August 25, 1866. N. 1200.
The Economist, 25. August 1866. S. 993/994.
Gurney and Co. (limited.)
Nach dem Report der liquidators: even with the call (den sie noch nicht gemacht) they only propose 5 months after the failure of the Co. to pay its creditors a first dividend of 5s. in the £. Do not hint when the creditors are to have the remaining 15s. Die Liabilities of the estate theils those of creditors for money lent to the Co. und diese cannot be recovered from any 3d party; zweitens liabilities on acceptances and bills rediscounted by the Co.; davon part at least to be recovered from the parties to whom these acceptances were given, and from the parties whose names are on the bills. The account runs:
|to be repaid to the Co. in part at least.||£.|
|To Creditors on bills payable||200,000|
|in respect of bills rediscounted||1,050,000|
|Not to be repaid to the Co.|
|Creditors whose securities are insufficient||250,000|
|since 18. May.|
Against this the liquidators will have on 1 October immediately applicable:
|By call of 10l. a share||1,000,000|
The Economist, 25. August 1866. S. 995/996.
Is it better that the Banking reserve of a Country
be kept in Single Bank or distributed between several
In England and France, the banking reserve is kept by a single bank.
Country Bankers as a rule, only keep the minimum of cash sufficient for
their daily wants; their reserves, properly so called, i.e. their
extraordinary fund for extraordinary occasions, is held in Consols, Exchequerbills, money at the bill
brokers, and other like modes. London Bankers add to these a credit at the Banking department of [the Bank of] England. But these
so-called reserves are not money. They are but
means of getting cash. The only reserve of real cash against the banking
liabilities of the country |96 is the reserve in the banking department of
the B.o.E. Just so in France.
Its reserve both against The Economist: currency
Schließen current liabilities and note liabilities is the Bullion the B. o. France holds.
In America the main reserve of the Banks is not specie, but greenbacks. The Bank Accounts of the 59 New York City Banks (Associated Banks) for the week ending with the commencement of business on June 23, 1866, were:
|Loans and Discounts.||Specie dollars.||Circulation. (dollars)||Net Deposit dollars.||Legal tenders. dollars.|
The banks themselves have a small circulation, but as it amounts to only 1/9 of the total liability, we can easily suppose it forfeited to the Gvt., and sufficient sum struck off both sides of the account. The entire reserve would then be, as almost all of it is now, kept against the banking liability. The general result of the 59 Banks:
|Gvt. legal tender paper||16,168,102l. St.|
or more than 35% of the liabilities; a very satisfactory account if compared mit der insignificant proportion which the reserve in the banking departments bears to the total liabilities not of the B.o.E. only, but of this country. The reserve is distributed about equally between all the banks; those who have the greatest liabilities have the largest reserve, and umgekehrt. Here is an example of many banks, each of which keeps its own reserve.
A single bank, overtopping and overpowering all others, feels that its credit is too good to be questioned. The B.o.E. and the B. o. France know that happen what may they are sure to be in good credit. But when a considerable number of banks keep the reserve of a country, each feels that its position depends on its own prudence. If it does not keep a reserve which will meet the demands upon it, when those demands arise, it will fail.
Again, a number of banks are much more likely to be independent of State control than a single bank. A single predominant bank is always the banker of the Gvt. It is connected with it by relations the most intimate. It receives its taxes, advances its loans, gets to be called the national bank. The credit of the nation and the stability of Gvt. come to be borne up with its reputation, and in a time of difficulty the State must come to the aid of the bank. It will suspend an Act of 1844 or make an Act of 1819; it will authorise a suspension of cash payments; authorise everything necessary to enable the bank to continue its operations and do the business of the Gvt. Ist nicht the case mit any ordinary bank. It is not the basis of national credit, and could not be treated as if it was so.
The Economist, 25. August 1866. S. 1001/1002.
Indian News. (Money Market.)
Calcutta July 6. No fresh failures. Distrust continues very great. Discounts not obtained without difficulty. Business generally very restricted.
