt sich hier um Procedur, die bei den Rechtsanfängen das wichtigste.
Gemeint ist die von Barthold Niebuhr 1816 in
der Bibliothek des Domkapitels von Verona entdeckte überschriebene
Handschrift der „Institutiones“ des Gaius, die Johann Friedrich Ludwig Göschen
1820 erstmals publiziert hatte.
Schließen Im Anfang des
Book IV des 1816 von
Niebuhr
disenterred disinterred manuscript of
Gajus
fragmentary u. imperfect account of
the old Legis actiones.
[250, 251]
William Smith: A Latin-English Dictionary, Based Upon the Works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 14 (insb. „actio“), 634 („lex“) und 955 („repetundae“).
Schließen
actio generally = Bei Smith, S. 14: a doing, performing,
action
Schließen Handlung, Vollbringung, That. (
Cic. N.D.
[Eine solche
Behauptung] nimmt den Göttern [nicht nur] jede göttliche Bewegung
und Betätigung (Übers. Wolfgang Gerlach und Karl
Bayer.)
Schließen »Deos spoliat motu et actione divina.[«]
actio vitae id
. Off. I. 5 (= vital
action
[)]; ferner
=actiones
= public functiones functions or duties, wie actio consularis; dann: negotiation, deliberation wie: » Denn durch ihren [der
Konsuln] Abgang ist es mit der Aktion für den Frieden vorbei.
(Übers. Helmut Kasten.)
Schließen discessu consulum actio de pace
sublata est etc«; political measures or proceedings, addresses of the magistrates to the
People;
Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Maine,
S. 251.
Schließen nun kommen wir aber zum sense worin legis actio
: an action, suit, process
with a defining genitive: actio
furti action for theft; auch mit de: »actio de repetundis«
Siehe Smith,
S. 955, unter „repetundae“: money or other things extorted or
dishonestly taken by any magistrate, and which he might be compelled
by a prosecution to refund
Schließen action (prosecution) for refunding money extorted
by magistrates. actionem
alicui intendere, actionem instituere (bring an action action against
somebody).
» [weil]
vielen das Klagerecht und der Rechtsanspruch verlorenging (Übers.
Hans Jürgen Hilen.)
Schließen Multis actiones
(processes, suits) et res (the
property in suit) peribant.[«]
Liv.
)
Daher allgemein: a legal formula or form of process
Siehe Smith, S. 446, unter „formula“: Legal t. t. an established
mode of expression or procedure, a form, formula in judicial
proceedings
Schließen (procedure) » Daher stammt
ja auch die berühmte Klageformel: mit deiner Hilfe und nach deinem
Plan, behaupte ich, ist der Diebstahl verübt (Übers. Wolfgang
Gerlach und Karl Bayer.)
Schließen inde illa actio: ope consilioque tuo, furtum ajos ajo factum esse«. actiones
Manilianae, forms relative to purchase and sale.) »Dare alicui actionem«, Permission to
bring an action, which was the office of the Prätor. Siehe Smith, S. 44, unter
„ago“: Of proceedings in a court of justice: rem
agere
Schließen
»Rem agere ex jure, lege, causa
etc« to bring an action, to manage a cause or
suit.
Siehe Maine, S. 251:
Legis Actio […] may be conjectured to have been the substantive form
of the verbal expression, legem or lege agere, and to have been equivalent to
what we now call Procedure.
Schließen
Lege, respective legem – agere
, to proceed according to law, mode of executing law, to execute a sentence. » er hatte mittels einer gesetzlichen
Sprachformel auf die Erbschaft seines Vaters geklagt als der Sohn,
der keinen Anteil an der Erbschaft hatte. (Übers. Theodor
Nüßlein.)
Schließen Lege
egit in hereditatem paternam exheres filius.« (Cic. De Orat.
I, 38.)
Bei Maine, S. 251/252: I suppose that
originally lex […] and legis actio, corresponded roughly to what
many centuries afterwards were called Substantive and Adjective Law,
the law declaring rights and duties […] On the expression […]
Adjective Law, with which Bentham and his school have familiarised
us, I will make a remark which applies to much in the phraseology
and classifications of the Analytical Jurists, that is correct and
convenient according to the ideas of their day, but that, if used of
very old law, is apt to lead to an historical
misconception.
Schließen
Bentham
unterscheidet zwischen Substantive Law, the
law declaring rights and duties, and Adjective
law, the rules wonach that law is administered.
Bei Maine, S. 252: in one stage of human
affairs
Schließen In älteren Zeiten rights and duties rather the adjective of procedure als umgekehrt. Difficulty in such times not
in conceiving what a man was entitled to, but in obtaining it; so that the
method, violent or legal, by which an end was
obtained, was of more consequence than the nature or of the end itself. … Bei Maine,
S. 252: it is only in the most recent times or in the most highly
developed legal systems that remedies have lost
importance
Schließen das
wichtigste sehr lange Zeit the »remedies«
. ([251,] 252)
Die first dieser alten (Roman) actiones ist die: Legis Actio Sacramenti, the undoubted parent of all the Roman
actions u. daher of most of the civil remedies now
in use in the world.
Zusatz von Marx aus William Smith: A
Latin-English Dictionary, based Upon the Works of Forcellini and
Freund. London [1855]. S. 980/981 (săcrāmentum). Marx
besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es
gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm
Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe
MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des
Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
ea pecunia, … victi ad aerarium
redibat.: Dieser Geldbetrag, der in Prozessen als Kaution beim
Gericht hinterlegt wird, wird „sacramentum“ genannt, von „sacrum“,
einem geweihten Gefäß. Der, der eine Forderung erhob, und der, der
sie zurückwies, deponierten bei gewissen Sachen beide je fünfhundert
As an den Stufen der Tribüne, bei anderen dagegen eine andere
gesetzlch festgelegte Summe. Der, der den Prozess gewonnen hatte,
nahm seine Kaution aus dem Gefäß zurück; die Kaution des Verlierers
fiel an den Staatsschatz.
Schließen ⦗sacramentum in law: the sum which
the parties to a suit at first deposited with the tresviri capitales, but
for which they subsequently gave security to the praetor, so called
because the sum deposited by the losing party was
used for religious purposes, esp. for the sacra publica; or rather, perhaps, because
the money was deposited in sacred place.
Festus
. »ea pecunia, quae in judicium venit in
litibus, sacramentum a sacro. Qui petebat et qui
infitiabatur, de aliis rebus utrique quingenos aeris ad pontem
deponebant, de aliis rebus item certo alio legitimo numero assum;
qui judicio vicerat, suum sacramentum e sacro auferebat, victi ad
aerarium redibat.«
Varro
.⦘
Diese Actio sacramenti is a dramatisation of the Origin of Justice; 2
Bewaffnete Männer ringen mit einander, Prätor geht vorbei, interposes to
stop the contest; die disputants state him their case, agree that
he shall arbitrate; arrangirt dass der loser, ausser resigning the subject
of the quarrel, shall pay a sum of money to the umpire Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (the Prätor). (p. 253) Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen (Dies scheint rather Dramatisation of how law disputes were
becoming a source of profit \ fees to
lawyers! u. dies nennt Herr Maine, als a lawyer, »the Origin of Justice[«]
!)
In dieser dramatisation the claimant holds a wand in his
hand, der nach Gajus
a spear repräsentirt, the emblem of the strong man
armed, served as the symbol of
property held absolutely and against the
world Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (rather the symbol of Gewalt als origin of
Roman u. other property!) in Roman u. several Western
societies. Quarrel between plaintiff u. defendant
⦗assertions u. reassertions – formal dialogue dabei⦘ was a mere pretence
among the Romans, long remained a reality in other
societies u. survived in the Wager of Battle, der
als English Institution erst »finally abolished in our fathers’ day«.
([254,] 255)
The disputants staked a sum of money – the Sacramentum – on the merits of
their quarrel, and the stake went into the public exchequer. The money thus wagered, das erscheint in a large number
of archaic legal systems, is the earliest representative
of Court Fees … Bei
Maine, S. 255: The very spirit in which a Legis Actio was conducted
was that which, in the eyes of laymen, has been most characteristic
of lawyers in all historical times.
Schließen ⦗Die Legis Actio
Sacramenti so conducted, u. dies wieder showing the intimate nature
of the Lawyer – dass die Lex,
das geschriebene Recht, aber auch literally – nicht der Geist, sondern |182 der Buchstabe des Gesetzes, die Formel
das Wichtigste⦘ So sagt
Gajus
:
If you sued by Legis Actio for injury to your vines,
and called them vines, you would fail; you must call
them trees, because the Text of
the 12 Tables speaks only of Trees. Ebenso enthält die
alte collection of Teutonic legal formulas – the Malberg gloss – provisions von genau derselben
Natur. If you sue for a bull, you will miscarry if
you describe him as a bull; you must give him, his ancient juridical designation of „leader of
the herd“. You must call the fore-finger the „arrow“ finger, the goat the „browser upon leeks“. (255, 256)
Folgt bei Gajus the Condictio
Zusatz von
Marx. Siehe Willliam Smith: A Latin-English dictionary, based upon the
works of Forcellini and Freund. London [1855]. S. 221
(condictĭo). Dort: In the jurists: a demand of restitution: Dig. 12,
1, 2 sq. – Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von
1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte
(siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des
Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
Schließen ⦗in Digests: demand for restitution⦘; er sagt sie sei
gegründet, soll aber nur regulated worden sein durch
2 Roman Statutes of the 6th Century B.C., the Lex Silia u. the
Lex Calpurnia; becam bekam Namen von a notice die der Kläger dem Beklagten gab in 30 Tagen
vor Prätor zu erscheinen, damit ein judex oder
referee might be nominated.
Zusatz von Marx aus William Smith: A
Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and
Freund. London [1855]. S. 221 (con-dīco). Marx besaß das
Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den
Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff
bei seinem Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des
Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
ansagen: Übersetzung von Marx.
»condicere tempus et locum coeundi«: Zeit und Ort des Treffens vereinbaren.
»pecuniam alicui«: Geld von jemandem
(zurückfordern).
Schließen ⦗condicere to speak with,
agree upon, decide, appoint, ansagen.
»condicere tempus et locum coeundi«. »condicere rem« demand
restitution, »pecuniam alicui«
(Ulp.)⦘ Nach der condictio the
parties entered into „sponsio“ u. „restipulatio“. Zusatz von Marx nach William Smith: A
Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and
Freund. London
[1855]
.
S. 1054 (sponsĭo). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch (möglicherweise die
Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern, die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem Tod 1864
hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA
IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des Exemplars ist nicht
bekannt.
»sponsio appellatur omnis stipulatio
promissioque.«: Als Gelöbnis wird jeder mündliche Vertrag, jedes
förmliche Versprechen bezeichnet.
»non foedere pax Caudina sed per sponsionem (by giving surety) facta
est.«: (Daher) ist der Friede von Claudium nicht durch einen Vertrag
zustande gekommen, sondern durch eine Bürgschaft. (Übers. Hans
Jürgen Hillen.) (Erläuterung in Klammern von Smith.)
»Sponsionem facere.«: Einen Vertrag abschließen.
(Einsatz beim Spiel … of a wager etc.):
Zusatz
von Marx. Siehe auch Maine, S. 257 und unten.
Schließen ⦗Sponsio, a solemn promise or engagement, guarantee,
security. »sponsio appellatur omnis
stipulatio promissioque.«
Paul.
Dig. »non foedere pax
Caudina sed per sponsionem (by giving
surety) facta est.« (
Liv.
) Speciell in civil
Suits, ein agreement between 2 parties in a suit, dass der der den Process verliert, should pay a certain sum to
him who gains it. »Sponsionem
facere.« (
Cic.)
Endlich: a sum of money deposited according to
agreement, a stake (Einsatz beim
Spiel, bei Wette, that which is laid down, as the amount of a wager
etc.)
Zusatz von Marx nach William Smith: A
Latin-English dictionary, based upon the works of Forcellini and
Freund. London
[1855]
.