Madras. 13 July. The Bank of Madras rates for accommodation reduced 1%. Now 9% for advances on Gvt securities, 10% on 3 months private bills. No transactions reported. In fact business of all kinds suspended. Our principal exchange banks have decided upon reducing the currency of Indian document and other bills from 6 months’ to 4 months’ sight, from and after January 1, 1867.
The Economist, 25. August 1866. S. 1002–1004.
Money Market Movement.
Bank o. E. 22 August.
- Circulation: decrease of £436,301; ditto decrease of Priv. Securities 336,159.
- Increase: Private Deposits 638,194, Bullion 621,264; Reserve 979,239.
Discount Market. notes and gold sent in from the provinces at a period when, almost invariably, owing to harvest operations, withdrawn to meet the additional circulation exacted by so many diffused payments of coin.
Railways: Much disappointment in the declaration of dividends experienced, hence considerable variations in prices, besonders speculators.
Failure: Younghusband and Co, Australian Trade.
July 13, 1867. N. 1246
The Economist, 13. Juli 1867. S. 781–783.
Effect of Trades Unions upon Wages and
System of Trades Unions would in all probability raise wages. Supply is not the mere quantity of an article in the market for the moment. We must take into account the desires and needs of the suppliers. Great Western stock was, and, indeed, still is, above what figures show to be its fair value, because it was „well held“; that is, its proprietors had no need to sell at once, and could afford to take the chance of future improvement. Rice z.B. falls of off mit same supply und demand. In fact, some great holders of rice have large bills to meet, and so to clear his liabilities, he was forced to sell at a sacrifice. This mental element in „supply“ the most obvious fact about the moneymarket for months. Many good stocks und shares have been at an absurd discount, because the proprietors were very anxious to sell, either to pay off liabilities incurred, or because, having suffered much by bad shares, they wished to be „out of those things“ at any cost.
By accumulated funds and an organised concert, trades unions enable the working classes to remain unemployed if they choose; während der agricultural labourer, who has not a shilling beforehand, and who acts as an atom, cannot remain out of work or out of the poorhouse for a week. Abzuziehn the constant cost of the Trades’ Union und the occasional loss by strikes. But the expense of strikes is occasional, while the benefit of being a better seller is constant, and a very heavy cost in machinery and management will not seem too much to those who have watched in other markets how powerless weak sellers are, and how sure the price of the commodity is to go down when a large dealer has liabilities which he cannot meet unless he sells. The lock out by the masters is the plain and obvious reply to the strike by the men. The whole is a rough sort of bargaining, and the party which can hold out longest wins.
Labour has a law by which it is propagated; capital a law by which it is accumulated. Capitalists can by no combination force wages lower than the rate at which labourers choose to marry and have children. Labourers can by no combination force profits beyond a rate at which monied people think it worth while to go into business. But between these limits and at every particular instant, wages and profits are determined by a sort of wholesale „higgling of the market.“ As to wages, the chance is that a sudden and simultaneous introduction of a combination system among labourers in all trades would have a tendency to raise wages. As a rule, a new force favourable to one party to a bargain will help him to make a better bargain. Would such a general rise of wages raise, or tend to raise prices (of commodities)? Obviously not. A cause which operates generally upon, and equally upon, the cost of production of all articles, cannot affect the exchangeable value of money. A considerable disturbance might and would be caused. Articles into which the cost of hand labour entered largely would rise, and those into which the cost of such labour entered little, but the profit of fixed capital entered much, would fall in comparison. Aber dieß would altogether differ from a general augmentation of all prices. The average remains as it was.
Wenn aber Trades Union introduced into one single
trade, and that only, und
profits of capital hier only upon a level mit other trades, der
capitalist will withdraw capital as soon as he
begins to get less. Mit fixed capital geht das nicht (buildings
und machinery cannot be transferred from one trade to
another.) Aber das floating capital can
be transferred. The most profitable trades borrow most. Je mehr a trade
becomes less profitable, less inclined to borrow money to carry it on.