S. 963 (restĭpŭlātĭo; re-stĭpŭlor). Marx besaß das Wörterbuch
(möglicherweise die Ausgabe von 1857). Es gehörte zu den Büchern,
die ihm Wilhelm Wolff bei seinem
Tod 1864 hinterlassen hatte (siehe MEGA
III/13. Br. 30.95; MEGA IV/18. S. 13.29. Der Verbleib des
Exemplars ist nicht bekannt.
Schließen
Restipulatio.
A counter-engagement or obligation
(
Cic.
) restipulor to stipulate or engage in return⦘
Nachdem diese condictio gegeben, the parties entered into a „sponsio“ and
„restipulatio“, i.e. laid a formal wager (distinct
from Bei Maine, S. 257: the stake
called
Schließen the so called Sacramentum) on the justice of their respective
contentions. Die sum so staked Bei Maine, S. 257:
always
Schließen almost = ⅓ of the amount in dispute, went in the end to
the successful litigant, and not, like Sacramentum, to the State. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Hat ausserdem den innern ironischen
Sinne, dass
die Parteien des Processes dasselbe unsichre Hazardspiel
treiben wie beim Wetten, doch dies ein der röm.
jurisprudens unbewusster Witz!⦘
Gajus
proceeds von der Condictio zur Manus Injectio u. Pignoris Capio, actiones
legis die nichts mit modernem Begriff von actio gemein haben. Manus injectio
ausdrücklich stated to have been originally the Roman
mode of execution against the person of a judgment debtor; war the
instrument der Cruelties praktizirt durch
röm. Aristokratie on their defaulting plebejan debtors, gab so
impetus to series of popular movements affecting the
whole history of Roman commonwealth. Die
Pignoris Capio war zuerst ein völlig extra-judicial proceeding. Die Person die
es anwandte, seized
Übersetzung von Marx.
Schließen (beschlagnamte) in certain cases the goods of a fellow citizen, against whom
he had a claim, but against whom he had not instituted a
suit. Dies zuerst beschränkt – diese power of seizure – auf soldiers against public officers bound to supply them
with pay, horse, or forage; ditto auf seller of a beast for sacrifice against a
defaulting purchaser; später extended to demands for overdue arrears of public revenue. Etwas Aehnliches in
Plato’s leges
, auch als remedy for breach of public
duties connected with military service or religious observance. Bei Maine, S. 258: I am indebted to Mr. Poste
for the observation that the ideal institutions of Plato’s Laws
include something strongly resembling the Roman Pignoris Capio; and
here again it is a remedy
Schließen (Dies dem Maine verrathen von
Poste)
Gajus sagt dass die Pignoris Capio could be resorted to in the absence of the Prätor and generally of the person under Liability, and also that it might be carried out even when the Courts were not sitting. (256–59)
The Legis actio sacramenti assumes that the quarrel is at once referred to a present arbitrator; the Condictio, dass die Referenz is to the decision of an arbitrator nach 30 days’ [interval], aber meantime the parties have entered into a separate wager on the merits of their dispute. Noch zu Cicero’s Zeit, als condictio eine der most important Roman actions geworden, an independent penalty attached to the suitor in dieser Klage. (260)
Bei Maine, S. 260: I
believe this to have been the true primitive office of the Pignoris
Capio […] Among the Romans, even at the dat of the Twelve Tables, it
had become […] a mere survival
Schließen Glaubt, dass die Pignoris
Capio, obgleich dies schon veraltet zur Zeit der
12 Tables, taking forcible possession der moveable property des
adversary and detain it till he submits. (260)
So im English Law Power of Distraint or Distress – (womit connected als Remedy das so called Replevin) – z. B. heut zu Tag landlord’s right to seize the goods of his tenants for unpaid rent, and the right of the lawful possessor of land to take and impound stray beasts which are damaging his crops or soil. (261, 262) Im letztren Fall cattle kept bis satisfaction made for the injury. (l.c.)
Bei Maine, S. 263: considerably older than the
Conquest
Schließen Aelter als Norman Conquest in Engld the practice of Distress, – of taking nams, word erhalten im law-term withernam. (262, 63) Zur Zeit v.
Henry III
confined to certain
specific claims u. wrongs. Damals: Person seizes the goods (almost always
cattle) |183 der Person von der er sich
benachtheiligt glaubt; treibt die beasts to a
pound
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (von
angelsächsisch
pyndan),
an enclosed piece of land reserved for the purpose, and generally open to
the sky … eine der ältesten Institutionen Englands: the Village-Pound, far older than the King’s Bench, and
probably than the Kingdom. While the cattle were on their way to the
poundthe
owner had a limited right of rescue which the law recognised, but which he
ran great risk in exercising. Once lodged within the enclosure, the impounded beasts, when the pound
was uncovered, had to be fed by the owner
and not by the distrainor; this rule only altered in the present reign.
(263) Wenn der Eigner des cattle altogether denied the
distrainor’s right to distrain, or [the latter]
refused to release the cattle, on security
being tendered to him, dann der cattle owner might apply
to the King’s Chancery for a writ commanding the Sheriff to „make replevin“, or he might verbally complain
himself to the Sheriff, who would then proceed at once to „replevy“.
(264)
Zusatz von Marx
aus Samuel
Johnson: A dictionary of the English language: in which the
words are deduced from their originals, and illustrated in
their different significations by examples from the best
writers. To which are prefixed, a history of the language,
and an English grammar. In 2 vol. London 1755.
Vol. 2.
Schließen ⦗Reple′vin (to)
Spenser
,
to „reple′vy“; replegio low latin, of re u. plevir or plegir,
fr. to give a pledge
bedeutet nach Johnson:
to take back or set at liberty, upon security, anything seized; er
citirt aus
Hudibras
:
In der action of Replevin, wenn die Sache vor Gerichtshof
kam, der owner des distrained cattle war der Kläger u. der distrainor was
the defendant. (265) „Taking in withernam“ of Old
Engl. Law means, wenn der distrainor dem Sheriff das distrained cattle nicht zeigen wollte od. es
in distance out of his jurisdiction removed, so erhob dieser wegen Brechen
of King’s Peace »hue u. cry« wider ihn u. seized von
des distrainors cattle double the value of the beasts
which were not forthcoming; letztres „taking in
withernam“. (l.c.) (264)
Bei Maine, S. 265: The seizure of the cattle,
the rescue and the counter-seizure, belong to the oldest practices
of mankind. […] Here […] we come upon plain traces of a foray. […]
and the most probable account of its origin is that it is a
genuinely
Schließen Dies seizure, rescue u. counter[-]seizure ursprünglich
disorderly proceeding which the law steps in to
regulate. (l.c.) (265) In der Form of impounding, wo
die person distrained must feed the
cattle (als Zeichen of deren continued ownership), Verbot für distrainer distrainor to work them – Distress becomes a semi-orderly contrivance for extorting satisfaction.
(266) Bei Maine, S. 266: It has
been observed by Blackstone and others
Schließen
Blackstone
hat
bemerkt, that the modified exemption of certain classes of goods from
distraint – z. B. plough-oxen u. instruments of trade, ursprünglich nicht intended
als kindness to owner, sondern weil ohne die instruments of tillage or
handicraft the debtor could never pay his debt. (l.c.) Bei Maine, S. 266: Latest in the order of
proceeding, and latest probably in date
Schließen Das letzte – u. auch historisch letzt
entwickelte incident des proceeding, ist: the King steps in, durch his deputy, den
Sheriff; selbst wenn dieser obtains his view, he
can do nothing unless the cattle owner is prepared
with security that he will try the question between
himself u. dem distrainer distrainor in a Court of Justice; dann erst steps in
the judicial Power of the Commonwealth; its jurisdiction acquired through the act of the Sheriff in
restoring the cattle upon pledge given. Der distrainor has
lost his material security, the cattle; the owner of the cattle has become
personally bound; so both placed under a compulsion which drives them in the
end to a judicial arbitration. ([266,] 267) Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Das ganze Proceeding implies dass
die Power of State – i.e. Court of
Justice – noch nicht so firmly settled, dass people de prime abord submit to its judicial
authority.⦘
Fast alle Leges Barbarorum refer to Pignoratio od. distraint of goods. Die Lex Visigothorum verbietet es ausdrücklich; die lex Lombardorum permits it after simple demand of payment. Das Salic Law – nach den neusten deutschen Autoritäten redigirt zwischen Tacitus Zeit u. der Zeit der Invasion des Roman Empire durch die Franken, enthält sehr genaue Bestimmungen die zuerst fully interpreted by Sohm . In diesem System Distress not yet a judicial remedy; ist noch an extrajudicial mode of redress, but it has been incorporated with a regular and highly complex procedure. Eine succession of notices to be given in solemn form durch den complainant der Person über die sich der would be distainor distrainor beklagt u. whose property he proposes to seize. Er kann nicht saisiren bevor er jene person vor das Volksgericht geladen u. bevor der Popular Officer dieses Gerichts, der Thunginus, pronuncirt hat eine Formel licensing distraint. Dann erst kann er distress auf seinen Gegner machen. Entsprechend eine Ordonanz von Canut Canute that no man is to take nams unless he has demanded [right] 3 times in the Hundred; erhält er das 3t mal keine justice, so geht er zum Shire-gemot; der Shire appoints him a 4th time, u. when that fails, he may take the distress. (269, 270)
Das fragment of the system which has survived in the English Common Law (and it is to this that it probably owes
its survival) was from the first pre-eminently a remedy by which the lord compelled his tenants to
render him their services. Was archaischer
im engl. Gesetz als in den leges barbarorum: notice of the intention to distrain was never in
England essential to the legality of distress,
obgleich das
Statute-law renders it necessary to make a sale of the distrained property
legal; ebenso im ältesten State des Common Law, obgleich
distraint sometimes followed a proceeding in the lord’s Court, yet it did
not necessarily presuppose or require it. (270–71) Die Frankish
procedure was completely at the disposal of the complainant. |184
It is a procedure regulating extrajudicial redress.
Beobachtet der complainant the proper forms, so ist the part of the Court in
licensing seizure purely passive. … when the defendant submitted or was
unsuccessful in attacking the proceedings of the other side, he paid not
only the original debt but various additional
penalties entailed by neglect to comply with previous notices to
discharge it. Dies founded on the assumption that
plaintiffs are always in the right u. defendants
always in the wrong, während the modern principle compels the
complainant to establish at all events a prima
facie case. Früher the man most likely to be in the right the man
who faced the manifold risks attending the effort to obtain redress, to
complain to the Popular Assembly, to cry for justice to the King sitting in
the gate. … In einem Fall, wo King Kläger, die Presumption dass
Kläger in the right lang aufrechterhalten Bei Maine, S. 273: among
us
Schließen in engl.
Recht u. hence the obstinate dislike of
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Engl.) lawyers to allowing prisoners to be defended by Counsel.
(271–73)
Gajus sagt v. den Legis Actiones im allgemeinen dass „sie in Discredit fielen, weil wegen der excessive subtlety der ancient lawyers things came to such a pass that he who committed the smallest error failed altogether.“
Ebenso Blackstone remarks on English Law of Distress: „The many particulars which attend the taking of distress used formerly to make it a hazardous kind of proceeding; for, if any one irregularity was committed, it vitiated the whole.“ (273)
Kommentar von Marx. Bei
Maine, S. 273: the excessive technicality of ancient law which they
both notice goes some way to explain the severity and onesidedness
of the old Teutonic procedure.
Schließen ⦗Diese excessive technicality
of ancient law
zeigen zeigt Jurisprudenz als feather of the same bird, als
die religiösen Formalitäten z. B. bei Augur’s Augurs etc, od. der Hokus Pokus des medicine-man der
savages!⦘
Nach
Sohm
the power of seizing a man’s property extrajudicially in satisfaction of
your demand Bei Maine, S. 273: was
[…] a sort of two-edged sword
Schließen mit grossen risks
verbunden; ging der complainant who
sought to distress nicht durch alle acts u.
words required by the law with the most rigorous accuracy so,
besides failing in his object, incurred a variety of penalties, which could
be just as harshly exacted as his own original demand. (273, 74) Umschreibung von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 274: in
ancient Teutonic law
Schließen Hauptsache bei den Barbaren to compel the appearance of the defendant and his submission
to jurisdiction, Bei
Maine, S. 275: at a time when judicial authority was yet in its
infancy, and when Courts of Justice could not as yet completely and
regularly command the aid of sovereign power
Schließen was damals noch
keineswegs selbstverständlich. (275) In
dem
Fränkischen Gesetz, wenn in
gewissen cases auch selbe von Anfang an bis judgment judicially
tried, so noch nicht the judgment by its own force
operative. Hat der defendant ausdrücklich
erklärt to obey it, the Count or royal
deputy, on being properly summoned, will execute it; but if no such promise has been made, the plaintiff has no
remedy except an application to the King in person. (275)
Später sobald die Franks settled in Roman Empire, the royal deputy will execute the judgment ohne promise des defendant to submit. In England
dieser change u. die Macht der Courts greatly
due to the development of royal justice at the expense of popular
justice. Doch savoured Engl. judicial proceedings noch long of the
old practices. Hence on the smallest provocation the King constantly took the lands of the defendant into his hands or seized his goods, simply to compel or perfect his
submission to the royal jurisdiction. [276]
Kommentar von Marx. Die entsprechende Stelle
bei Scott, auf die sich Marx bezieht, konnte nicht gefunden
werden.
Schließen ⦗See bei
Walter Scott
, dass ein Mann
wegen Schulden eingesperrt wird wegen der Fiction seines
contempt of the King⦘
Das survival of distress in Engld Bei Maine, S. 277: As regards that fragment of
the primitive institution which remains in our law, I imagine that
Distress would at most have become a mere survival […] if several
statutory innovations had not turned it into a convenient
extra-judicial remedy for landlords, by giving the distrainor a
power of sale which in old English law was limited to a few very
special demands
Schließen den Herrn landlords zu lieb. The modern –
Bei Maine, S. 277: this theory […] does not at
all fit in with the most ancient ideas on the subject
Schließen dem Ursprünglichen ganz widersprechende theory of distress
:
ist that a landlord is allowed to distrain because
by the nature of the case
he is
always compelled to give his tenant credit, and that he can
distrain without notice because every man is supposed to know when his rent
is due. (277) Ursprünglich distress treated as wilful
breach of the peace, ausser wo it was connived at so far as it
served to compel the submission of defendants to the jurisdiction of courts. (278)
Ueber Hälfte des Senchus Mor taken up with the Law of Distress. Senchus More Mor pretends to be the Code of Irish Law prepared unter the influence of St. Patrick upon the introduction of Christianity in Ireland. (279)
Siehe Maine,
S. 282: The very existence in ancient Ireland of the law thus
summarised is almost enough by itself to destroy those reckless
theories of race which assert an original, inherent difference of
idea and usage between Teuton and Celt. The Irish system of Distress
is obviously, in all essential features, the Germanic system. It
wears, on its face, a very strong general resemblance to the
corresponding branch of our Common Law
Schließen Es gleicht sehr den
Teutonic Laws u. English
Common Law.
[282]
Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 281: If the debt was not paid by the
end of the Stay, the creditor took away the distress, and put it in
a pound.
Schließen
Putting in a pound kommt
auch darin vor. Speciality drin: „If the defendant or debtor were a person of
chieftain grade, it was necessary not only to give notice, but also to fast upon him. The fasting upon him consisted in
going to his residence and waiting there a certain time without |185 food. If the plaintiff did not within a certain time receive satisfaction
for his claim, or a pledge therefore therefor, he forthwith, accompanied by a law-agent, witnesses, and
others; seized his distress“ etc (p. 280–81 cf.
Senchus Mor. 1st vol.
remark of the Editor⦘ ) Erlaubte der Schuldner nicht his cattle to go to pound u.
gab er „a sufficient pledge, e.g. his son, or some
article of value, to the creditor, that the he would within a certain time try the right to the distress by law,
the creditor was bound to receive such pledge. If he did not go to law, as
he so undertook, the pledge became forfeited for the
original debt.“ (p. 282
[)]
Kommentar von Marx. Siehe H[enry] C[rossby] Irwin: The garden of India; or
chapters on Oudh history and affairs. London 1880.
S. 54/55, 141/142 und 313/314. Marx hat einige dort enthaltene
bibliographische Angaben in seinen bibliographischen Notizen auf
S. [0] und S. [1a] des vorliegenden
Hefts notiert. Marx besaß das Buch. Er hatte es von Irwin selbst, „With the Author’s
compliments“, erhalten. Sein Exemplar, mit zahlreichen Marginalien
von ihm, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 610 und Entstehung und
Überlieferung zu Heft 1880/1881.)
Schließen
[⦗]Noch heut zu Tag
bei distress in Oudh der creditor
landlord takes ausser cattle (dies vor allem
etc) auc auch
Personen als Sklaven. See
The
Garden of India
von
Irwen Irwin
.⦘
Bei Maine, S. 282:
The virtual identity of the Irish law of Distress with the Teutonic
law is best brought out by comparing it with the Teutonic systems of
procedure collectively.
Schließen ⦗Im Wesentlichen
das Irische law hier mehr identisch mit den
Leges Barbarorum als mit dem
Englischen.⦘ »The distress of the Senchus
Mor is not, like the Distress of the English Common Law, a remedy confined
in the main to demands of the lord on his tenants;
as in the Salic
Bei Maine, S. 283:
and other Continental Germainc Codes
Schließen u. andren Leges
Barbarorum
it extends to breaches of contract u., so far as the Brehon law is
already known, it would appear to be the universal method of prosecuting
claims of all kinds.« (p. 283⦘ ) The Irish stay of proceedings Bei
Maine, S. 281: The distress remained in the pound a certain
period, fixed according to its nature (dithim, translated “delay in pound,” is the name ot
this period)
Schließen (Dithim)
entspricht einigen provisions in
den
leges barbarorum. In einigen derselben when a
person’s property is about to be seized he makes a mimic resistance; im Salic law he protests against the injustice of the
attempt; im Ripuarian law he goes through the
formality of standing at his door with a drawn
sword. Thereupon the seizure is interrupted u.
opportunity given for enquiring into the regularity of the proceedings etc.
(284) Mit dem English law hat das
Irische speciell gemein – was ganz absent from the
Teutonic procedures – the »impounding«, the „taking
in withernam“ u. namentlich dass nicht required »assistance od.
permission from any Court of Justice«. (285 284) (Dies nur im Lombardic law (unter den leges barbarorum) (l.c. 285)) Ferner – u. dies in England erst durch Statute Law eingeführt – im Brehon Law the seizure of cattle nicht nur
als a method of satisfaction, sondern it provides for their forfeiture in discharge of the demand for which they are
taken. (285)
Bei Maine, S. 288: Sohm appears to me to have
proved
Schließen
Sohm
sucht zu beweisen dass die
Fränkischen Volksgerichte nicht ihre eignen Dekrete
exequirten; versprach der defendant to submit to an award, the
local deputy of the King might be required to enforce it, aber, when no such
promise, the plaintiff was forced to petition the King in
person … in den älteren Zeiten, vor full development der
Bei Maine, S. 288: kingly authority
Schließen kgl. Gewalt, Courts of Justice
existed less for the purpose of doing right generally than for the purpose
of supplying an alternative to the violent redress of
wrong … Bei Maine, S. 288: The Norse literature, which
Mr. Dasent has popularised among us
Schließen The
Norse literature (see Mr. Dasent)
shows that perpetual fighting and perpetual
litigation may go on side by side, and that a highly technical procedure may be scrupulously followed at a time
when homicide is an everydays’ everyday occurrence … contention in Court takes the
place of contention in arms, but only gradually takes its place …
in our days, when a wild province is annexed to the British Indian Empire,
there is … a rush of suitors to
the Courts which are immediately established … the men who can no
longer fight go to law instead … hasty appeals to a judge succeed hurried
quarrels, and hereditary law-suits take the place of ancestral blood-feuds. (278 288, 289)
Im Allgem. probable that, in proportion as Courts grow stronger, they first
take under their control the barbarous
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen (aber die
Sache bleibt ja, nur in’s legale
übersetzt) practice of making reprisals on a wrongdoer by
seizing his property and ultimately they absorb it into their own procedure.
(290)
Das Irish Law of Distress Bei Maine, S. 291: was
brought to the shape in which we find it amid a society in
which
Schließen offenbar in
Zeit wo action of Courts of Justice feeble and
intermittent. (291) Zusammenfassung von Marx in eigenen Worten. Siehe Maine, S. 291: It
says much for the spirit of equity and reasonableness which animated
the Brehon lawyers who gave it its form, and much also for their
ingenuity, but suggests that they relied little on the assistance of
Courts and directed their efforts to making the most of a remedy
which was almost wholly extrajudicial.
Schließen Statt dieser – der
law agent (Brehon lawyer) die
grosse Rolle spielend. (l.c.)
The Irish used the remedy of distress, because they knew
no other remedy, u. Bei Maine, 294: the
English
Schließen die Hunde
von Engländern made it a capital
felony
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (mit Todesstrafe)
in an Irishman to follow the only law with which he |186 was acquainted. Verweis
von Marx auf S. 294 von Maine, wo eine Passage aus Spencer über den
„distress“ resümiert wird.
Schließen (294 cp.
Spenser: „View of the State of
Ireland“
.) Nay, those very subtleties
of Old English Law which, as Blackstone says,
made the taking of distress „a hazardous sort of proceeding“ to the civil
distrainor, might bring an Irish man to the gallows, if in conscientiously
attempting to carry out the foreign law he fell into the smallest mistake.
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (l.c. Also gehangen,
wenn er seinem native law nach handelte, ditto gehangen wenn er sich
dem aufgezwungnen englischen zu adaptiren suchte!)
Mit Bezug auf D d as „fasting upon“ the debtor heisst es in Senchus Mor: „Notice precedes every distress in the case of the inferior grades except it be by persons of distinction or upon persons of distinction. Fasting precedes distress in their case. He who does not give a pledge to fasting is an evader of all; he who disregards all things shall not be paid by God or Man.“
Bei Maine,
S. 297: Mr. Whitley Stokes was the first, I believe, to point out
that the institution here referred to was identical with a practice
diffused over the whole East, and caled by the Hindoos “sitting
dharna”.
Schließen Dies, wie
Whitley
Stokes
zuerst pointed out, diffused over the whole
East, entspricht dem Hindoo „sitting
dharna“.
Zusatz
von
Marx.
Schließen (cf.
Strange:
Hindoo
Law.
)
(297)
Heute noch sehr striking examples davon in Persien,
wo a man intending to enforce payment of a demand by
fasting begins by sowing some barley at his debtor’s door and sitting down in the middle. (l.c.)
Das Wort dharna soll exact equivalent sein von Roman „capio“, and meaning „detention“ or „arrest“. Soll VIII, 49 bei Manu vorkommen. (l.c.[, 298]) Im Vyavahara Mayukha Brihaspiti is cited as enumerating, among the lawful modes of compulsion by which the debtor can be made to pay, „confining his wife, his son, or his cattle, or watching constantly at his door.“ (298)
⦗See Lord Teignmouth’s description (in Forbes „Oriental Memoirs“ II, 25) der form dieses „watching constantly at the door“ in British India vor Ende des 18. Jhdts. [298, 299]⦘
In einem Law of Alfred heissts:
„Let the man who knows his foe to be homesitting
fight not before he have demanded justice of him. If he have power to beset
his foe and besiege him in his house, let him keep [him] there for 7 days but not attack him if he will remain
indoors. If then, after seven days, he be willing to surrender and give up
his weapons, let him be kept safe for thirty days, and let notice be given
to his kinsmen and friends. But if the plaintiff have no power of his own,
let him ride to the Ealdorman, and, if the Ealdorman will not aid him, let
him ride to the King before he fights.“ Bei Maine, S. 303: The passage ends with a
provision of which the spirit, strange to say, survives in the
modern Code making the loudest claim to civilised principle, the
Code Napoleon (Code Pénal, s. 324), to the
effect that if the man who is homesitting
Schließen
Schliesslich kommt dann a provision [»]that if the man who is
homesitting be really shut up in his house with the
complainant’s wife, daughter, or sister, he may be attacked and
killed without ceremony.« (Dies letztere auch in 324. Code Pénal des Herrn Napoleon…) The
Bei Maine,
S. 304: English
Schließen Anglo-Saxon rule is to be enforced by the
civil power, the Ealdorman of the King; the Hindoo
Brahminical rule by the fear of punishment in another world. (303,
4) „Sitting dharna“, placed under the ban of the
Brit. law, still common in the Native Indian States, u. dort
hauptsächlich an expedient resorted to by
soldiers to obtain arrears of pay, wie „pignoris capio“ beim
Gajus
surviving in 2 cases, wovon einer the default of a military paymaster. (304,
5)
Kommentar von Marx.