In dem particular trade daher, mit rise of wages, the
price of the special article must be forced
up, or capital will withdraw from the trade. Whether the price can be
forced up or not, depends on the taste
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!) of the public. In an article of prime necessity probably it could. In luxury articles an addition to the price causes a diminution of the demand, and can only be obtained by a diminution of the supply; and if the supply is to fall off, labour as well as capital, must leave the trade, and labour will not leave any trade till it is driven hence by bad wages. Also: Wages rise, and force up prices; then the demand slackens, and prices fall; then, in consequence of the fall of prices, wages go down. The |151 effect of Trades Unions upon such a trade is to cause disastrous fluctuations. In the case of articles of subsistence, their price will not at once fall, because the buyers must have them; but the labourers being more highly remunerated than in other trades, labour will flock thither; an extra quantity will be produced, and so both prices and labour will fall again. Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen ⦗Ass! More capital will be attracted, wenn the prices rise; daher more labour can be employed. Die workmen verwahren mehr necessities. Und in den luxury branches capital und labour withdrawn. In other words: The distribution of production changes.⦘
By the agency of a common cause operating upon all employments, wages may rise by a reduction of profits, and
yet prices be unaltered. Aber Union etc may occur at a time when the
trade is exceptionally profitable, and the capitalist gets more than
the common profit. The tendency to the equalisation of profits is a very
powerful tendency in all business, perhaps the strongest single
tendency. But still it is only a tendency. Water tends to find its
level, but still much water is always higher than other water, and on
that account is in motion to descend to the usual level. Just so the
profit in particular trades may, even for considerable periods, be
higher than in other trades, though a
perpetually acting cause tends to bring about an average and common
equality. If a Trade Union should be introduced into a trade at a period
of unusually elevated profits, it might raise wages without raising
profits. Profits being higher than usual, capital would Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (auch ohne Unions) come in and compete for that sort of labour Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!), and so its price would have risen. Rise will not be permanent, except the labourer was before earning less than the common rate of wages. If the Trades Union makes him earn more, other labour will come into the trade, und the rate of wages go down to the common level. Nevertheless, in such a case, the operation of Trades’ Union, even in a single trade, may be (and often has been) to raise wages without raising prices.
The Economist, 13. Juli 1867. S. 784/785.
The Diesen und andere Parlamentsberichte
zur Hungersnot von 1866 im indischen Orissa exzerpierte Marx
ungefähr im Sommer 1868 in „Heft 3. 1868“ der „Hefte zur
Agrikultur“ (MEGA² IV/18. S. 670–676).
Schließen blue book
on the Orissa Famine.
Orissa, a British Province, not 3 days’ steam from Bengal, and not 6 from Arracan, population of 3 mill. mit plenty of money, lost 1/4 of its numbers from sheer starvation. County isolated. Its resources in grain sufficient for ordinary years, but its isolation, preventing exports, prevented also the accumulation of stores. It was useless to grow more than a neighbourhood could eat in a year, for if an extra quantity was grown the money value of the new harvest proportionately declined. This money value of extreme value to the farmer, as he had to pay his rent in cash, which he gets only by the sale of his grain within a very limited area. Each farmer, therefore, grew what he and his dependents needed, plus a very small surplus value to non[-]agricultural persons, and plus a store adequate to his own support for a few months. At the same time, the labouring class of Orissa – the class without any land – was for India unusually large, probably 1/4 or 1/3 of the whole population. They were prosperous, the Ooreyahs, as they are called, occupying in Bengal just the position of Auvergnats in France, emigrating readily, and finding in the cities preferential employ as servants of almost all descriptions. Thrifty up to the Auvergnat point, 3 × more than Scotch cottiers, but, living on monthly wages, they of course store up nothing except cash. Harvest of 1864 bad, of 1865 totally failed. They had plenty of money but nothing to eat. To the last, the peasant proprietors managed to exist, each man hoarding some little store, and refusing to part with it at any price whatever.
The remedy for these dangers to increase irrigation, so as to prevent drought, the great Indian evil, which we have intensified by incessant felling of the forests, and to develop communication. Until roads are made the people will never store their grain to any great extent, for if they do they can never hope to sell it. Each township grows enough for itself, and a man with a 1000 bags of rice which he cannot move is just as poor as the man with only one – indeed poorer, for he has spent |152 labour on unprofitable works. This has repeatedly occurred in parts of India, notably in the Punjab, where the people, after an enormous harvest, have been unable to pay their rent. Nobody in the neighbourhood wanted their grain, and carriage to a distance was impossible, till it was in one instance at least officially reported that the wheat in the Punjab would feed the people for 3 years, and that there was consequently very much distress. Irrigation, railways, und besonders auch canals wanted.
The Economist 13. Juli 1867. S. 785/786.
Workhouse Reports. Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (Communal (self) Government.)
Kommentar von Marx.
Schließen Diese Scheisse wichtig, weil sie wieder zeigt, wie impossible local Gvt. in our state of things.
thick Blue Books (1867)
containing a history of the official inspection of the last 10 years.
Every workhouse in London visited yearly or oftener during that period.
The inspectors have noted down in the visitors’ books their exact
impressions of every workhouse. Zusammenfassung von Marx.
Schließen Und doch existirt die größte Scheisse ruhig fort. At the very time when „the Amateur Casual“ of the Pall Mall Gazette visited the Lambeth workhouse, Mr. Farnall certified that the wards provided there for the homeless poor were „good and sufficient“. Unangenehmer Posten der des Poor Law Inspector. If he finds too much fault, he sets the guardians against him, and exposes himself to the reproach of caring more for the poor than the ratepayers. To show the time required for the introduction of any scheme case of an idiot in Bermondsey workhouse: January 1861, his name is mentioned, and an amelioration of his treatment suggested. Met by a sneer in the answer of the medical officer of the workhouse. In Dec., 1862, the idiot again under discussion, recommended he should be removed into some proper institution. This recommendation brought before the guardians in a letter from the Poor Law Board; guardians reply that there is no reason for such a thing. Dec. 1864, same recommendation repeated by the Lunacy Commissioner, and again brought to notice of guardians. Febr. 1865, the medical officer of the workhouse reports that the idiot is better, where he is, but that, in deference to the Poor Law Board, his case shall be considered. In March 1865 same report (der Inspectors), the same suggestion, the same reply. Then, after 3 years’ delay, and 4 unsuccessful attempts on the part of the Poor Law Board, idiot removed to an asylum in November 1865.
Corresponding mit Stepney guardians wegen Bau of new workhouse. Letter from the Poor Law Board in September 1857. No answer. Second letter in December. Answer: Aber sie machen neue difficulty. Letter des Poor Law Board May 1858, repeated August. Answer: they are still considering the subject. Some more letters from the Poor Law Board; they send endlich their minutes about building a new workhouse. 20 October 1859, member gave notice that he would move for a committee to take the matter into consideration. 27 October motion was adjourned to 3d November. 3d Nov. no proceeding taken. 9 Febr. another motion substituted. 16 Febr. resolved to postpone the matter till election of the new board of guardians. 23 Feb. a motion put to take immediate action, and having thus been deliberated upon for 4 months, was lost. Mr. Farnall writes that defects of the Rotherhithe workhouse pointed out again and again „the guardians have for many years been earnestly solicited to build a new workhouse, but wholly without effect; still I hope, almost against hope, that they will see the real necessity which positively exists for such a step.