Siehe Maine, „Lecture XI. The early history of the settled property
of married women“ (S. 306–341).
Schließen In Lecture XI
„The Early History of the Settled Property of
Married Women“ hat comfortable Maine noch keine
Bekanntschaft mit Mutterrecht
(Bachofen etc[)] gemacht, hatte auch
Morgan’s
Buch noch nich nicht für »elegante« Vermöblung
seinerseits.
Bei Maine,
S. 315: But the effect on the wife of continuous conjugal society
was, in old Roman law, precisely the same as the effect on a man of
continuous servile occupation in a Roman household. The institution
called Usucapion, or (in modern times) Prescription, […] in the
first case, the woman became the daughter of the chief of the house;
and in the last case the man became his slave.
Schließen A man of continuous servile occupation in a Roman household wurde durch Usucapio (was später Prescriptio) a slave of
the paterfamilias. (315)
Später die ordinary Roman marriage a voluntary
conjugal society, terminable at the pleasure of either side by
divorce. (317) Nach dem Ancient Irish Law
women had some power of dealing with their own property
without the consent of their husbands, and this was one of the
institutions expressly declared by the Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen ⦗English blockheaded⦘ Judges to be
illegal at the beginning of the 17th century. (324) Die Brahminical Indian Lawyers haben ganz
|187 ausgearbeitet Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (u. dies beginnt
in fact with Manu) the doctrine of »Spiritual Benefit«, as they call it.
Inasmuch as the condition of the dead could be
ameliorated by proper expiatory rites, the property descending or
devolving on a man came to be regarded by them partly as a fund for paying the expenses of the ceremonial
by which the soul of the person from whom the inheritance
came could be redeemed from suffering or degradation, and partly
as a reward for the proper performance of the
sacrifices. (332, 333 331, 332)
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Ebenso Catholic
Church: the first and best destination of a dead man’s goods to purchase masses for his soul, u.
out of these views grew the whole testamentary and
intestate jurisdiction of the Ecclesiatical Courts. (332)
Im Mitakshara heissts: „The wealth of a regenerate man is designed for religious uses, and a woman’s succession to such property is unfit because she is not competent to the performance of religious rites.“ (332, 33)
Zusammenfassung und Kommentar von Marx. Siehe
Maine, S. 321: The settled property of a married woman, in capable
of alienation by her husband, is well-known to the Hindoos under the
name of Stridhan. – S. 333/334: The compiler
of the Mitakshara who has preserved the liberal rule as to Stridhan
which I before referred to, combats this doctrine […] whenever the
property does satisfy the multifarious conditions laid down for the
creation of the Stridhan, the view of it as emphatically “woman’s
property” is carried out with a logical consistency very suggestive
of the character of the ancient institution on which the Brahminical
jurists made war. Not only has the woman singularly full power of
dealing with the Stridhan – not only is the husband debarred from
intermeddling with it, save in extreme distress – but, when the
proprietress dies, there is a special order of succession to her
property, which is manifestly intended to give a preference,
wherever it is possible, to female relatives over males. […] the
probable liberality of the Hindoo institutions to females at some
long past period of their development, and of the dislike towards
this liberality manifested by the Brahminical lawyers, is not to be
regarded as fanciful or purely conjectural, although, doubtless, we
can only guess at the explanation of it.
Marx bezieht sich auf Thomas Strange: Hindu law; Principally with
Reference to Such Portions of it as Concern the Administration
of Justice, in the King’s Courts, in India, London. 1830.
Vol. 1. Siehe insb. S. 26–32 und 246–251.
Schließen Die Gunst der indischen Gesetzgebung für
die Frauen, die sich bis jetzt in dem Stridhan (settled property of a married
woman, incapable of alienation by her husband[)] u. ebenso darin ausspricht, dass die Habe
der Frau auf die Töchter od. die female members ihrer
family übergeht (cf.
Strange: „Hindoo Law“
) etc – alles dies
von Herrn Maine nicht richtig gedeutet, weil ihm alle Einsicht in
gens u. daher auch ursprüngliche Vererbung in female – nicht male line of descent – abgeht.
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen Der Esel sagt selbst mit welchen gefärbten Brillen er sieht: »Among the
Aryan Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗the devil take this »Aryan«
cant!⦘ sub-races, the Hindoos may be as
confidently asserted as the Romans to have had their society
organized as a collection of patriarchally governed
families. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Aus Niebuhr konnte er schon wissen, dass die
röm. family noch eingehüllt in der gens, selbst nachdem sie in ihrer specif.
Form mit der patria potestas ausgebildet⦘ If, then,
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen (a nice »If«( , only resting upon Maine’s own »confident assertion«
[)]
then, Kommentar von Marx.
Pecksniffian: von Seth
Pecksniff, Gestalt aus dem Roman „Martin
Chuzzlewit“ (1844) von Charles Dickens; danach: Pecksniff
= scheinheilig, heuchlerisch.
Schließen (dies »then«
Pecksniffian), at any early period, Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Maine transports his
»patriarchal« Roman family into the very beginning of
things⦘ the married women woman had among the Hindoos her property altogether
enfranchised from her husband’s control
Kommentar
von Marx.
Schließen ⦗»enfranchised«, that is to say, from Maine’s
»confident assertion«⦘, it is not easy to give a reason why the obligations of the family despotism
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗a principal pet-doctrine of blockheaded John Bull to revel in original
»despotism«⦘ were relaxed in this one particular.« (323)
Kommentar
von Marx, der sich auf das Werk von Thomas Strange
(Hindu Law; Principally with Reference to Such Portions of it as
Concern the Administration of Justice, in the King’s Courts, in
India. London 1830. Vol. 1. S. 26–32) bezieht. Aber
Strange zitiert dort (S. 29) nicht aus der Mitákshará, sondern aus
den von Denanda Bhatta verfassten Smriti Chandrika.
Schließen Maine citirt folgende Stelle aus dem
treatise Mitakshara u. zwar Stelle, schon
citirt von
Sir Thomas Strange „Hindu Law“
(see daselbst t. I, p. 26–32) u. Strange’s Buch, (obgleich schon 1830 publicirt u. zwar als 2nd edit. seines Werks:
„Elements of Hindu Law“
[)] enthält viel vollständigere Quellenangaben u.
Ausseinandersetzung über diesen Punkt. Man ersieht
ferner aus dem was Strange aus
den Quellen angiebt, dass schon in Mitakshara, nicht zu sprechen von späteren Hindu
juristischen Commentaren, ihr Verfasser den
Ursprung der Stridhana nicht mehr versteht
u. sich selbe ganz so falsch rationalistisch plausibel zu machen
sucht, wie etwa die röm. Juristen aus Cicero’s Zeit ihnen unverständliche
altrömische (für sie »archaische«) Rechtsgebräuche od. Formeln. Eine
solche rationalistische Erklärung ist es z. B., wenn in
Mikashara
Mitakshara
das
»fee« der Braut »what is
given her in her bridal procession, upon the final ceremony, when the
marriage already contracted and solemnized, is about to be consummated, the
bride having hitherto remained with her mother« (
Strange. t. I, p. 29); Strange bemerkt of this domi-ductio, this bringing of the bride home, which,
with the Hindoo Hindoos, is a consequence only of the antecedent
contract, that, among the Romans, it was an ingredient wanting to
its completion; till when, the bride was „sponsa“
only; becoming Zusatz von
Marx. Siehe Thomas Strange: Hindu Law; Principally with Reference to Such
Portions of it as Concern the Administration of Justice, in the
King’s Courts, in India. London 1830. Vol. 1. S. 29/30.
„uxor, statim atque bis venerit“:
Siehe
Iustinianus: Digesta seu pandectae, 35, 15 (Domitius Ulpianus).
Dort: videtur impleta condicio statim atque ducta est uxor, quamvis
nondum in cubiculum mariti venerit. (die Bedingung scheint damit
erfüllt und die Heimgeführte ist Ehefrau, auch wenn sie noch nicht
in das Schlafzimmer ihres Mannes gekommen ist.) Marx zitiert nach
Strange, Vol. 1, S. 30.
Schließen
„uxor“
, statim atque ducta est,
quamvis nondum in cubiculum mariti venerit“; und, fährt Strange fort: »The fee of a Hindu wife has moreover this anomaly attending it,
|188 that, upon her death, it descends in a course of inheritance peculiar to herself itself
.«
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen Diese »anomaly« ist nur
fragmentarisches, auf bestimmten Theil des Vermögens reducirte reducirtes, survival der alten normalen rule, die gegründet auf descent der gens in der female line, dem
primitiven. So verhält es sich allzumeist mit den »Anomalien« im
Recht etc (in der Sprache die
Ausnahmen auch allzumeist Ueberbleibsel des älteren ursprünglicheren).
Die alte Norm erscheint im veränderten relativ modernen
Zustand als »Anomalie«, als unverständliche Ausnahme. Sämtliche indische Rechtsquellen u. Commentare
verfasst, nachdem die
descent in female line schon seit lange
übergegangen in descent in male line. Aus
Strange ferner ersichtbar, dass in verschiednen Theilen Indiens die
Anomalie mehr od. minder
»vollständiges« Ueberbleibsel.
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen Die von Maine
citirte Stelle aus Mitakshara
lautet:
„That which is given (to the wife) by the father, the mother, the husband, or a brother, at the time of the wedding, before the nuptial fire.“ Aber der compiler of the Mitakshara adds a proposition not found elsewhere: „also property which she may have acquired by inheritance, purchase, partition, seizure, or finding, is denominated by Manu and the others ‚woman’s property‘.“ ( Mit. XI, 2) (p. [321,] 322)
Hierüber heftige controversies unter den Brahminical commentators.
Bei Maine, S. 323/324: I think […] that if we extend our
examination to other bodies of Aryan custom, we may partly
understand the amplitude which the Mitakshara […] assigns to the
Stridhan. A full enquiry would take me much beyond the limits which
I have proposed to myself in this Lecture, but its results would
shortly be these.
Schließen u. a. erklärt sich der pfiffige Maine
die Sache wie folgt:
Unter den Aryan Communities finden findet man »the earliest traces of the separate property of women in the
widely diffused ancient institution known as Bride-Price. Part of this price, which was paid by the bridegroom
either at the wedding or the day after it, went to the bride’s father as compensation
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!)
for the Patriarchal or Family authority which was
transferred to the husband, but another part went to the bride herself and was generally enjoyed by
her separately and kept apart from her husband’s property. It further
appears that under a certain number of Aryan customs the proprietary rights of other kinds which women slowly acquired were
assimilated to their rights in their portion of the Bride-price, probably Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!) as being the
only existing type of women’s property.« (324)
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen Richtig dagegen was Maine sagt: »There are in
fact clear indications of a sustained general effort on
the part of the Brahminical writers on mixed law and religion, to
limit the privileges of women which they seem to have found recognised by older authorities.« (325. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen In Rom selbst die Stellung der patria
potestas vis-à-vis der Frau exaggerated in opposition to the old contrary tradition
)
Thomas Strange: Hindu law; principally with reference to such portions of it as concern the administration of justice, in the King’s courts, in India. Vol. 1.2. London 1830. Vol. 1. S. 237–247.
Schließen
Zusatz von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 325: The attention of English
and European students of the Hindoo law books was first
attracted to this subject by a natural desire to scrutinise the
sacred texts upon which the Brahmin learned were in the habit of
insisting in defence of the abominable practice of Suttee or
widow-burning.
Schließen Die Sauerei der Brahminen gipfelt in
dem
»Suttee« or Widow[-]burning.
Bei Strange, S. 241: reprobated, that the
practice has in it more of malus usus, than of law, may be
inferred from the silence of Menu
Schließen Dass diese practice »malus usus«, nicht »law«
sagt schon
Strange
, da sich bei
Manu
u. other
high authorities nichts davon finde; dieser »as the
condition on which the widow may aspire to Heaven, have simply required
that she should, on the decease of her husband, live a life of
seclusion, privation, and
decency.«
(Post
,
p. 245) Im Shaster auch noch
das
suttee nur recommended. (Strange l.c.
p. 241) Zusatz
von Marx, der sich auf seine Exzerpte auf S. 323 und 331/332 aus Maine
bezieht.
Schließen Aber sieh oben, wie die
Brahminen selbst die Sache
erklären („property designed for religious
uses“) u. das
Interesse der Burschen, denen sie
die Nachlassenschaft zuwälzen (die dafür have to pay the expenses of the
ceremonial). Strange spricht ausdrücklich of »designing Brahmins« u. »interested relatives«. (l.c. p. 239)
Nämlich: »the wife surviving her husband, succeeds as
heir to him, in default of male issue.«
(
Strange t. I, p. 236 237) Ausserdem »her claim to be maintained by
his
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (the defunct husband’s)
representatives«. (l.c. p. 246) Bei Strange,
S. 246/247: it remains to treat of her power over what she has,
and to shew how it vests at her death; distinguishing between
what she possesses in right of her husband, and her Stridhana;
which [...] is more emphatically her own. With respect not only
to what she may have inherited from her husband, but to its
accumulated savings also […] the concurrence of her legal
guardians and advisers, as well as of her husband’s heirs, being
generally necessary to any alienation by her of such
property
Schließen Mit Ausnahme der »Stridhana«, die sie in her own right besitzt, geht
das was sie von ihrem husband ererbt, (sofern dieser kein male
issue hatte) über to her »husband’s
heirs
, not the immediate ones merely, but the
whole living at the time«. (p. 247) Umschreibung und Kommentar von
Marx. Siehe Strange, S. 239/240: while it is
allowed to continue, it would, without some interference of the
kind, be pregnant with tenfold murders, of the most horrid
description. Hence, the burning, to be what is called legal,
with a view to its prevention, when it may be confessedly
inadmissible, or under circumstances rendering it so, must be
with the privity of the ruling power. And as, in every instance
in which it can be endured, the sacrifice, on the part of the
victim, must be voluntary, it follows that it can be performed
only by an adult, in possession of her faculties, and free;
– not stupified for the purpose by drugs, nor influenced by
designing Brahmins, or interested relatives; still less impelled
by violence. Of the latter, occurrences are but too frequent,
where, from her inability to sustain the fiery trial, the
unhappy devotee, relenting, is prevented from escaping, by the
agency of persons prepared, – connexions for the most part; –
who, to obviate the disgrace of failure, to say nothing of less
justifiable motives, will sometimes with bamboos, push her into
the hottest part of the fire; keeping her there by force, till
life is extinct; – a conduct amenable to prosecution, but of
which no instance appears, otherwise than as for a misdemeanor;
though it goes nigh to realize the martyrdom of St.
Lawrence.
Schließen Hier
die Sache klar: das
suttee einfacher religiöser Mord, um die Erbschaft
theils für religiöse Feierlichkeiten (für den
Verstorbnen) in Hände der
Bramahnen Brahmanen (geistlichen) zu bringen, theils der durch
die brahmin. Gesetzgebung an
Beerbung der Wittwe interessirten gens, nearer family
des husband. Hence die
violence u. infamies, meist von Seiten der »connexions« to bring
the widow to
Flammentod. (239, 240
Strange. t. I)
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen Herr Maine selbst fügt dem, was man schon bei
Strange findet nichts
zu. Und selbst |189 wenn er generalisirt,
dass »the Hindoo laws, religious and civil, have for
centuries been undergoing transmutation, development, and, in some
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗! Maine always mild
when speaking of clergy and lawyers! and higher class people
generally!⦘ points, depravation at the hands of
successive Brahminical expositors«[,]
(326) Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen so weiss dies Strange auch, setzt aber hinzu, dass die
Kirchenpfaffen es anderswo nicht besser machten!
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen Das ganze Primitive fasst der
englische Philister Maine auf
as
»the despotism of groups over the members composing
them« (p. 327)! Kommentar von Marx.
Marx übernimmt einen bereits von Maine erwähnten Ausdruck,
der sich offensichtlich auf das von dem italienischen
Rechtsphilosophen Cesare Beccaria in seinem Werk „Dei delitte
e delle pene“ (1764, S. 4) formulierte Prinzip bezog,
das von dem Begründer des modernen Utilitarismus Jeremy Bentham
zu einem „fundamental axiom“ seiner Philosophie gemacht wurde.
Siehe oben, die
Sachanmerkung zu „»the greatest happiness of the greatest
number«“, und [Jeremy Bentham:] A fragment on government;
being an examination of what is delivered, on the subject of
government in general, in the introduction to Sir William
Blackstone’s Commentaries; with a preface, in which is given
a critique of the work at large. London 1776. S. II.
Pecksniff: Seth Pecksniff, Gestalt aus dem Roman „Martin
Chuzzlewit“ (1844) von Charles Dickens; danach:
Pecksniff = scheinheilig, heuchlerisch.
Schließen Damals hatte
Bentham
– nämlich in den Urzeiten
– noch nicht die nach Maine merkwürdig
die Neuzeit repräsentirende Formel u. Treibwerk der
»modernen« Gesetzgebung erfunden: »The greatest happiness of the greatest number«. O Du
Pecksniff!
Bei Maine, S. 335: If there are male
children, they succeed at once; but if there are
none
Schließen Wir haben gesehn, dass wenn der Mann ohne issue stirbt,
the widow comes in for her life
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (diese Herabsetzung auf tenure for life auch erst später, wie genaue Musterung
der von Strange angeführten
Quellen zeigt)
before the collateral relatives
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (of her husband, not her
own, was Maine zu sagen vergisst; ihre eignen
Verwandten hatten beim Suttee blos das Interesse, dass
sie sich »religiös« bewährte). »At the present moment, marriages among the upper classes of Hindoos
being very commonly infertile, a very
considerable portion Bei Maine,
S. 335: of the soil of the wealthiest Indian
province
Schließen of the wealthiest
Indian province
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Bengal)
is in the hands of widows as tenants for life.
But it was exactly in Bengal proper that the
English, on entering India, found the Suttee … not
merely an occasional, but a constant and almost universal practice
with the wealthier classes, Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Thomas
Strange: Hindu law; principally with reference to such
portions of it as concern the administration of justice, in
the King’s courts, in India. Vol. 1.2. London 1830.
Vol. 1. S. VIII und S. 241.
Schließen ⦗Strange, dessen Buch
45 Jahr älter als das des Maine, u. der Chief
Justice of Madras gewesen war, u. 1798 entered upon the administration of justice, at the
Presidency of Madras (l.c.
Preface VIII) wie er selbst uns in Vorrede seines Buchs
erzählt, sagt dagegen mit Bezug natürlich auf
die Präsidentschaft v. Madras: »It (the
custom of Suttee) is confined pretty much to
the lower classes; – a proof, that it has no deeper
root in the religion, than it has in the law of the country.«
[(]
t. I
, p. 241)⦘
» and, as a rule, it was only the childless widow, and never the
widow with minor children, who burnt herself on her husband’s funeral
pyre. There is no question that there was the closest connection between
the law and the religious custom, and the widow was made to sacrifice
herself in order that her tenancy for life might be
got out of the way. The anxiety of her
family
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Umgekehrt: of her
husband’s family, die erbte; nur die
weiblichen Glieder ihrer family waren
interessirt in her Stridhana; im übrigen
konnte ihre family nur durch
religiösen Fanatismus u. Einfluss der Brahminen interessirt
sein⦘ that the rite should be performed, which
seemed so striking to the first English observers of the practice, was,
in fact, explained by the coarsest motives; but the Brahmins
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗ausser den ecclesiastical Brahmins
could, namentlich in den higher classes, die
Verwandtschaft des Mannes u. musste es
grossentheils aus weltlichen Brahminen
bestehn!⦘
who exhorted her to the sacrifice were undoubtedly
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗! naiver Maine!⦘ influenced by a purely
professional dislike to her enjoyment of property. The ancient
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗i.e. dies auch modificirtes survival von
Archaischem⦘ rule of the civil law, which made her tenant for life, could not be got rid of, but it was combated by the modern
institution which made it her duty to devote herself to a frightful
death.« (335, 336)
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen
[⦗]Obgleich Suttee eine Neuerung, v. den Brahminen eingeführt,
hindert dies nicht, dass in den Brahminenköpfen
die
Neuerung selbst wieder auf Reminiscenz
auf älterer Barbarei (Begraben des Mannes mit seinem
Eigenthum) beruhte! Namentlich in den Pfaffenköpfen
revive die urältesten Greuel, aber ihrer Naiven
Ursprünglichkeit beraubt.⦘
|
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Wenn Herr Maine sagt: »There can be no serious question
that, in its ultimate result, the disruption of the
Roman Empire was very unfavourable to the personal and
proprietary liberty of women« (337), Umschreibung von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 337:
I purposely say, “in its ultimate result,” in order to avoid a
learned controversy as to their position under purely Teutonic
customs.
Schließen so dies
verdammt cum grano salis zu nehmen. Er sagt: »the place of women under the new system
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (der Barbaren) when fully
organised Zusatz von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 337: the last stages of the
process, which it is difficult to call anything but
feudalisation
Schließen (d.h. nach Entwicklung
des Feudalwesens) was worse than it was under Roman
law, and would have been very greatly worse but for
the efforts of the Church« (337) Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen so
dies abgeschmackt, considering Dass dass die Church den divorce (röm.) aufhob od. so viel als möglich
erschwerte u. überhaupt die Ehe, obgleich sacrament,
als Sünde behandelte. Mit Bezug auf »proprietary right« hatte
die Güterschleichende Kirche allerdings
Interesse den Weibern einiges zu sichern. (umgekehrtes Interesse
wie die Brahminen!)
Bei Maine, S. 342/343: what we most require is a new philosophy
of law. If our country ever gives birth to such a philosophy, we
shall probably owe it to two advantages. […] The second
advantage I believe to consist in the growing familiarity of
Englishmen with the investigations of the so-called Analytical
Jurists, of whom the most considerable are Jeremy Bentham and
John Austin. Of this advantage we have a monopoly.
Schließen Herr Maine in
Lectures
Lecture
XII theilt dem erstaunten
Europa mit, dass England das Privileg der dort
s.g. »Analytical Jurists« besitzt, wovon
die bedeutendsten
Jeremy Bentham
u.
John
Austin
.
(343)
Austin’s: „Province of Jurisprudence
Determined“ has long been one of the higher
classbooks in this University. (345) (andre
lectures Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen des Kerls
more
recently given to the world.) Seine Vorgänger Bentham u.
Hobbes
. Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen Folgendes
die grosse Entdeckung selbigen John
Austin’s:
„If Bei Maine, S. 348: (he says)
Schließen (says the immense John Austin)
a determinate human superior, not in the habit
of obedience to a like superior, receive habitual
obedience from the bulk of a given
society, that determinate superior is Sovereign in that society, and the society, including the superior, is a society political and
independent.“ „To that superior the other
members of the society are subject; or on that determinate superior the other members
of the society are dependent. The position of its
other members towards that determinate superior is a state of
subjection or a state of dependence. The mutual relation which subsists between that superior and them,
may be styled the relation of Sovereign and Subject, or the Relation of Sovereignty and
Subjection.“ (citirt bei Maine p. 348, 349) Zusammenfassung
von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 349: There is, in every independent
political community – that is, in every political community not
in the habit of obedience to a superior above itself – some
single person or some combination of persons which has the power
of compelling the other members of the community to do exactly
as it pleases. This single person or group – this individual or
this collegiate Sovereign (to employ Austin’s phrase) – maybe
found in every independent political community
Schließen Der »determinate human superior« – der
Sovereign is »an individual or a collegiate Sovereign« (diese
Phrase für single person or group auch eine Erfindung
des Austin).