“ Marylebone Workhouse – disgrace to such a wealthy parish. |153 In Bloomsbury, the inspector found one of the classes in school, being instructed by a monitor without breeches. In the same workhouse, the privies were so covered with filth, Febr. 1858, that Mr. Farnall could not go in to visit them[:] „the pavement, for at least 3 feet, was thus obstructed. One of the directors accompanied me, and will report this fact to the directors. I never remember seeing a more filthy display.“ Yet, in Dec. 1858, „the water closet which, at my last visit, was in a most filthy state, was equally dirty today“. In the Hackney workhouse, the bedrooms teem with bugs, and the damp and stench from the water-closets was most offensive. In two other workhouse workhouses, St. James’s, Westminster, and St. Martin-in-the-Fields, the want of basins for washing led to the use of chamber utensils for that purpose. In Lambeth „the drains are frequently in a defective state; the deadhouse is immediately under the flooring of a sickward for females, and the medical officer says: „The smell is sometimes terribly offensive; it is most atrocious.“ The dispenser says: „It is impossible for me to do the duties which involve upon me.“ Sample of the complaints made by inmates, and calling upon themselves the elaborate attention from the Poor Law Board, verbatim from the Blue Book: „Sain Margret and Sain John Workhouse Kensentone. Sur i humbeley big yore parding but i think upon outer no that we poor sols bees in danger of our lifes the luntik keeo (Keogh) been an cutt poor Metcafs throt (throat) the too doctors sowd him up an the poor feler ant ded yet i hope he wont be lett stop hear. i bees told that won of the womann lunatiks bees very denjors to. i bees your humbel servant. P. Hennks.“ Throughout the blue books (jedes 450 pages) too much deference is shown to the sovereign guardians, slight examples of good management are praised almost too fervently, while graver errors are passed by with a word of implied censure. These guardians think themselves important and indispensable, are conscious of their authority, and only neglect their duty; remember that they have powers when threatened with interference, and forget why they were charged with those powers when there is need for their exercise.
The Economist, 13. Juli 1867. S. 788.
Paris 10 July. Bankruptcy of
the banker of The Economist: Roubain
Liabilities 16,000,000 fcs, assets: 20,000,000f. Just condemned by the
Court of Lille to 5 years imprisonment
Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (![)] and 5000 3000 fcs. Zusatz von Marx.
Schließen (!) for swindling. His House enjoyed the highest reputation, so that an eminent banker declared: „any person inquiring about its credit would have been as much laughed at as if asked if the Rothschilds were solvent.“ Yet for 30 years in a most embarrassed position, and for a great many of them only existed by putting into circulation bills of exchange drawn by clerks, servants, women etc. Amongst the victims: Bank of France for 1,080,000 fcs, Lecuver et Co, bankers, for 1,650,000f. Fould et Co, for 1,650,000 fcs. Mallet et Co, for 300f. 300,000f. and several other bankers for sums of 420,000f., 350,000f. 240,000f. and so on.
Failure of W. Brunner et Co, New York, Manchester, et Bradford. Liabilities about 200,000l. Fairchild and Fanshaw Fanshawe , merchants in the American trade, have made composition with their creditors of 10s. in the pound.
Saturday. Jan. 6, 1866. N. 1167.
Jan. 13, 1866. N. 1168.
January 20, 1866. N. 1,169.
January 27, 1866. N. 1170.
- Saturday. Jan. 6, 1866. N. 1167.
February 3. 1866. N. 1171.
10 February 1866. N. 1172.
17 February 1866. N. 1173.
- 17 February 1866.
N. 1173. (Fortsetzung)
24 February 1866. N. 1174.
March 3. 1866. N. 1175.
10th March, 1866. N. 1176.
March 17, 1866. N. 1177.
24. March 1866. N. 1178.
31 March 1866. N. 1179.
April 7. 1866. N. 1180.
April 14. 1866. N. 1181
April 21. 1866. N. 1182.
- April 28, 1866. N. 1183.
5 May. 1866. N. 1189.
12 May. 1866. N. 1185.
May 19, 1866. N. 1186.
26 May 1866. N. 1187.
June 2. 1866. N. 1188.
June 9. 1866. N. 1189.
June 16. 1866. N. 1190.
23 June. 1866. N. 1191.
- June 30. 1866. N. 1192.
Saturday, 7 July 1866. N. 1193.
July 14, 1866. N. 1194.
July 21. 1866. N. 1195.
July 28, 1866. N. 1196.
4 August 1866. N. 1197.
- August 11. 1866. N. 1198.
August 18, 1866. N. 1199.
August 25, 1866. N. 1200.
Saturday September 1, 1866.
8 September 1866. N. 1202.
September 15. 1866. N. 1203.
September 22, 1866. N. 1204.
September 29. 1866. N. 1205.
October 6 1866. N. 1206.
October 13. 1866. N. 1207.
Saturday. October 20. 1866. N. 1208.
October 27. 1866.
November 3. 1866. N. 1210.
November 10. 1866. N. 1211.
November 17. 1866. N. 1212.
24 November 1866. N. 1213
1. December 1866. N. 1214.
December 8. 1866. N. 1215.
15 December. 1866. N. 1216.
22 December. 1866. N. 1217.
29 December 1866. N. 1218.
January 5, 1867. N. 1219.
January 12, 1867. N. 1220.
19 January, 1867. N. 1221.
- January 26, 1867. N. 1222.
2 February 1867. N. 1223.
- 9 February, 1867. N. 1224.
16 February. 1867. N. 1225.
23 February 1867. N. 1226.
2 March 1867. N. 1227.
9 March, 1867. N. 1228.
16 March 1867. N. 1229.
- March 23, 1867. N. 1230.
March 30. 1867. N. 1231.
April 6. 1867. N. 1232.
13 April. 1867. N. 1233.
20 April. 1867. N. 1234.
27 April. 1867. N. 1235.
May 4, 1867. N. 1236.
11; 1867. N. 1237.
May 18. 1867. N. 1238.
25 May, 1867. N. 1239.
June 1. 1867. N. 1240.
June 8. 1867. N. 1241.
June 15. 1867. N. 1242.
22 June 1867. N. 1243.
June 29. 1867. N. 1244.
July 6. 1867. N. 1245.
July 13, 1867. N. 1246
20 July 1867. N. 1247.
July 27. 1867. N. 1248.
3 August 1867. N. 1249.
10 August, 1867. N. 1250.
17 August, 1867. N. 1251.
August 24, 1867. N. 1252.
31 August. 1867 N. 1253.
September 14, 1867. N. 1255.
- 21 Sept. 1867. N. 1256.
September 28, 1867. N. 1257.
October 5, 1867. N. 1258.
October 12, 1867. N. 1259.
- October 19, 1867. N. 1260.
October 26, 1867. N. 1261.
November 2. 1867. N. 1262.
9 November 1867. N. 1263.
November 16, 1867. N. 1264.
Nov. 23. 1867. N. 1265.
- 30 November, 1867. N. 1266.
- 7 December 1867. N. 1267.
December 21, 1867. N. 1269.
- December 28, 1867. N. 1270.
- Saturday. May 19. 1866. N. 311. Panic.
Bank o. E.
- Money Market. (Reserve of B.o.E.)
- The Recent Panic and Bank Act Suspension.
- The Panic and its Remedy.
- What to do with the Act of 1844?
- The Times and the
- Investors Losses from „Bear“ Frights.
- The Stock Markets of the Week.
- The Limited Liability Act of 1862.
- Railways. (don’t pay)
- The Reports of the Asiatic Banking Co., and the Bank of Hindostan, China
and Japan (Limited.)
- The Economy of B.o.E. Notes. 1000£ Notes.
- Money Market. (Reserve of B.o.E.)
- May 26, 1866. N. 312.
- The Bank of England and the London Bankers in the
Lord Clarendon on
- Transfer of Business of the Bank of London to the Consolidated Bk.
- Loss in Investments since beginning of 1866 – May
- The Stock Markets of the Week.
- What is a Five-Twenty Bond? (Neue Art Convertibility for paper
- The Annual Circular of the American
Commercial Agency. (Vehmgericht)
- Act of 1844 and Bank of England.
- A Pluralist Director.
- The Directors of failed
- The Bank of England and the London Bankers in the Panic.
- June 2, 1866. N. 313.
Hubbard, M.P. On the Bank Act and the
Currency. (Letter to the Times on 14 May.)
- The Theory of Panic etc.
- Board of Trade Returns.
- The Consolidated Bank
- American Exchanges and Grain Trade.
- Pressure and securities.