(349) Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Herr Maine erklärt die Ansichten
des Austin weiter dahin: If the
community be violently or voluntarily divided into a number of separate
fragments, then, as soon as each fragment has settled down (perhaps
after an interval of anarchy) into a state of equilibrium, the Sovereign
will exist and will be discoverable in each of the now independent
portions. (349, 350) Das gemeinsame Charaktermal aller shapes of d.
Sovereignty – whether the Sovereign a person or a combination of persons
–, ist, dass er has
the possession of irresistible force,
not necessarily exerted but capable of being exerted. Ist
der Sovereign a single person, so
nennt ihn Austin a Monarch; if a small group – Oligarchy;
if a group of considerable dimensions, an Aristocracy; if very large and numerous, a Democracy. Austin hates the name of »Limited Monarchy«, in his days more fashionable than now, u.
das
Government of Great Britain he classes with Aristocracies. Was alle forms
of Sovereignty gemein haben, is the
power (but not necessarily the will) to put
compulsion without limit on subjects or fellow-subjects. (350)
Bei Maine, S. 350/351: It is sometimes
extremely difficult to discover the Sovereign in a given State,
and, when he or it is discovered, he may fall under no
recognised designation, but, where there is an independent
political society not in a condition of anarchy, the Sovereign
is certainly there.
Schließen Wo kein solcher sovereign erkennbar – Anarchie. (351) The question of
determining his (the Sovereign’s) character ⦗in a given society⦘ is
always a question of fact … never a question of law or morals. (l.c.)
Der Sovereign must be a determinate
human superior. Besteht aus mehren Personen, so he must be a number of
persons capable of acting in a corporate or collegiate capacity. … since the Sovereign must
effect his exertions of power, must issue
|191
his orders, by a definite exercise of his will.
The possession of physical power
Bei Maine, S. 351: which is one
characteristic of Sovereignty
Schließen unentbehrliches Merkmal. (351) The bulk of the society must obey the superior who
is to be called Sovereign. Not the whole of the
Society, for in that case sovereignty would
be impossible, but the bulk, the large
majority, must obey. (352)
The Sovereign must receive an habitual obedience from the bulk of the community. (353) Ferneres characteristic desselben: is immunity from the control of every other human superior. (l.c.)
Bei
Maine, S. 354: Those who have observed with what slowness
definite conceptions are developed in the field of history and
politiics will be prepared to hear that this whole view of the
nature of Sovereignty is older than Austin’s work. But, as far
as my knowledge extends, I do not think that any material
portion of it is older than Hobbes. On the other hand, in the
Leviathan of Hobbes and in the
Chapter De Cive in his treatise first
published in Latin, called the Elementa Philosophiæ, the
analysis of Government and Society and the determination of
Sovereignty are so nearly completed that little could be added
to them by Bentham and Austin.
Schließen ⦗Dies dem Grundtext nach, wie
Maine selbst zugiebt, v.
Austin, wie so weit
damit identisch, von Bentham
aus
Hobbes (Leviathan
: Ch. De
Cive
, first published in Latin, in the Elementa
Philosophiae
)⦘
Bei Maine,
S. 354/355: The process of Hobbes was scientific, but his object
was less scientific than political.
Schließen Aber sagt Maine:
Hobbes’ Object war
politisch; das des
Austin
»strictly scientific«
Kommentar von Marx.
Machiavelli: Gemeint ist dessen Werk „Il Principe“
(1513). Marx besaß die Ausgabe von 1747 ([Niccolò
Machiavelli]: Il principe. In: Tutte le
opere di Niccolò Machiavelli, cittadino e segretario
fiorentino. Div. in 2 t., e di nuovo con somma diligenza
corr. e ristampate. Londra 1747. T. 1.
S. 293–352).
Sein Exemplar der „Opere“, mit zahlreichen Marginalien von ihm
im ersten und wahrscheinlich ebenfalls von ihm stammenden
Marginalien im zweiten Band, ist überliefert (siehe MEGA
IV/32. Nr. 814).
Linguet: Gemeint ist dessen
„Théorie des loix civiles“. Marx besaß die Ausgabe von 1767
([Simon
Nicolas Henri Linguet:] Théorie des loix civiles, ou,
principes fondamentaux de la société. T. 1.2. Londres
1767). Der erste Band aus seinem Besitz, mit
wahrscheinlich von ihm stammenden Marginalien, ist überliefert
(siehe MEGA IV/32. Nr. 778).
Schließen ⦗355. Scientific! doch
nur in der Bedeutung, dies die dies Wort im Kopf of blockheadish British lawyers
haben kann, wo altmodische Classification, Definition etc als
scientific gilt. Vgl. übrigens 1)
Machiavelli
u.
2)
Linguet
.⦘
Bei Maine, S. 356: Hobbes […] speculated
on the origin of Government and Sovereignty. […] But Austin
barely enters on this enquiry; and indeed he occasionally,
though perhaps inadvertently, uses language which almost seems
to imply that Sovereignty and the conceptions dependent on it
have an a priori existence.
Schließen Ferner: Hobbes will
origin of Staat (Government u. »Sovereignty«
[)]
ergründen; dies Problem existirt für lawyer Austin nicht; für
ihn dies fact gewissermassen a priori vorhanden.
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Dies sagt Maine,
p. 356. Der unglückliche Maine selbst hat keine Ahnung davon, dass da wo Staaten existiren (after the primitive
Communities etc), i.e. eine politisch
organisirte Gesellschaft, der Staat keineswegs das
Prius ist; er scheint nur so.⦘
Zusatz von
Marx. Bei Maine, S. 357: how far the observed facts of human
nature and society bear out the assertions which are made or
seem to be made about Sovereignty by the Analytical Jurists. To
begin with, these assertions must be disentangled from one
another. The first of them is that, in every independent
community of men, there resides the power of acting with
irresistible force on the several members of that
community.
Schließen Herr Maine
bemerkt über Austin’s
Ausgabe der Hobbes’schen
»force« theory:
If all the members of the community had equal physical strength and were unarmed, the power would be a mere result from the superiority of numbers; but, as a matter of fact, various causes, of which much the most important have been the superior physical strength and the superior armament of portions of the community have conferred on numerical minorities the power of applying irresistible pressure to the individuals who make up the community as a whole. ([357,] 358)
Die assertion … which the great »Analytical Jurists« Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Bentham u.
Austin) cannot be
charged with making, but which some of their disciples go very near to
hazarding, that the Sovereign person or group actually wields the stored-up force of society by an uncontrolled
exercise of will, is certainly never in accordance with fact.
The vast mass of influences, which we may
call for shortness moral, Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗dies »moral« zeigt, wie wenig Maine von der Sache
versteht; soweit diese influences (economical before everything else) »moral« modus of existence besitzen, ist dies immer
ein abgeleiteter, secundärer modus u. nie das prius⦘ perpetually shapes, limits, or forbids the
actual direction of the forces of society by
its Sovereign. ([358,] 359) The Austinian
view of Sovereignty really ist – that it is the
result of Abstraction. Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗Maine ignores
das viel Tiefere: dass die scheinbare supreme
selbständige Existenz des Staats selbst
nur scheinbar u. dass er in allen seinen
Formen eine excrescence of society is;
wie seine Erscheinung selbst erst auf
einer gewissen Stufe der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung
vorkömmt, so verschwindet sie wieder, sobald
die Gesellschaft eine bisher noch nicht
erreichte Stufe erreicht hat. Erst Losreissung der
Individualität von den ursprünglich nicht despotischen Fesseln (wie blockhead Maine es
versteht), sondern befriedigenden u.
gemüthlichen Banden der Gruppe, der primitiven
Gemeinwesen, – u. damit die einseitige Herausarbeitung
der Individualität. Was aber die wahre Natur der letzteren zeigt
sich erst wenn wir den Inhalt – die
Interessen dieser »letzteren«
analysiren. Wir finden dann, dass diese Interessen selbst wieder
gewissen gesellschaftlichen Gruppen gemeinsame u. sie carakterisindere charakterisirende Interessen, Klasseninteressen
etc sind, also diese Individualität selbst Klassen- etc
Individualität ist u. diese in letzter Instanz haben alle ökonomische Bedingungen zur Basis. Auf
diesen als Basen baut sich der Staat auf u. setzt sie
voraus.⦘
[»]It is arrived at by throwing aside all
the characteristics and attributes of Government and Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (!) Society except one, and by connecting all forms of political
superiority together through their common
possession of force. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Das ist nich nicht der Grundfehler; dieser |192 ist, dass
die
political superiority, whatever its
peculiar shape, and whatever the ensemble of its elements, is
taken als etwas über der Gesellschaft stehendes, auf
sich selbst beruhendes.⦘ The elements neglected in the
process are always important, sometimes of extreme importance, for they
consist of all the Bei Maine,
S. 359: influences
Schließen elements controlling human action
except force directly applied or directly apprehended; Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen ⦗z. B. die bessere
Bewaffnung ist schon ein direct auf Fortschritt in den Productionsmitteln (diese
fallen z. B. bei Jagd u. Fischfang Direct direct zusammen mit Zerstörungsmitteln, Kriegsmitteln) beruhendes
Element⦘ but the operation of throwing them aside for purposes of classification is …
perfectly legitimate«. (359) We reject in the process of abstraction by
which the conception of Sovereignty is reached … the
entire history of each community … the mode in which the result has been arrived
at. (360)
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen Seine flache Kritik, die er unter zum Theil
richtig klingender Phraseologie verbirgt, windet sich ab erstens
in folgender Phrase: »It is its history (des Gemeinwesens),
the entire mass of its historical antecedents,
which in each community determines how the Sovereign shall exercise or
forbear from exercising his irresistible coercive power«, (p. 360) Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen aber diese ganze Geschichte löst sich bei Maine
in so called »moral elements« auf, denn er fährt wieder, als
echter Jurist u. Ideolog, unmittelbar
fort: »All that constitutes this – the whole enormous
aggregate of opinions, sentiments, beliefs,
superstitions, and prejudices of all
kinds, hereditary and acquired, some produced by institutions
and some by the constitution of human nature –
is rejected by the Analytical Jurists. And thus
it is that, so far as the restrictions contained in their definition of
Sovereignty are concerned, the Queen and Parliament of our own country
might direct all weakly children to be put [to] death or establish a system of lettres de cachet.« (p. 360) Zusatz von Marx. Marx meint vermutlich: An
Act for the better Protection of Person and Property in Ireland.
[2nd March, 1881.] (44 & 45 Vict., c. 4.) Sog. „coercion
acts“, d.h. Ausnahmegesetze zur Unterdrückung von Unruhen,
wurden für Irland seit dessen „Union“ mit Großbritannien 1801
vom Parlament in London erlassen. Die Geltung des Gesetzes von
1881 war bis zum 30. September 1882 befristet. Siehe Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft
1880/1881.
Schließen (such
as the English now have established by their coercion in bill in Irld (Dies geschrieben Juni
1888)[)]
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Gutes Beispiel der halbverrückte
Iwan IV.
Während wüthend gegen Bojaren u. auch
gegen rabble in Moskau, sucht er, u. muss er, sich halten als
Vertreter der
Bauerninteressen.⦘
Dagegen Bei Maine, S. 362: some of the assertions
made by him at which the beginner is most apt to stumble have
rather the air of self-evident propositions
Schließen werden die
»assertions« des Austin
»self-evident propositions«,
sobald man weiss dass »in his system the
determination of Sovereignty ought to precede the determination of Law«, it being once understood
»that the Austinian conception of Sovereignty
has been reached through mentally uniting all forms
of Government in a group by conceiving them
to be
stripped
of
every attribute except coercive force
« , and Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (hier zeigt sich wieder der Eselsfuss) when it
is steadily born borne in mind that the deductions from an abstract principle are never from the nature of the case completely
exemplified in facts«. (362)
Bei
Maine, S. 362: I dare say you are sufficiently acquainted with
his treatise to make it enough for me to mention some of these
propositions, without the amplifications which are necessary for
their perfectly accurate statement. – Siehe S. 346: A very
frequent effect of forcing on students […] a system or subject
which […] is repugnant to them is to make them regard it as so
much dogma, as something resting on the personal authority of
the writer with whose name it happens to be
associated.
Schließen Weitere Dogmen des Austin: »Jurisprudence is the science of Positive Law. Positive Laws are Commands, addressed by Sovereigns to their Subjects, imposing a Duty, or condition of obligedness, or obligation, on those
Subjects, and threatening a Sanction, or Penalty, in the event of disobedience to
Command. A Right is the faculty or power
conferred by the Sovereign on certain members of the community to draw
down the sanction on an a fellow-subject violating a Duty.« (362)
Kommentar von Marx. Bei Maine, S. 360/361:
The procedure of the Analytical Jurists is closely analogous to
that followed in mathematics and political economy. It is
strictly philosophical, but the practical value of all sciences
founded on abstractions depends on the relative importance of
the elements rejected and the elements retained in the process
of abstraction.
Schließen Alle diese kindischen Trivialitäten – Höchste
Obrigkeit ist, wer die
Macht hat zu zwingen, Positive Gesetze
sind Befehle der Obrigkeit an ihre Unterthanen; sie legt dadurch diesen
Unterthanen Verpflichtungen auf, u. dies ist Pflicht, u. droht mit Strafe für Ungehorsam gegen
den Befehl; Recht ist die
Macht welche die Obrigkeit gewissen Gliedern der
Gesellschaft überträgt pflichtwidrig handelnde
Gesellschaftsglieder zu strafen – dies Kindische,
u. viel mehr kann selbst ein
Hobbes
aus der blossen
obrigkeitlichen Gewaltstheorie nicht herausklauben – dies von
John
Austin
ernsthaft doctrinair Gepredigte
nennt Maine eine „Procedur“ der analytischen Juristen, die
closely analog sei mit der in Mathematik u. der
Politischen Oekonomie befolgten u. »strictly scientifick scientific«! |193 Alles dreht sich hier nur um
die
formelle Seite, die natürlich für einen
Juristen überall die Hauptsache.
»Sovereignty, for the purposes of Austin’s system, has no attribute but force, and consequently the view here taken of
„law“, „obligation“ u. „right“ is a view of them regarded exclusively as
products of coercive force. The „sanction“ Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (penalty) thus becomes the primary and most important
member of [the] series of notions and gives its
colour to all the others.« (363) Bei Maine, S. 363: Probably nobody ever
found a difficulty in allowing
Schließen Niemand, sagt
Maine, wird es
schwer finden dies zuzugeben (»allowing«) »that laws have the
character given to them by Austin, so far as such laws have proceeded
from formal Legislatures« (l.c.), Bei Maine, S. 363: But many persons, and
among them some men of powerful mind, have struggled against the
position that the great mass of legal rules which have never
been precribed by the organ of State […] are commands of the
Sovereign. The customary law
Schließen aber manche
Personen protestiren dagegen z. B. with regard »to the customary law of
all countries which have not included their law in Codes, and specially
the English Common Law[«]. (l.c.) The way
in which
Hobbes
and he Kommentar von Marx.
Anspielung auf den in der Komödie „Love’s
labour’s lost“ von William
Shakespeare von dem Clown Costard gespielten
Pompejus, der wiederum in Anspielung auf den historischen
Pompejus, der von
manchen Autoren „magnus“ (der große) genannt wurde, in einer
Szene (V, 2) „great Pompey“ bzw. „Greater than great, great,
great, great Pompey! Huge Pompey!“ tituliert wird. Marx hat
diese Anspielung auch sonst gerne verwendet, so 1842 in
„Debatten über Preßfreiheit“ (MEGA
I/1. S. 124.16–17: Großer, allergrößter Pompejus!)
oder in seinem Brief an Adolf Cluß vom 14. Juni 1853 (MEGA
III/6. S. 195: Großer Bürger Schläger! Allergrößter
Pompejus!). Siehe auch Heft
1882, die Sachanmerkung zu „Great, greatest Lubb!“.
Was den historischen Pompejus anging, bemerkte er in seinem
Brief an Engels vom 27. Februar 1861: „Pompejus reiner
Scheißkerl […] Shakespeare in seinem ‚Loves Labour
Lost‘ scheint eine Ahnung davon gehabt zu haben was P. wirklich
war.“ (MEGA III/11. Br. 243.54–64.) Laut seinem 1844
angefertigten Verzeichnis seiner Bücher besaß Marx damals eine
englische Ausgabe der Werke Shakespeares (MEGA
IV/3. S. 7.32). Wohl erst danach erwarb er auch
zumindest einzelne Bände einer deutschen Ausgabe. Beide sind in
dem von Roland Daniels im
Dezember 1850 angefertigten Verzeichnis der von Marx 1849 in
Köln zurückgelassenen Bücher aufgeführt (MEGA
IV/5. S. 302.10 und 302.30). Sie dürften zu den
Büchern gehört haben, die Marx Anfang 1861 zurückerhielt (siehe
MEGA
III/11. Nr. 96.8 und die Verweise in der
entsprechenden Sacherläuterung).
Schließen (Austin,
the great
Pompejus!)
bring
such bodies of rules as the Common Law under their system by insisting
on a maxim which is of vital importance to it: „Whatever the Sovereign permits, he commands[.]“ (p. 363) Until customs are enforced by
Courts of Justice, they are merely „positive morality“, rules enforced
by opinion, but, as soon as courts of Justice enforce them, they become
commands of the Sovereign, conveyed through the Judges who are his
delegates or deputies. (364) Kommentar von Marx.
Verweis von Marx auf seine Exzerpte aus dem Buch von Rudolph
Sohm auf den Seiten 155–159
des vorliegenden Hefts.
Schließen ⦗Hier Austin,
ohne es zu wissen (sieh oben
Sohm
p. 155–59) hat als engl. Jurist das engl. fact in
Knochen, dass die normänn. Könige in Engld
durch ihre normänn. courts of
justice erzwangen (Aenderungen in Rechtsverhältnissen),
die
sie auf legislativem Weg nicht hätten erzwingen
können.⦘
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen Der Herr Maine erklärt dies
weiter: »They command«
(die Sovereigns) what they permit, »because, being by the assumption possessed of uncontrollable
force, they could innovate without limit at any moment. The
Common law consists of their commands because they can repeal or alter
or re-state it at pleasure.« (364) Law is Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (by
Austin) regarded as regulated
force. (365)
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Der comfortable Maine glaubt: »The one
doctrine of this school of jurists which is repugnant to lawyers would
lose its air of paradox if an assumption were made which, in itself theoretically unobjectionable
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!), manifestly approximates to practical
truth as the course of history proceeds – the assumption that what the Sovereign might
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!)
alter, but does not alter, he commands.« (366) Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen Dies die
Mainesche Ausgabe von
Hobbes
u. his little man
Austin
. Dies blosse scholastische
Spielerei. Die Frage ist »what he might alter«. Nehmen wir selbst etwas juristisch
Formelles. »Laws«, ohne abgeschafft zu
werden, fallen in »desuetude«. Da
»positive laws« commands des Sovereign, so bleiben sie sein
command, so lange sie existiren. Da he not alters them – he
»might« do so, because the fact of their falling into
»desuetude« proves, that the social state has outgrown them:
shall we now say, that the he
commands them, because he does not
abrogate them, though he »might« do so, as Maine’s panacea runs;
or shall we say, that he commands them
to fall into »desuetude«, because he
does not enforce them? In that case he commands that his positive
commands shall not be obeyed, i.e. executed, which
shows that his »command« is a very imaginary, fictive sort of
command. Austin’s »
Bei Maine, S. 368: firm convinction of
the truth of his own ethical creed
Schließen own ethnical creed
… was Utilitarianism in its earlier shape«. (368.
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen
Benthamism
ganz würdig des Mannes)
The 2nd, 3d, and 4th Lectures (of Austin) are occupied with an attempt to identify the law of God and the law of
Nature (so far as these last words can be allowed to have any
meaning) with the rules required by the theory of
utility … the identification … is quite gratuitous and
valueless for any purpose. (369) The jurist, properly so called, has
nothing to do with any ideal standard of law or morals. (p. 370
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen Very true this! as little as theology
has!)
Lecture XIII. Sovereignty and Empire. Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Dies
letzte Lecture des Maine’schen Buchs)
The word „law“ has come down in close association with two notions, the notion of »order« and the notion of »force«. (371)|
194The principal writings of Austin are not much more than 40 years old. (373)
From the point of view of the Jurist, law is only associated with order through the necessary condition of every true law that it must prescribe a class of acts or omissions, or a number of acts and omissions determined generally; the law which prescribes a single act not being a true law, but being distinguished as an „occasional“ or „particular“ command. Law, thus defined and limited, is the subject-matter of Jurisprudence as conceived by the Analytical Jurists. (375)
Austin in his treatise examines »a number of existing governments or (as he would say), forms of political superiority and inferiority, for the purpose of determining the exact seat of sovereignty in each of them.« (375, 376)
Austin recognizes the existence of
communities, or aggregates of men, in which no dissection could disclose
a person or group answering to his definition of a Sovereigns Sovereign. D’abord, er, wie Hobbes
Bemerkung
von Marx.
Schließen (whose little man he is) fully allows that there is a state of anarchy. Wherever
such a state is found, the question of
Sovereignty is being actively fought out, u. er giebt als
Beispiel that which was never absent from Hobbes’s mind, the struggle
zwischen Charles I u. his
Parliament. An acute critic of Hobbes u. Austin, Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen der gewaltige
Fistjames Fitzjames Stephen
, insists that there is a
condition of dormant anarchy, z. B. United
States Zusatz von Marx. Siehe
Maine, S. 377.
Schließen (das Beispiel v.
Maine) before the War of Secession. (377)
Bemerkung von
Marx.
Schließen Dies alles most characteristic of »acute«
English jurists!
Bei Maine, S. 377: It
is a fact quite possible that
Schließen Grausser Maine seinerseits
declares »there may be
deliberate abstinence from fighting out a question known to be
undecided, and I Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (Maine him
selber!) see no objection to call the temporary
equilibrium thus produced a state of dormant anarchy.[«] (p. 377)
Austin further admits the theoretical
possibility of a state of nature; giebt ihm
nicht die Wichtigkeit wie Hobbes u. andre, aber allows his its existence, wherever a number of men, or of groups not numerous
enough to be political, have not as yet been brought under any common or
habitually acting Bei Maine, S. 378: authority
Schließen community.
(378)
Austin sagt, p. 237, Ist vol., 3d ed.:
„Let us suppose that a single family of savages lives in absolute
estrangement from every other community. And let us suppose that the
father, the chief of this isolated family, receives habitual obedience
from the mother and children. Now, since it is not a limb of another and
larger community, the society formed by the parents and children, is
clearly an independent society, and, since the
rest of its members habitually obey its chief, this independent society
would form a society political, in case the
number of its members were not extremely minute. But, since the number
of its members is extremely minute, it would, I
believe, be esteemed a society in a state of
nature; that is, a society consisting of
persons not in a state of subjection. Without an application of
the terms, which would somewhat smack of the ridiculous, we could hardly
style the society a society political and
independent, the imperative father and chief a monarch or sovereign, or the obedient
mother and children subjects.“
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (Sehr tiefe!)
[378, 379]
Kommentar von
Marx.