- Variations between Prospectus and Articles. The
Russian Iron Works Co. (lim.)
- America. U. St. (Trade)
- John C. G. Hubbard, M.P. On the Bank Act and the Currency. (Letter to the Times on 14 May.)
- July 21, 1866. N. 320.
- 28 July 1866. N. 321.
- August 4. 1866. N. 322.
- 11 August, 1866. N. 323.
- August 18. 1868. N. 324.
- 25 August, 1866. N. 325.
- 1 Sept. 1866. N. 326.
- 8 September 1866. N. 327.
- Sept. 15, 1866. N. 328.
- 22 September, 1866 N. 329.
- 29 September 1866. N. 330.
- October 6, 1866. N. 331.
- 13 October. 1866. N. 332.
- 20 October, 1866. N. 333.
- 27 October 1866. N. 334.
- 10 November. 1866. N. 336.
- 17 November 1866. N. 337.
- 24 November, 1866.
- December 1. 1866. N. 339.
- 8 December 1866.
- December 15, 1866. N. 341.
- 22 December, 1866. N. 342.
- 29 December 1866. N. 343.
5 January, 1867. N. 344.
12 January 1867. N. 345.
Proposed Expansive Clause in the Bank Act of
Evidence of John Henry Gurney
and Mr. Robert
before Vice-Chancellor Malins.
Cotton Market. Past and Present.
Hankey: (formerly Governor of B.o.E.) „The Principles of Banking, its Utility
and Economy; with Remarks on
the Working and Management of the Bank of
- Proposed Expansive Clause in the Bank Act of 1844.
19 January, 1867. N. 346.
26 Jan. 1867. N. 347.
February 2, 1867. N. 348.
9 February, 1867. N. 349.
. N. 350.
23 February 1867. N. 351.
2 March 1867. N. 352.
The Joint Stock Co’s Directory for 1867. London.
Charles Barker et Sons. 8, Birchin-lane.
Overends. Report of Liquidators and Report of Defence
Leeman’s Bill respecting
Dealings in Bank Shares.
Limited Liability. High Nominal Shares.
London, Chatham and Dover
Plethora of money.
London, Chatham et
Investigation Committee) (Solicitors)
- The Joint Stock Co’s Directory for 1867. London. Charles Barker et Sons. 8, Birchin-lane.
9 March, 1867. N. 353.
March 16, 1867. N. 354.
23 March. 1867. N. 355.
30 March 1867. N. 356.
April 6. 1867. N. 357.
13 April 1867. N. 358.
April 20, 1867. N. 359.
April 27, 1867. N. 360.
May 4, 1867. N. 361.
11 May 1867. N. 362.
25 May. 1867. N. 364.
June 8, 1867. N. 366.
15 June. 1867. N. 367.
22 June 1867. N. 368.
29 June. 1867. N. 369.
July 6. 1867. N. 370.
July 13. 1867. N. 371.
July 20, 1867. N. 372.
July 27. 1867. N. 373.
August 3. 1867. N. 374.
August 10. 1867. N. 375.
August 17, 1867. N. 376.
August 31, 1867. N. 378.
14 September. 1867. N. 380.
21 September, 1867. N. 381.
28 September, 1867. N. 382.
Gold mines of Victoria. (Kitto: „The
Goldminers of Victoria.“ Lond. ’67)
Expropriation of Individual
Public Debt of Russia. Consul
- Robert Knight: Letter to the
Honourable Sir Stafford Northcote on
the Present Condition of Bombay. Lond.
Limited Liability Cos formed since
- Gold mines of Victoria. (Kitto: „The Goldminers of Victoria.“ Lond. ’67) Expropriation of Individual Labour. (Property)
5 October. 1867. N. 383.
Money Market Review. 12 Oct. 1867.
- 19 October 1867. N. 385.
, 1867. N. 386
9 November, 1867. N. 388
16 November 1867. N. 389.
- 23 November 1867. N. 390
7 December 1867. N. 392.
21 Dec. 1867. N. 394.
28 December 1867. N. 395.