Schließen Dies so far Wasser auf die Mühle
Maine’s, »since, wie er sagt, the form of authority
about which it is made, the authority of the
Patriarch or Paterfamilias over his
family, is, at least according to one Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen (Maine’s
u. consorts) modern theory, the element or germ out of
which all permanent power of man over man has been gradually developed.«
(379)
Zusatz von
Marx.
Schließen Aber nun kommt Maine mit »schwerem
Geschütz«. Der
Punjaub, after passing durch every
conceivable phase of anarchy and dormant anarchy, fell, about 25 Jahre
vor seiner Annexation, under the tolerably |195 consolidated
dominion of a half military, half religious oligarchy, known as the
Sikhs; sie selbst reduced to subjection by a single chieftain belonging
to their order, Wahrscheinlich Ranjit Singh, Herrscher des
Punjabs.
Schließen Runjeet
Singh. Bei
Maine, S. 380: He was absolutely despotic
Schließen Dieser
allgewaltiger Despot. He took,
as his revenue, a prodigious share of the produce of the soil. He
harried villages which recalcitrated at his exactions, and he executed
great numbers of men. He levied great armies; he had all material of
power, and exercised it in various ways. But he never
made a law. The rules which regulated the life of his subjects
were derived from their immemorial usages, and these rules were
administered by domestic tribunals, in families or village-communities.
(380, 381) Runjeet Singh never did or could
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) have dreamed of changing the civil rules
under which his subjects lived. Probably he was as strong a believer in
the independent obligatory force of such rules as the elders themselves
who applied them. An Eastern or Indian theorist in law, to whom the
assertion was made that Runjeet Singh commanded
these rules, would“ etc feel it etc absurd etc. (382)
Dieser state des Punjab under Wahrscheinlich Ranjit Singh, Herrscher des
Punjabs.
Schließen Runjeet
Singh may be taken as the type of all Oriental
communities in their native state, during their rare intervals of peace
and order. They have ever been despotisms Bei
Maine, S. 382: and the commands
Schließen etc
die commands der despots at
their head, harsh and cruel as they might be, [have always
been] implicitly obeyed. But then these commands, save in
so far as they served to organize administrative
machinery for the collection of revenue, have not been true
laws; were of the class called by Austin occasional or particular commands. The truth is
that the one solvent of local and domestic usage
… has been not the command of the Sovereign but
the supposed command of the Deity. In India, the influence of the
Brahminical treatises on mixed law and religion in
sapping the old customary law of the country has always been
great, and in some particulars … it has become greater under English
rule. (382, 383)
Die
Assyrian, Babylonian, Median u. Persian Empires,
for occasional wars of conquest, levied vast armies from populations
spread over immense areas; Bei Maine, S. 384:
they exacted the most implicit obedience
Schließen verlangten absolute
obedience to their
occasional commands, punished disobedience with the utmost cruelty;
dethroned petty kings, transplanted whole communities etc. Aber mit all
dem interfered but little with the every day religious or civil life of
the groups to which their subjects belonged. The „royal statute“ and „firm decree“
preserved to us as a sample of „law of the Medes and
Persians which altereth not“, ist kein law in modernem Sinn,
sondern a „particular command“, a sudden, spasmodic, and temporary
interference with ancient multifarious usage left in general
undisturbed. Selbst das Athenian empire, so weit es nicht
Attica betraf, sondern die subject cities u. islands was
clearly a tax-taking Empire Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen wie die asiatischen, nicht a legislating Empire. (384, 385)
Bei Maine, S. 385: A new order of ideas on
the subject of
Schließen A new order of
legislation introduced into the world
durch das
empire of the Romans. ([385,]
386)
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen Nach dem Burschen Maine der
origin of the political communities called
States is that they were formed by the coalescence of groups, the original
group having been in no case smaller than
the patriarchal family. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen
(Again!)
Aber dies
coalescence was soon arrested. (386)
In a later stage, political communities … often of very great territorial extent, are constructed by one community conquering another or one chieftain, at the head of a single community or tribe, subjugating great masses of population. But … the separate local life of the small societies included in these great States was not extinguished or even much enfeebled. (386, 387)|
196The »completer trituration in modern societies of the groups which once lived with an independent life has proceeded concurrently with much greater activity in legislation.« (387)
If The the powers of the Village Council (später Athenian Ekklesia
etc[)] must be described by modern
names, that which lies most in the background is legislative power, that which is most distinctly conceived is
judicial powers power
. The laws obeyed are regarded as having always
existed, and usages really new are confounded with the really old. (388,
389) The village-communities of the Aryan Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen (!
again this nonsense!) race do not therefore exercise
true legislative power so long as they remain under primitive
influences. Nor again is legislative power exercised in any intelligible
sense of the words by the Sovereigns of those great
States, now confined to the East, which preserve the primitive
local groups most nearly intact. Legislation, as we
conceive it, and the break up of local life appear to have
universally gone on together. (389)
The Roman Empire was the source of the influences which have led, immediately or ultimately, to the formation of highly-centralised, actively legislating, States. It was the first great dominion which did not merely tax, but legislated also. The process was spread over many centuries. … its commencement and completion, I should place … roughly at the issue of the first Edictum Provinciale, and at the Extension of the Roman citizenship to all subjects of the Empire. But, in the result, a vast and miscellaneous mass of customary law was broken up and replaced by new institutions. … It (the Roman) Empire[)] devoured, brake in pieces, and stamped the residue with its feet. (390, 391)
Zusammenfassung von Marx. Siehe Maine, S. 391: The irruption of
the barbarian races into the Empire diffused through the
communities included in it a multitude of the primitive tribal
and village ideas which they had lost.
Schließen Dann wirkte das Roman Empire u. sein
law auf die neuen durch die Barbaren
gegründeten Reiche etc. (391)
Customary law … is not obeyed, as enacted law is
obeyed. When it obtains over small areas and in small natural groups,
the penal sanctions on which it depends are partly opinion, partly
superstition, but to a far greater extent an instinct almost as blind
and unconscious as that which produces some of the movements of our
bodies. The actual constraint which is required
to secure conformity with usage is unconceivably small. When, however,
the rules which have to be obeyed once emanate from an authority external to the small natural group
and forming no part of it, they wear a character wholly unlike that of a
customary rule. They lose the assistance of superstition Bemerkung
von Marx.
Schließen (par exemple Christian Religion, Roman
Church?), probably that of opinion, certainly that
of spontaneous impulse. The force at the back of law comes therefore to be purely coercive force to a degree quite unknown
in societies of the more primitive type. Moreover, in many communities,
this force has to act at a very great distance
from the bulk of the persons exposed to it, and thus the
Sovereign who wields it has to deal with great
classes of acts and with great classes of persons, rather than
with isolated acts and with individuals. Daher die
indifferency, inexorableness, u. generality ihrer »laws«. (392, 93)
Their generality (of the Laws) and their dependence on the coercive force
of a Sovereign are the result of the great territorial area of modern
States, of the comminution of the sub-groups which compose them, and
above all Bei Maine,
S. 394: of the example and influence of the Roman
Commonwealth
Schließen of the Roman
Commonwealth etc. (394)
We have heard of a village Hampden,
but a village Hobbes is
inconceivable. Flüchtet v. England wegen civil disturbance; auf
continent Bei Maine,
S. 395: the phenomena which he had to observe were
Schließen sah der
Bursche
governments rapidly centralising
Bemerkung
von Marx.
Schließen (i.e. was Maine zu tief zu sagen: Richelieu, Mazarin etc), local privileges und jurisdictions in
|197 extreme decay, the old historical bodies, such as the French
Parliaments, tending for the time to become furnaces of anarchy, the
only hope discoverable in kingly power. These were among the palpable
fruits of the wars which ended in the Peace of Westphalia. The old
multiform local activity of feudal or quasi-feudal society was
everywhere enfeebled or destroyed. Bemerkung
von Marx.
Schließen (Dagegen
hingegen
Locke
Holland vor Augen, ebenso wie
Petty)
Bei Maine,
S. 395: By the time Bentham wrote, and while he was writing, the
conditions which suggest the Analytical System of Jurisprudence
presented themselves still more distinctly.
Schließen Was dahingegen den graussen Bentham betrifft, was hatte er
hinter sich:
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Französ. Revol. u. Napoleon) A Sovereign who was a democrat
commenced, and a Sovereign who was a despot completed, the Codification of the laws of France. There had
never before in the modern world been so striking an exemplification of
the proposition that, what the Sovereign permits, he commands, because
he could at any time substitute an express command for his tacit
permission, nor so impressive a lesson in the far-reaching and on the
whole most beneficial results
Zusatz
von Marx.
Schließen (!) which might be expected from the
increased activity of Sovereigns in legislation proper. ([395,] 396)
|
Wie sich aus der unvollständigen Angabe der Seiten mit den Exzerpten aus
dem Buch von Maine ergibt, hat Marx dieses Inhaltsverzeichnis zu Beginn
oder während des Exzerpierens jenes Buchs angefertigt. Die
Manuskriptseite (Innenseite des hinteren Umschlagdeckels) wurde von
fremder Hand „201a“ numeriert. Marx hatte die Seiten des Hefts bereits
bis S. 260 numeriert und die Seiten 198–201 später für seine Exzerpte
aus dem Buch von Édouard Hospitalier „La physique moderne. Les
principales applications de l’électricité“ (2. éd. Paris 1882) – die in
MEGA
IV/31 (S. 467–473) veröffentlicht sind – benutzt (siehe Entstehung und Überlieferung zu Heft
1880/1881).
Schließen
[Inhaltsverzeichnis]
- 1) Lewis Morgan. „Ancient Society.“ London 1877. (p. 1–98)
- 2) J. W. B. Money. „Java etc.“ 2 v o ls. London 1861. (p. 99–127)
- 3) Sir J. Phear. „The Aryan village in India and Ceylon.“ 1880. (p. 128–155)
- 4) D. Rudolph Sohm „Fränkisches Recht u. Römisches Recht etc.“ (155–159)
- 5) Sir Henry Sumner Maine: „Lectures on the Early History of Institutions“. Lond. 1875. (p. 160–
Inhalt:
-
A)
Growth of
intelligence through inventions and
discoveries.
- Part
III.
- Part IV. (The Growth of the Idea of Property)
- Part II (Growth of the Idea of Government.) p. 47
- Ch. I. Organization of Society upon the Basis of
sex.
- P. II Ch. II The Iroquois Gens.
- Pt. II. Ch. III. The Iroquois Phratry.
- Pt. II Ch. IV The Iroquois Tribe.
- Pt. II Ch. V The Iroquois Confederacy.
- Pt. II. Ch. VI Gentes in other tribes of the Ganowánian
Family.
- Pt. II Ch. VII The Aztec Confederacy.
- Pt. II. Ch. VIII. The Grecian Gens.
- Pt. II) Ch. IX The Grecian Phratry, Tribe and
Nation.
- Pt. II. Ch. X. Institution of Grecian Political
Society.
- Pt. II. Ch. XI. The Roman Gens.
- Pt. II. Ch. XII: The Roman Curia, Tribe and Populus.
- Part II. Ch. XIII. The institution of Roman Political
Society.
- Pt. II. Ch. XIV. Change of Descent von Female to Male
Line.
- Pt. II. Ch. XV. Gentes in other tribes of the Human
family.
- Ch. I. Organization of Society upon the Basis of
sex.
-
I)
Modern Village Life in
Bengal.
- Ueber die Means der agricultural families in
Eastern Bengal: s
ie
h
Memorandum, dem Phear zugestellt von
Baboo
Ram Sundar
Basack
, of Dacca. Phear
giebts in »Appendix«, Note A
- II) The Agricultural
Economy
in Ceylon.
- III) Evolution of the Indo-Aryan Social and Land System.
Zitiervorschlag
Karl Marx: Heft 1880 bis 1881. In: Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe digital, Bd. IV/27, bearb. v. Jürgen Rojahn und Georgij Bagaturija unter Mitarbeit von Emanuela Conversano, hg. v. der Internationalen Marx-Engels-Stiftung. Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin. URL: https://megadigital.bbaw.de/M5176449. Abgerufen am 08.08.2026.